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Well, this might not be considered the most conventional approach but, at so late a stage in the game and finding oneself between a rock and a hard place, what else can be made available at such short notice? You hereby accept The Times of Israel Terms of Use and Privacy Policy, and you agree to receive the latest news & offers from The Times of Israel and its partners or ad sponsors. Two weeks down and it seems as if the Premier League was never away, or at least that’s how Manchester City must be feeling. After taking apart new boys Swansea at home, City followed that game up with an impressive and hard fought win over last week’s big winners Bolton. It is Wolves who are snapping at the heels of the Citizens and could prove to be this year’s surprise package. With Tottenham and Everton inactive last weekend they took the bottom two places in the APL, a rather unfortunate anomaly that is likely to have affected QPR’s point tally this weekend. Arsenal’s start to the season has been riddled with injuries and misfortune, and nothing could have summed that up better then Liverpool’s opening goal on Saturday afternoon. Tottenham’s low league position didn’t do Manchester United any favours on Monday night as their 3-0 win only warranted a relatively low 6.02 point return.
In the NFL I sometimes pay attention to a stat called Quality Wins which can indicate the true strength or value of a teams W-L record. Recent Commentstony miller on Famous Musicians Who Are Mad Soccer Fanstony miller on Famous Musicians Who Are Mad Soccer FansChristopher Harris on DirecTV vs. I don’t have anything against them (in fact I love them), but I do have a suggestion for those building their website, or looking to launch a product with a membership site that will rapidly speed up your production, and allow you to bring in sales almost immediately without a traditional membership setup.
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Many Buyers have been affected by the tighter lending rules which are impacting a Sellers ability to sell their home!
The CE is for real estate only, however it is highly recommended for mortgage and title folks. Students will have an understanding of seller financing options for their buyers and sellers.
So many buyers have been affected by the new lending climate which has had a major impact on a sellers a ability to sell a home.
I wanted to take this opportunity to share my positive thoughts about the  Alternate Financing course recently taught by Rob Aubrey at the Salt Lake Board of Realtors. The key takeaway (there were many) was that I had very little understanding of the subject, the proper structures and inherent risks- and I have been in the financial world for 28 years! Unfortunately market conditions and lending guidelines are working against the best interest of both sellers and buyers. Lenders need to be accurate in their recommendations to ensure that the payoffs happen according to plan, and are therefore a key part of these transactions. I would suggest that this program should be a core course, since the need for it is growing so quickly and is expected to continue. Evidence continues to mount that industrial civilisation, driven by a destructive and insatiable growth imperative, is chronically unsustainable, as well as being grossly unjust.
Against this admittedly gloomy backdrop lies a heterogeneous tradition of critical theorists and activists promoting what could be called a ‘deep green’ alternative to the growth-orientated, industrial economy.
In this paper we do not seek to defend, as such, the ‘deep green’ alternative, but rather analyse the most prominent strategies that have been put forth to bring it into existence. It is somewhat misleading, of course, to talk of the deep green alternative, or the deep green school, when in fact there are really a multitude of deep green alternatives, each of which acknowledge the context-dependency of any form of life. At the heart of the deep green alternative is the recognition that a just and sustainable way of life, on a finite planet, must be based on material sufficiency and frugality, not material affluence (Alexander, 2013a). It must also be acknowledged, however, that this vision does not imagine that flourishing lifestyles of radical simplicity could easily arise within existing economic, political and social structures. Having outlined a general vision of the deep green alternative, we now wish to look more closely at the question of transition; that is, at the question of how to realise the alternative outlined. Our economic and financial system… is a tool that we have developed and that reflects our goals and values. Our addiction to growth is a complex phenomenon, one that can’t be blamed on a single economic model or philosophy. According to Gilding, economic growth and the debt crisis are not, ultimately, due to the systemic working of capitalism but rather, the values and ideas that citizens have chosen to adopt. Moves towards shaping this new culture require efforts at all levels of civil society, as well as within business and government.
Within the Transition Towns movement in particular there is a strong emphasis on not being too prescriptive. Many radical reformists have begun to think through how grassroots action could influence public policy more decisively.
Eventually, most radical reformists believe state and federal government will need to pursue radical policy change. Reformists are aware that these proposals would require almost unprecedented levels of government regulation – a far cry from today’s globalised neo-liberalism.
Again this is because, for radical reformists, the core problem does not lie inherently within the market economy and private production. That said, if a radical reformist movement were ever to build serious momentum and influence, conflict and hostility would seem inevitable.
More challengingly, eco-socialists and eco-anarchists, as we will now see, argue that reformism – even if it were vigorously pursued – is inherently incapable of achieving the transition to a deep green society. Millions of people must realize that overcoming the crises and, in the end, ensuring the survival of mankind, are not possible as long as capitalism continues to exist. In normal times, growth at the micro level of the firm results in growth across the entire economy. On the question of what activists should be doing right now, however, radical reformists and eco-socialists have much in common.
Some eco-socialists would also agree with reformists that, in the short term, liberal-democratic governments must be pressured into making radical reforms.
In the long term eco-socialists believe the deep green vision can only finally be achieved through a socialist revolution. A crucial question that arises is who or what would be the agent of this ‘newly conceived socialism’? Eco-socialists argue this type of transition could never win broad based political support, particularly among workers.
The only realistic approach in creating a new society beyond the market economy and the nation-state… is a political strategy that comprises the gradual involvement of increasing numbers of people in a new kind of politics and the parallel shifting of economic resources (labor, land, capital) away from the market economy. Eco-anarchists, however, share a different ultimate goal to eco-socialists in that they want to end, or at least minimise, political hierarchy; that is the situation in which some have greater power over political decisions than others. But apart from ideological opposition to the state, eco-anarchists offer practical reasons why the centralised state, by its very nature, will be unable run satisfactory decentralised and localised economies, which will be non-negotiable elements of any future ecological society, from the eco-anarchist perspective (Trainer, 2010a).
Neither, argues Trainer, will it be ideal for these new local economies to be run by a few representatives or powerful rulers (Trainer, 2010a: ch 6). We must, however, separate out the eco-anarchist goal of radical self-government – which many today would see as unfeasible – from the eco-anarchist perspective on transition. Eco-anarchists usually offer specific suggestions on the type of local initiatives that make most sense. Another eco-anarchist, Takis Fotopoulos, while endorsing such local initiatives, puts far more emphasis on engaging with local politics (Fotopoulos, 1997:Ch 7). At this point, one may ask, how does this ‘pre-figuring’ strategy differ, in practice, from the local projects promoted by reformists, such as Transition Towns, LETS, and permaculture?
Eco-anarchists believe these local initiatives must eventually become part of a global revolutionary movement – though everywhere acting locally – aimed at the achievement of a zero-growth economy embedded within new self-governing and highly self-sufficient communities and economies, emerging from within present-day towns and suburbs.
It is important to point out finally, that eco-anarchists are not so naive as to think this grassroots renewal will occur, on a large scale, simply through a voluntary retreat from consumer society. Both reformists and eco-socialists would criticise eco-anarchists for underestimating the importance of the state in an effective transition. For eco-anarchists, regardless of whether a radical grassroots transition is likely, it offers us our best chance in a bad situation. The Deep Green Resistance (DGR) has been a controversial movement arising out of the United States and headed by key thinkers such as Aric McBay, Lierre Keith and Derrick Jensen (Jensen et al , 2011). The fundamental belief underlying the DGR strategy is that there is neither the time nor the will, among the vast majority of the population, for a mass movement. Much of DGRs pessimism derives from what they see as the liberal assumptions underpinning the environmental movement (Jensen et al , 2011: Ch 3). DEW will give the global rich an opportunity to realize the vulnerability inherent in their dependence on industrial civilization and start rebuilding the resilient communities that is the core project of the Transition Towns movement ( Jensen et al , 2011: 503). In response, some DGR activists would insist that the moral imperative is not to build (an unlikely) mass movement, but bring down our destructive civilisation as soon as possible.
The eco-socialist Ian Angus argues recent history suggests militant tactics are unlikely to succeed.
According to Cogent Research, 29% of advisors who use alternative assets or strategies expect to raise their ETF allocations, whereas only 17% plan to utilize more mutual fund products. The opinions and forecasts expressed herein are solely those of Tom Lydon, and may not actually come to pass. Find out what you can do to reduce energy costs and save the environment with a few easy and intelligent energy saving ideas for home. With the help of a few energy saving ideas for business, owners can ensure the profit of their company and reduce negative effects on the environment. In the ancient times people used geothermal energy for cooking and bathing, without even wondering about what is geothermal energy or how does geothermal energy work. You can make use of the wind generators for home use, if you are interested in cutting down your electricity bills, or ..
It is much easier to simply buy biodiesel trucks and cars rather than trying to go through the process of converting your current vehicle to handle the fuel. As indicated by their name, wind power generators make use of wind energy for generating electric power. Human civilization has started realizing how much harm they have already caused to the environment; and when it comes to take a stand against these environmental problems, the focus shifts to the use of alternative energy sources. Alternative energy sources can be implemented for houses, for cars, factories and any other facility you can imagine.
The potential energy stored in the water held in dams by is made to drive a water turbine and generator which in turn produces electric power.
The power of the wind is harnessed to propel the blades of wind turbine attached to an electric generator to generate wind energy. This is the energy developed from the wastes of various human and animal activities like the by-products and wastes from timber industry, agricultural yields, municipal solid waste etc. To answer the question of which Alternative Energy Source have been brought to picture newly, you should understand that as you are reading this, there are developments being carried on to find more and more alternative energy sources.
As promising as the use of alternative sources of energy may sound, it is still under research as to how to tap energy from these resources in the most efficient and effective way.
Many countries are not yet ready to move from using conventional energy sources to the alternative energy sources as it involves a huge amount to decommission the old power generation infrastructure and establish a new infrastructure.
Alternative energy sources are available free of cost and do not tax the environment for their usage. The damage that we have caused to earth after the industrial revolution is huge and we will have to take action immediately if we want to keep the planet sustainable for our future generations.
They are free of cost means, they are renewable as the governments won’t have to pay for resources such as oil, coal. The opinions, facts and any media content here are presented solely by the author, and The Times of Israel assumes no responsibility for them.
Mick McCarthy has a good team of hard working players at his disposal and they proved against Fulham that last week’s win may not have been a fluke. Everton are habitual bad starters but it is unlikely that, had they played last week, they would have finished the round of fixtures in last place.
The Reds on the other hand were confident and looked dangerous throughout and a 0-2 away win was the least that they deserved for their display. However this low league position will also be reflected in Manchester City’s score next weekend as they are next up for Spurs – things don’t get any easier for Harry Redknapp’s men! I’m hoping that as the weeks progress people will get a good idea of how things are done and what the the projected scores will be. I still think though, that without an actual explanation of how you arrive at the points totals, any discussion is pretty much impossible. Your business running smoothly is the idea, and starting with less complexity can be a good start.
Seller financing is becoming a much bigger part or our collective business and agents need to be educated as to the specifics so they can provide better counsel to their clients. This is a great way to get sellers a little more money if their equity is slim, or get buyers that are having a hard time getting financing into a home. The global economy is in ecological overshoot, currently consuming resources and emitting waste at rates the planet cannot possibly sustain (Global Footprint Network 2013).
In other words, we take the vision outlined below for granted – we assume a deep green alternative is necessary – and critically analyse how such an alternative may be realised. High-consumption lifestyles can never be universalised, even if the global economy were to transition to renewable systems of energy (Trainer, 2012).
Obviously, this question would have to be answered depending on context, but some broad comments can be made for present purposes. For it is not enough, of course, to be able to describe the nature of a just and sustainable society. People do not worry about the future, but only about their current problems… And when for many people the future does not matter, they will create an economic and financial system that destroys the future. It is not the fault of capitalism or Western democracy, and it is not a conspiracy of the global corporate sector or the rich … Growth goes to the core of the society we have built because it is the result of who we are and what we have decided to value (Gilding, 2011: 66).
It follows that the central task for transition is a cultural revolution – an over-turning of presently dominant competitive and individualistic values and ideas – to be replaced by a culture that fosters healthy relationships, community building, and rewards altruism and simple living (Latouche, 2009: 34). At the household level, individuals and families are encouraged to downshift and simplify lifestyles. Together these movements are beginning the process of re-localising food, decarbonising energy production, and developing the embryo of a new informal economy based on sharing and gifting within neighborhoods, suburbs and towns.
Gilding, for example, sees a need to go far beyond carbon trading or taxes to reduce carbon emissions as quickly and deeply as the science requires (Gilding, 2011). At present, however, very few socialists – even among those who are concerned about the environmental crises – have adopted the deep green vision. Capitalist firms enter the market in order to sell commodities in competition with other firms. Critics of socialism, of course, would question whether such a non-market economy could in fact be compatible with a truly democratic state (Friedman, 1982). Eco-socialists, John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, for example, propose a long list of reforms, similar to those listed previously, which should form the basis of green campaigns (Foster and Magdoff, 2011: 126-130). They disagree with reformists that a revolution in values and ideas, coupled with parliamentary reform, will be sufficient; systemic economic change away from the fundamental structures of market capitalism is also required.
Only when widespread cultural influence had been attained could a serious attempt be made by an eco-socialist party to win democratic elections.
Traditionally, the socialist movement has placed its hope in the working class, as the only social agency with both the interest and the potential power, to end capitalist exploitation and create a classless society.


As we saw above, radical reformists advocate for a gradual reduction in resource and energy consumption through the imposition of steadily lowering resource caps, while allowing markets to continue to determine resource allocation.
If allocation was left to market forces, lower income groups and unskilled workers would also be hit hardest by rising costs of food and other basic living items.
This would only be conceivable if the burden and sacrifices were shared out equally among all, and nobody was left without economic security.
Recent polls in the USA, for example, indicate high levels of support for socialism among the young, increasing significantly since the 2008 global financial crisis.
The aim of such a transitional strategy should be to create changes in the institutional framework and value systems that, after a period of tension between the new institutions and the state, would, at some stage, replace the market economy and statist democracy. For the purposes of this paper it refers to those anarchist thinkers who adopt core elements of the deep green vision. This, among other things, leads to their rejection of the centralised state, even in the form of representative democracy.
These economies will require a high degree of self-sufficiency, using local resources to meet local needs. In conditions of resource and energy scarcity only a society based on high levels of co-operation and collectivism will result in rules and procedures that work out well for all. Their ideas on transition are extremely important for all deep greens to consider, regardless of whether the ultimate goal is adopted. Rather than wait for the revolution to be pushed through by the state, the idea is to start building elements of the new society here and now. Trainer believes the focus should be on the creation of Community Development Co-operatives (CDCs) within towns and suburbs (Trainer, 2010a: Ch 14). According to Fotopoulos, after a long period of spreading radical ideas, efforts should be made to win local council or municipal elections.
The vast majority of people will only start to look for alternatives when financial difficulties begin to impact on them directly. Many would view the vision for a self-governing non-hierarchical society as hopelessly impracticable and unworkable. In a debate with Trainer, Rob Hopkins (2009) expressed concern that framing the transition in such terms would put every constituency, including business, government and workers, offside. And this remains the case regardless of whether one sees a vital role for a centralised state. In terms of political outlook, DGR would share much in common with the eco-anarchists, though the movement has been criticised by many anarchists.
Grassroots sustainability initiatives, in the DGR view, will therefore never be enough to stop the ongoing ecological calamity. No amount of awareness raising or inspiring examples of sustainable living can take the place of a culture which is systematically focused on resisting the plans and projects of the powerful. Above ground activists are to engage in many of the same activities promoted in the previous sections. Most obviously, many would be deeply concerned about the potential direct and indirect harm caused by militant attacks on infrastructure. One might, therefore, ask whether there is a moral contradiction built into the DGR strategy. The attacks on property carried out by groups such as Earth Liberation Front, Earth First!, and Animal Liberation Front, have failed to further green politics in any positive way. They remind us that the fate of not just humans but innumerable species rests on whether we can make a relatively rapid transition to a new type of society.
More investors are moving into nontraditional asset classes beyond stocks and bonds in search of return, yield and diversification. Information on this site should not be used or construed as an offer to sell, a solicitation of an offer to buy, or a recommendation for any product. Interestingly, centuries ago, people used mills that were powered by wind for drawing out the water and for pounding grain.
Scientists around the world are researching on developing and discovering new Alternative Energy Sources so that the growing energy needs of human population can be met more easily, safely and efficiently. This is one of the most promising alternative energy sources, which will be available to the mankind for centuries to come. Wind energy is an effective alternative source of energy in areas where the velocity of wind flow is high. Out of the many alternative sources of energy this is the one which takes into account the utilization of waste material to develop energy thereby disposing them off in a profitable and effective way. Hot rocks residing in the core of earth heat water which emits the surface of the earth with pressure and as steam. Although small power generation systems can be put in place but power production from these resources on a large scale is still a challenge with hydroelectric power generation being an exception. The biggest leap that mankind can take to prevent further damage is to start using alternative energy sources.
Fulham never got a look in as goals from Kevin Doyle and Matt Jarvis earned the men in old gold 6.45 points.
But any points right now are good points for Neil Warnock’s men and a total of 6.34 points from that win sees them rise up to tenth in the table.
We are always looking for news ways to create and keep business and this ciriculum will be at the for-front of our industry.
Peak oil is but the most prominent example of a more general situation of looming resource scarcity (Klare, 2012), with high oil prices having a debilitating effect on the oil-dependent economies which are seemingly dependent on cheap oil to maintain historic rates of growth (Heinberg, 2011). Tinkering with or softening its margins – that is, any attempt to give capitalism a ‘human face’ – is not going to come close to addressing the problems we, the human species, are confronted with. We begin in the next section by outlining the deep green vision with a very broad brush, in order to give the more critical and substantive sections some context. For present purposes it is the general agreement that interests us, rather than the matters of detail or substance about which disagreement does, and forever may, exist. Steb Fisher (2013) has recently estimated that affluent countries such as Australia must reduce energy and material consumption to 6 per cent of current levels in order to end the current holocaust of species extinction and for humanity to have a good chance of long-term survival.
In order for a sufficiency-based economy to function in desirable ways, a fundamental reevaluation of existing systems and structures is required.
As much food as possible would be produced locally and organically, in order to minimise or eliminate fossil fuel dependency and build resilience and self-reliance (Hopkins, 2010). It is equally necessary to consider strategic issues about how to mobilise communities and destabilise existing power structures for the purpose of bringing such a society into existence. According to this view, ideas and values shape and mold social structures, rather than the other way around.
This in turn will pressure governments to make the radical policy shifts required for the deep green vision to be realised (assuming democracies are functioning sufficiently well).
There is evidence this process has begun with nationwide surveys indicating a quarter of Australian and British middle-aged adults downshifting in the ten years prior to 2001 (Hamilton and Breakspear, 2003a; Hamilton and Breakspear, 2003b). Examples include community gardens, farmers’ markets, local currencies, co-housing projects, recycling schemes, and skill sharing networks. There is minimal direction given on the actual projects that should be attempted and in what order. Initially efforts should be made to target local councils, which sometimes have a strong base of green support.
It is, obviously, easier to build mass support for such a vision than try to build support for the even more radical proposals considered below.
Such measures will almost certainly be vigorously opposed, ideologically and by force if necessary, by elite groups and most governments. But there are now a growing number of eco-socialists such as Saral Sarkar (1999), Richard Smith (2010) and John Bellamy Foster (2010) who recognise that today any socialism worthy of the name will inevitably require a challenge to current levels of industrialism and affluence. Thus, to remain viable all firms must constantly re-invest their profits in order to maximise economic expansion. They argue that making such demands will push capitalism to its limits, leading to tension and conflict and eventually raising consciousness on the need for more far-reaching change in terms of the underlying property system (Foster & Magdoff, 2011). This would be particularly necessary given today’s high levels of global economic integration.
Eco-socialists point out major difficulties with this scenario (Smith, 2010; Sarkar, 1999).
Furthermore, as Richard Smith (2010) points out, environmental and social outcomes, if left to the market, would not necessarily be equitable. This would require rationing of goods and services, deliberate planning of investment and employment, and price controls.
Once the contraction has occurred, however, the new decentralised and simplified eco-socialist economy will be more amenable to extensive democratic input from the broader population, both within firms and local community planning bodies. Eco-anarchists share much in common with eco-socialists in terms of their critique of capitalism. They point to the failure of state socialism, as evidence of the inevitable corruption that takes place when political and economic power is concentrated in the hands of a centralised state bureaucracy. This will involve a great deal of variation from locality to locality, resulting in a diverse range of rules, procedures and arrangements. But, of course, co-operation and collectivism depends on at least the majority of people being contented with the running of their locality.
The core point made by eco-anarchists – in contrast to the previous two approaches – is that they do not believe it makes sense to take state power, as a means of achieving the transition.
The CDCs will be tiny at first, seeking to undertake small, seemingly insignificant, projects. If successful, the winning candidate would then rescind and devolve power to local citizen assemblies.
Trainer encourages activists to get involved with local initiatives, but with this bigger picture in mind. But when this happens, people will increasingly be searching for alternatives and a radical local movement must be ready to fill the vacuum in order to have a decisive influence over the course of events.
The result would be marginalisation and impotence for the movement, which would then achieve nothing of significance. For them, the problems are far too urgent to wait until the unlikely time when a grassroots anarchist movement seriously challenges the cultural, economic and political landscape.
In their view, the question of taking state power, or indeed campaigning and building political parties, is irrelevant both now and for the foreseeable future.
This will only prolong the inevitable collapse, which will be worse the longer it is drawn out. Social change is believed to come about through a process of rational argument and education, persuading individuals to adopt green lifestyles or campaign for sensible government policy. But, although building such a culture will be necessary for success, they hold out no hope that more a small minority of today’s affluent citizens will join. There is a strong focus on engaging in acts of non-violent direct action, such as blockades, protests and demonstrations.
Apart from the direct harm, the consequences of such action are totally unpredictable, and potentially devastating. Does it make sense to use violence as a means of ending the systemic violence inflicted by industrial-capitalism? Such tactics are, in general, counter-productive, particularly when they are used in isolation from a mass base of popular support. They force us to consider the lengths we are prepared to go to, in order to turn the situation around. Here is a list of Alternative Energy Sources which will help us maintain the balance of nature without causing it much harm as compared to the conventional energy sources. Out of all the alternative energy sources, this one has been most commonly adopted in the current time. Apart from the commonly known alternative energy sources there have been recent advancements in terms of discovering new alternative energy sources to add to the list of alternative energy sources. Since we know about how the position of moon changes we can predict the rise and fall of tides. If we shift to use power generated from these sources, then carbon dioxide emission from the conventional energy sources will be greatly reduced, and the problem of global warming will be solved in a few years. With all the restrictions and road blocks that have been put up these days I am happy to see the light.
At the same time, great multitudes around the globe live lives of material destitution, representing a vast, marginalised segment of humanity that justifiably seeks to expand its economic capacities in some form (World Bank, 2008). What is needed, this tradition variously maintains, is a radically alternative way of living on the Earth – something ‘wholly other’ to the ways of industrialisation, consumerism, and limitless growth.
Even allowing for some uncertainty in such estimates, the sheer scale of overshoot suggests that sustainability is not simply about people in consumer societies taking shorter showers, turning off the lights, and composting, necessary though those practices may be. Primarily, this involves moving away from a growth-orientated economy and embracing a zero-growth economy which operates within the sustainable carrying capacity of local and global ecosystems. This would involve a vast increase in urban agriculture, with all growing spaces cultivated, as well as the development of farms on the urban periphery. Though this has been the subject of criticism (Trainer 2010a), the movement founders consider it to be a virtue. This would work in a similar way to the Australian Labor Party’s recently implemented (yet soon to be abolished) carbon scheme, though obviously much more comprehensive and with far deeper cuts.
We will still need competition, we will still want ideas and innovation to flourish and we will want capital allocated as efficiently as possible.
This is particularly the case with localised movements such as Transition Towns, slow-food and permaculture.
They can do this, for example, by investing in labor saving technologies, exploiting cheap labor and resources, maximising the sales effort through marketing, and increasing the scale of production, in order to benefit from economies of scale (Smith, 2010). Eco-socialists therefore agree, up to a point, that achieving a radical shift in values among ordinary people is necessary.
For these reasons there is a strong basis for reformist and socialist activists to work together on environmental and social campaigns, even if significant differences exist about the ultimate nature of the alternative society, including the nature of transformation. This must begin firstly with a widespread attempt, using all means possible, to de-legitimise capitalism (Sarkar and Bruno, 2008).
But, as Sarkar makes clear, eco-socialism can no longer promise the working class, at least in affluent societies, increased shares of wealth and income, which has, historically, been the raison d’etre of the union movement. And, for this same reason, most eco-socialists cannot stomach Sarkar’s strategic ambivalence towards the working class. And this is the case despite the fact that very few socialists have incorporated the limits to growth into their politics.
Socialists are also encouraged by the turn to the left across Latin America in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Brazil and Nicaragua. Furthermore, power, according to anarchists, not only corrupts those who monopolise it; it demoralises those without it. In these novel circumstances, Trainer argues, it will only be ordinary people, at the local level, who will be capable of satisfactorily running their own local economies. This, in turn, will require that everyone has a say over the decisions that impact him or her. Even if one thinks the democratic state will have a major role to play in the new society, it will surely be incapable or unwilling to carry the transition unless and until a critical mass of citizens have first come to support the necessary changes.
Of course, most eco-anarchists are realistic enough to recognise that this process will, inevitably, involve lobbying councils or NGOs and, eventually states, in order to change legislation and perhaps provide needed funding for local projects.
If we don’t plunge into building such an economy we will probably not survive in the coming age of scarcity (Trainer, 2010b). The CDCs could begin by growing food in a community garden, creating tool-sharing systems, baking bread, or repairing old furniture, bicycles and appliances. The assemblies would then be in a position to give decisive support to a new model of economic development that breaks with the market economy and its growth dynamic.
They would have no issue with current attempts to build community gardens, develop co-housing arrangements, initiate sharing and gifting economies and, indeed, for individuals and families to downshift. They should attempt to persuade their fellow participants that these projects must form part of a larger revolutionary project (Trainer, 2010a).


Only if a pre-emptive radical economy and culture has been developed, argue eco-anarchists, can we have reasonable hope of avoiding chaotic breakdown and descent into a new dark age. Many would believe that some kind of coercive state apparatus is necessary to maintain social order.
Brian Davey (2009) worries that such a radical agenda risks overwhelming activists, many of whom are struggling to establish small-scale initiatives that, presently at least, seem anything but revolutionary. For a crisis of this scale, it is argued, the centralised state – and indeed global institutions – will be necessary to push things through, sadly, often against the will of many. Transition to a deep green society can and will only take place after a grassroots process of radical economic, political and cultural change has gathered momentum. They are trying to stop the burning of fossil fuels and industrial-scale destruction of the life support systems of their planet (Keith, 2011: 499).
The desire to stop the ongoing mass extinction of species provides a critical moral incentive for the DGR activists. Whether DGR activists like it or not, today, most people depend on industrial society for their livelihood, and even mild disruption could have unforeseeable consequences. This is certainly the case with deep greens that, today, certainly cannot claim mass support for dismantling consumer-capitalist society. Alternative sources of energy are the ones which do not cause any undesirable consequences to the environment, are renewable and are free! The solar power generation is done by using a series of photovoltaic cells where the solar rays are converted into electricity. This rise and fall of tides can be utilized by setting up small dams and passing water through the turbines to generate power. Biodiversity continues to be devastated by deforestation and other forms of habitat destruction (United Nations, 2010), while the global development agenda seems to be aiming to provide an expanding global population with the high-impact material affluence enjoyed by the richest parts of the world (Hamilton, 2003).
However idealistic or utopian their arguments might seem, the basic reasoning is that the nature of any solutions to current problems must honestly confront the magnitude of the overlapping crises, for else one risks serving the destructive forces one ostensibly opposes. Another means of reducing fossil fuel dependency would be to localise most production of goods, and transporting them, when necessary, via electric trains or vehicles, or even returning to the horse and cart in some situations.
Naturally, our examination of these large themes cannot be a comprehensive, so readers should treat the analysis as merely an invitation to discuss. If you give someone a hammer in his hand and he uses it, and it kills his neighbor, it helps nothing to change the hammer. It allows local manifestations of transition the flexibility to respond to the felt needs and interests of participants, according to context and circumstance.
In these green friendly zones, activists should make sustained efforts to win over both local residents and council workers to a climate emergency agenda of rapid decarbonisation, while building social support amongst civil society.
Legally binding resource quotas would be placed on resources across the entire economy (Alcott, 2008). Terry Leahy (2013), in a critical review of radical reformism, goes further and argues the above proposals would, in practice, require levels of government control, regulation and planning that would make it virtually indistinguishable from heavy state-socialism.
These initiatives currently thrive, at least in part, because they offer participants a positive, flexible and relatively non-confrontational approach to achieving the transition. In Australia, one only needs to look at the ferocious corporate opposition to even mild carbon and mining taxes, to see evidence of what one could expect. He is very clearly and boldly expressing the need for a re-conceived eco-socialism that incorporates the essential elements of the deep green vision, such as decentralisation, localism and simplified living.
Sarkar does not believe, at this stage, the priority should be on forming an eco-socialist party.
If an eco-socialist party in one isolated country made an attempt on power, it would very likely be highly vulnerable to economic attacks in the form of embargoes, boycotts and capital flight.
On the contrary, this revolution involves reductions in income and material wealth – though not necessarily quality of life – for first-world workers. Everyone will understand that his or her own economic welfare, and local reputation, would depend on making a valued contribution.
And it is surely the case that this will only happen after growing numbers of people have developed the skills and experienced the benefits of self-government, co-operation, sharing, living simply, and frugally. Unemployed, elderly and disadvantaged people would be ideal participants to engage in these activities, as they would have the most to gain and time to offer.
However, for eco-anarchists, these initiatives will only be of long-term value if they eventually form part of a larger movement for radical change.
One might accept, for example, the beauty of the anarchist vision of self-government, but have deep doubts about how such a system could prevent anti-social individuals or groups from imposing themselves on society in oppressive or violent ways. These less ambitious projects are undertaken in order to achieve something rather than nothing (Alexander, 2013b).
Society is made up of various groups based on class, gender, race or ethnicity and these are frequently defined by conflicting relationships of power and oppression. The authors make clear that they would prefer to disrupt these systems through non-violent direct action. Implicit in the strategy is a questionable presumption that forcing disruption will jolt people to move in a desirable direction. Apart from electricity production solar energy is also being used for heating water, cooking food etc.
Along with air pollution, the use of traditional energy resources also cause soil pollution and water pollution by releasing various toxins to the land and water. Please let me know if you plan on doing another class, I would love to invite some guest to attend the next time. While we do not expect or even intend to provide answers to this thorny question, the paper should serve a worthwhile purpose if it helps clarify the debate and bring more attention to the issues under consideration. True sustainability – deep green sustainability – implies embracing lifestyles of radical simplicity, which exemplify extremely frugal but sufficient ways of living (Trainer, 2010a). In the poorer parts of the world, this would involve developing or growing economic capacities until basic needs for all were met, and then those economies too would need to transition to a zero-growth model (Lawn and Clarke, 2010). In the epigraph to this section, Dennis Meadow, one the original authors of Limits to Growth (1972), provides an example of this view. Sarkar therefore does not think the working class will play a unique or pivotal role, though of course, like everyone else, they must eventually be won over.
But even if one is convinced of the strategic importance of the working class, it cannot be denied that for this revolution – the deep green revolution – class interests are going to have to be radically redefined. Ideally, this local dependency will also increase the efficiency of a planned economy and help to avoid the corruption and inefficiency that stifled previous attempts (Sarkar, 1999, ch 6).
If they did incorporate the limits to growth, in the short term at least, their popularity – particularly within unions – is likely to sink further. But, while hopeful, none of these trends provide evidence that many socialists have embraced the deep green vision. But these efforts should be engaged in only in so far as they support citizens themselves in creating new local economies, settlements, governing structures and cultures. The economic activity thus generated could then be linked to a new local currency, with participants earning a share of the produce according to the hours they contributed.
The management of regional and national systems, let alone global negotiations, is also frequently argued to require representatives with the power to make decisions, unencumbered by the narrow concerns of local assemblies (Pepper, 1994). In this sense, the Transition Towns and related movements, whether intentionally or not, are adopting the anarchists approach to transition. Of course, as liberals point out much oppression seems to be voluntarily accepted by the oppressed.
However, given their pessimism about winning recruits – and the moral imperative to act now – militant measures are often advocated. But given presently dominant individualistic and competitive systems and values – and the fact that even most transitioners remain heavily dependent on the global economy – a rapid descent into chaos and conflict may seem more likely. Most worrying of all, perhaps, is the increasingly robust body of climate science indicating the magnitude of the global predicament (IPCC, 2013).
Yes, it is imperative to transition rapidly to economic systems that run entirely or almost entirely on renewable energy.
Presumably some international trade and travel would still occur, as would some factory production, although the extent of such activities would have to be drastically reduced. Instead, it is believed that, in principle, a peaceful transition to a sustainable world can be achieved by winning political support across the social hierarchy.
Eventually, it is argued, this could have a decisive influence on state and federal policy making.
The attempt to gain short-term electoral respectability frequently results in watering down the political agenda.
Perhaps, eco-socialists could press the union movement to focus on meaningful and secure work, full employment and democratic control of the workplace.
In addition, as Pepper points out, there has been a long running rift, both practical and theoretical, between socialism and the ecology movement that will prove difficult to overcome (Pepper, 1994).
Still, there is no doubt eco-socialism offers a forthright challenge to deep greens of all varieties: a fair and orderly transition to a sustainable society, they argue, can only be achieved within a state-driven socialist framework. According to eco-anarchists, in other words, a truly ecological society will have to be a self-governing society.
In other words, if the movement does end up taking state power via elections this will only be as a consequence of a long grassroots process of radical change. The hope is that the new formations will grow and through a long process, eventually challenge the institutions and values of present day consumer-capitalism. Labor credit schemes like this have been used, very successfully, for many years at the egalitarian commune in Twin Oaks, Virginia (Nelson and Timmerman, 2011: Ch 9).
These initiatives are usually only aimed, at least explicitly, at making improvements or adjustments within capitalist society, rather than openly seeking to replace such a society. It would also siphon energy and effort away from the revolutionary project and potentially even weaken the resolve of sections of the community by providing a non-revolutionary outlet. But, for eco-anarchists, these movements will have to radicalise their goals and vision if they are to play a decisive role when consumer-capitalism begins to break down.
But, according to DGR, this is just the perverse logic of oppression; the oppressed psychologically acquiesce in their oppression through denial, accommodation and consent.
They claim that, even if it were possible, the purpose of these actions is not to single-handedly bring down industrial civilisation. This is particularly so given DGR activists have given up all hope of building a mass movement that could act as a counter-veiling force against the dominant culture.
Maybe they can, but surely there is a threshold, a point at which the chosen methods simply seem too dangerous, too fraught with risk, too ethically dubious, to seriously contemplate? One may disagree strongly with the chosen means of DGR, but there is still room to admire their commitment to the cause. But this means living with much less energy than is typical in developed nations (Trainer, 2012), although most simplicity advocates also highlight the many benefits that could flow from living in less energy and resource intensive ways (Alexander, 2012a). They explicitly argue that the economy should, to the largest extent possible, remain in private hands with competitive markets determining the allocation of resources (Heinberg, 2011; Daly 1991).
This has been the broad experience of the Greens, with the classic example being the German Greens. None of these are secured by today’s neo-liberal capitalism, and they are consistent with a viable eco-socialism. Though they are often unaware of it, the ideas, values and tactics of modern greens, have their roots in the anarchist tradition more than Marxian socialism (Pepper, 1994: 4). It is a claim that needs to be taken seriously by all those who recognise the extent and urgency of the unfolding crises the world is currently facing. However, it would be ordinary people themselves who directly determine the key economic and political decisions that affect their lives, through neighborhood and town assemblies and local committees. It will not be run well by powerful representatives, either at the national or local level. Eco-anarchists, therefore, believe radical change in values and institutions must occur concurrently, via the grassroots building of the new society. Eventually the new economy could use their new currency to begin trading with local businesses within the town or suburb. From this view, only a revolution backed by the majority of the working class can hope to succeed. Dominating groups use their power – political, ideological, and physical – to oppress, divide and mislead subordinate groups. It is unclear to what extent civilisation as we know it is compatible with runaway climate change. That is, generally it is argued that the radical changes that are required for sustainability would actually be in our interests, if only we were to negotiate the transition wisely, and be open to living very differently than is customary in consumer societies today. Many industries in existence today would become redundant, such as the fashion and marketing industries, for they would be superfluous in a world not driven by profit-maximisation. As we will see below, contemporary eco-anarchists raise further objections to the eco-socialist transition strategy. Local assemblies should then be federated at the regional and national level where delegates, subject to regular rotation and recall, would be charged with responsibility for representing the wishes of their local assemblies. Trainer wants to stress that the most important function of the CDCs is not the actual building of alternative ways, at least at first. Thus, for radicals, real social change can only come through organised political resistance, which challenges the power of dominant groups. And still, almost without exception, all nations on the planet – including or especially the richest ones – continue to seek GDP growth without limit, as if the cause of these problems could somehow provide the solution. Other industries, such as solar and wind energy, would need to expand tremendously and urgently (a manufacturing process which, currently at least, depends on fossil fuels).
But, Sarkar argues, compromising to achieve power makes no sense if the central goal of the party, in the long term, is to help build cultural hegemony for an eco-socialist vision.
Rather, projects like these will put activists in the best position to raise awareness on the urgent need for radical change towards a deep green society. That said, these theorists and activists would doubtless argue that not resisting carries its consequences too. If once it was hoped that technology and science were going to be able decouple economic activity from ecological impact, such a position is no longer credible (Huesemann and Huesemann, 2011). Houses would be retrofitted to increase energy efficiency, and new houses would be built using mostly local resources, with housing density increasing in preference to further urban sprawl. It can also be argued that governments have an inherent bias toward growth, insofar as policies depend on taxation.
Technology simply cannot provide any escape from the fact that there are biophysical limits to growth.
With a larger economy, therefore, there is a larger tax base to fund government policies, making it difficult for governments to promote post-growth economics, especially a policy of degrowth. Despite decades of extraordinary technological advance, which it is was promised would lighten the ecological burden of our economies, global energy and resource consumption continues to grow, exacerbated by a growing population, but which is primarily a function of the growth-orientated values that lie at the heart of global capitalism (Turner, 2012). Clothes would first be mended rather than replaced, and necessary tools would be built to last. A great deal more sharing and barter would have to occur to mitigate the challenges of having much less stuff.
Reuse, recycling, and conservation would be vigilantly embraced, and in many cases people would just have to do without many comforts and conveniences.
But according to this deep green vision, basic material needs would be met, even if people did not have access to much beyond that threshold. Whether it would be necessary to live as simply as the Amish remains an open question, but that type of material culture provides a touchstone for understanding the radical simplicity that may indeed be required for genuinely sustainable living, especially in a world with seven billion people and counting. An Amish material standard of living, of course, need not necessitate an Amish culture or religion. While this brief outline probably raises as many questions as it answers, it is hoped that it nevertheless provides some insight into the deep green vision of life under consideration.



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Jan moir
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