Pole buildings northern indiana,metal buildings design online,woodsmith shop box joint jig,building a platform bed with trundle - Good Point

14.11.2015
Put MilMar Post Buildings’ unique blend of Amish craftsmanship and professional design and management services to work on your project today. Our goal is to provide beautiful, durable post-frame structures (pole buildings) with the maximum square footage per your dollar. At MilMar Post Buildings, we provide the professional expertise to both custom design and build your new warehouse or manufacturing facility to meet your specifications. With strong roots in the Amish and farming communities of northern Indiana, we have personal experience with equipment storage, livestock barns and horse facilities. The best way to avoid the worst kind of emergency for your barn is to prevent a fire from starting. In part of our vast experience building pole barns and post frame structures, we’ve constructed buildings for multiple uses. Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector.
Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones.
As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared).
Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales.
The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts.
The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found.
Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) . In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes. Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path.
Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator. Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance.
The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere. We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.
The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions.
The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions.
Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times.
Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top.
During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions. At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness. These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came.
From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk.
It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth.
Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts. There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece. In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date.
The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge.
Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established.
In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography.
The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied. Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess. Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire. When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence. In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life.
Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking.
The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world.
It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone.
China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994. Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters. Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost. As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China. DESCRIPTION: With the develop-ment of Portuguese seafaring in the 15th century and the subsequent widening if the southern horizon, the problem of a€?harmonizinga€™ or reconciling the traditional world views laid down by Pliny, Ptolemy, Aristotle and Ambrose with that of the new discoveries became increasingly acute.
Beyond the equinoctial line Ptolemy records an unknown land, but Pomponius [Mela] and many others as well raise a doubt whether a voyage is possible from this place to India; [nevertheless] they say that many have passed through these parts from India to Spain . This rather refreshing disposition towards agnosticism is exemplified again in the configuration of South Africa. Also typical of maps of the period, the anonymously compiled Genoese map is covered with legends in Latin, castellated towns representing major population centers, princes on their thrones, and loxodromes from the portolan tradition. This map is now the property of the Italian Government, and is to be found in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence, being catalogued Sezione Palatina No.
The Genoese map became the center of controversy in the 1940s when the Italian scholar Sebastiano Crino, suggested that this was a copy of the map that Paolo Toscanelli sent to the Portuguese court in 1474 and later but less certainly to Columbus, was a copy of it, touting the possibility of a sea route to India via the Atlantic.
A Genoese flag in the upper northwest corner of the map establishes this mapa€™s origin, along with the coat of arms of the Spinolas, a prominent Genoese mercantile family. The map is elliptical in shape, having a major axis measuring 81 cm and a minor axis measuring 42 cm. Ptolemy is cited by name in several inscriptions, and there is evidence of his influence in the representation of Africa (Ethiopia, the source of the Nile), an enclosed Caspian Sea (Mar de Sara), the southern coast of Asia, and the Golden Chersonese, not named but identified by a legend noting that it is particularly rich in gold and precious stones. Paradise does not appear on the map, and an inscription in southeastern Africa tells us why: a€?In this region some depict the earthly paradise.
Of course, the cosmographers had no objection to monsters - even Ptolemy mentions a few, although he did not put them on his maps.
Although its cartographer explicitly disapproved of fantastic narratives in a legend in the Atlantic (frivolis narracionibus rejectis), Chet Van Duzer points out that the richly decorated map contains a number of fantastic illustrations, and the legends, many of which come from the travel narrative of Niccole dea€™ Conti (c.1395-1469), do not shy away from fantastic subjects. In the eastern Indian Ocean there is an imposing creature with a humanoid head and upper body, but with large horns and ears and wing-like red membranes joining its outstretched arms to its torso, and a fish-like tail. Turning first to Europe for a consideration of the details of the map, it will be noted that the contour of this continent is drawn with a nearer approach to accuracy than is true of the other continents, our cartographera€™s greatest errors appearing in the regions which were beyond those recorded by Ptolemy and the portolan chartmakers. The only mountains indicated in Europe are the Alps, which are made to sweep in a somewhat irregular curve around the north of Italy and the head of the Adriatic. In the northern part of Europe we find sketched a polar bear Forma ursorum alborum, and an ermine or sable, animals whose valuable pelts were obtained by the Hansa of Novgorod and sold by them in Bruges to the Italians.
Many regional names appear and many cities are made prominent in each of the continents through the sketch of a building, which building sometimes is a castle, sometimes is a church or cathedral, sometimes is a monastery. England, Scotland, and Ireland are represented as on the portolan charts of the period, over each of which flies a pennant. In France appear the names Gascona, Lengadoc, Normania, Baiona, Bordeaux, Tolosa, Nar-bona, Montpellier, Arguesmortes, Avenio, Massillia, Lion, Dijon, Bourges, Renes, and a few undecipherable names.
In Italy we find Italia, Masca, Calabria, Si-cilia, Sardinia, Corsica, Niza, and Venezia, which last our author has made especially prominent, while Genoa itself has been omitted altogether.
In central and eastern Europe we find Bavaria, Boemia, Prutenia, Bruges, Dancic, Famosura [Frankenburg?], Poana, Praja, Ratisbon, Inbrunch, Vienna, Pruna, Potavia, Ungaria with Juanin (Raab), Burgaria, Polonia, Carcovia, Rossia, and near this last the classic names Sormatia prima and S.
We also find the region Zichia designated on the north and northwest slope of the Caucasus, and, on the Black Sea, Savastopoli, Kaffa, Pidea, Flordelis, Turlo and Moncastro.
On the Hellenic-Slavic peninsula we find the names Sclavonia and Albania, which had but recently withstood an attack of the Turks; here also are Macedonia, Grecia and Morea. But it is perhaps in respect to the islands of the southeast that the map is of greatest interest. It is not easy to determine the significance of a gulf that extends far into the east coast of Asia north of Borneo and Java. The name Sine, or Sina, which was never used in the middle ages, and which in all probability the Genoese map-maker took from Ptolemy, suggests that the gulf is likewise from Ptolemy, and in order to find space for the new discovery it has been placed farther north. The northeast coast of Asia is in part determined by the form of the map, and in part is arbitrarily drawn, as are also the numerous islands, not one of which we are able to identify.
The Genoese map abandons the northeastern quarter of Asia to the apocalyptic peoples: surrounded by impassible mountains and in the north and east by the ocean is a large territory in which are placed trees and fortresses. In addition to the usual medieval depiction of the mythical Gog and Magog the Genoese map also contains a large number of drawings of zoological interest. The main African interest lies in the fact that, as a departure from Ptolemya€™s conception, the Indian Ocean, as is also shown on the Vesconte, Bianco, the Catalan-Estense, Leardo and Fra Mauroa€™s maps (#228, #241, #246, #242, and #249), is not landlocked, and, significantly, the southern extremity of Africa does not run away eastwards, as on the Catalan-Estense map.
The southern coast of the continent, from Arabia and the Persian Gulf to Further India, exhibits the Ptolemaic influence in particular, though our Genoese gives evidence of possessing a good knowledge of some of the most recent reports of travelers. The peninsula Guzerat is better drawn than by Ptolemy, and the Bay of Cambay appears as a deep inlet of the ocean into which a broad rivera€”perhaps the Mahia€”empties. In the interior of Ceylon a lake appears which may owe its origin to a statement made by Pliny or maybe an attempt to represent some one or more of the numerous artificial reservoirs or tanks for which the island is famous. In their outlines there is a certain similarity between the islands Ceylon and Sumatra as represented by our Genoese mapmaker and the same islands as they appear on the maps of Ptolemy.
The name Sumatra, which our cosmographer, together with Conti, considers to be the native name, seems first to have become a more or less familiar one in Europe in the 14th century. The long southern coast which, according to Ptolemy, makes of the Indian Ocean an enclosed sea, and which in part appears in the Idrisi and the Sanudo maps (#219, Book II, #228), has been omitted here, and the great gulf of Ptolemy on the east of the peninsula becomes in the Genoese map an open sea, corresponding to the account of Conti and other travelers, which sea had been found difficult of navigation because of continually unfavorable wind. Concerning the two large islands lying off the east coast of Asia, a legend gives the following information: These islands are called Java, of which the greater in circumference is three, and the other two thousand miles.
Marvelous beings are represented in parts of the Indian Ocean, such as an animal with the body of a fish and the head of a woman, that is, a siren; also a fish with a humanlike head and large fins with sharp spikes thereon. Of particular importance are the other legends in the Indian Ocean apparently derived from Conti.
We find on other world maps similar information concerning the construction of ships which sailed the Indian Ocean, as well as information concerning trade routes, such as the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235). Ibn Batuta also describes them minutely, making mention of ships that could carry a thousand mena€”six hundred seamen and four hundred soldiers. A river taking its rise on the east side of this mountain quadrangle, and emptying through two mouths into the Indian Ocean, cannot be identified, as the chart here contains numerous errors. It is of special interest that in a region so significant by reason of its physical features, where the Pamir Highlands, the Hindu Kush, the Himalaya and the Quen Lun unite, our cosmographer represents a second Iron gate where Alexander imprisoned the Tartars, or a wall with a strong gateway. In the interior of Southeast Asia there is a large lake with the legend: The waters of this lake are very pleasant and sweet for drinking. Marco Polo relates a similar story, but adds, as does Conti, the simple facts that he himself observed, that is, that diamonds are obtained in India through mining and through the washing and the sifting of the sands. No rivers are represented by the Genoese cosmographer in Northeast Asia, but we find twice inscribed the legend Inaccessible mountains. On their appearance, the Mongols were thought to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes who had departed from the Mosaic law; and even in the Mohammedan world their coming was regarded as a sign of the approaching end of the world. As a characteristic representation of the animal world, we find sketched in Southeast Asia a snake with a human head.
The geographical nomenclature in the interior of Asia is very numerous, including the names of cities, countries and topographical features.
The cities represented on the frontier of Asia Minor are probably Angora, Burssa and Philadelphia. In Arabia Arabia Deserta is distinguished from Arabia Felix, and the extreme southeast part of the peninsula, that is, Oman, is called Fenicea et Sabba, suggesting that the Phoenicians once occupied the basin of the Persian Gulf. On the east side of the Caspian Sea, in Turkestan, there are only two cities represented, Testango and Organzin. Conti, as before stated, divided India into three parts, but the Genoese cartographer, following the ancients, refers to two only, representing therein numerous cities and legends, most of which apparently he has taken from Conti. Of the several regions only Maabar is especially designated in a legend reading: This province is called Mahabaria. Among the cities, Cambay is especially distinguished, which at that time was the most important commercial city of India, and which the Genoese cartographer calls combayta, making use of the Spanish term instead of the Italian Camcaia or the Latin Combahita. West of the Ganges delta, on a mountain, lies the large city Bizungalia, which Conti called Bizenegalia, and which seems to have remained a city of importance well into the 16th century.
The land north of the Ava River (Irawadi) as far as a great parallel mountain range, including apparently the entire Irawadi region, the Genoese cosmographer calls Macina, inscribing the legend: This province of Macina produces elephants. Turning to the continent of Africa, we find its Mediterranean coast, as on the portolan charts, well represented; likewise the Atlantic coast as far as Cape Bojador, which had recently been reached by the Portuguese. On the west coast, in about the position where one should look for the Gulf of Guinea, a gulf having one large and two small islands extends into the mainland, as is represented by Sanudo, Leardo and Fra Mauro. In about the latitude of this gulf on the west coast we also find one indicated on the east coast which appears to be the Bay of Zanzibar. In the representation of mountains of Africa we find the Atlas range, which stretches along the north coast eastward to the Great Syrtus, a second range west of Egypt, stretching in a southerly direction. The hydrography of Africa is likewise Ptolemaic, especially that which pertains to the Nile.
A monastery, or a city, with numerous towers over which a cross is drawn, is located in the lake and bears the name Maria of Nazareth.
That the Christian Abyssinians made use of the elephant in war during the middle ages, Marco Polo relates, who, in his travels, had gathered considerable information concerning that region of Africa.
On the Catalan world map of 1375 (#235) a war elephant is also represented in Nubia, and the same picture appears again in India with the addition of a driver.
Not only does there appear to be some confusion relative to the representation of the Nile River, but the hydrography of other parts of Africa is very confusing. The reference to the character of the land in Africa and its different products is very full, attention being drawn particularly to the animals.
The extreme southeastern part of Africa has the following legend: In this region certain ones have depicted the paradise of delights.
A sea monster illustrating a passage from Bracciolini's Facetiaea€”the ultimate source of the demon-like sea monster on the Genoese world map of 1457a€”in Sebastian Branta€™s 1501 edition of Aesopa€™s Fables.
Does the Genoese World Map represent an intermediate step between a heterogeneous medieval conception of space and a more modern homogeneous one? He shows a critical approach in dealing with his sources, backing up his decisions or listing information, which is a very innovative feature. As shown above, social customs and spatial perceptions are connected, and the mapmakera€™s intent to provide a near-natural depiction of the world might be related to the Christian faith.62 It is problematic to presume a homogenous conception of space is operative in the later Middle Ages or the Early Modern period, just because a mapmaker painted a mappa mundi using coastlines drawn from portolan charts, since geography is but one dimension of a mapa€™s content. These continuities could perhaps explain why, as Evelyn Edson and Emilie Savage-Smith write, [the medieval cosmological modela€™s] a€?overthrow in the 17th century caused a profound spiritual and psychological disorientation from which we have yet to recover.a€?63 Studying conceptions of space in mappae mundi reveals how these conceptions change over time. DESCRIPTION: The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Although copies of Agrippaa€™s map were taken to all of the great cities of the Roman Empire, not a single copy has survived. Shown here are three continents in more or less symmetrical arrangements with Asia in the east at the top of the map (hence the term orientation).
Note that most scholars, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. The only reported Roman world map before Agrippaa€™s was the one that Julius Caesar commissioned but never lived to see completed. We may speculate whether this map was flat and circular, even though such a shape might have been considered a€?unscientifica€™ and poorly adapted to the shape of the known world.
Augustus had a practical interest in sponsoring the new map of the inhabited world entrusted to Agrippa.
In point of fact Augustus may have delegated the detailed checking to one of his freedmen, such as his librarian C.
We may treat as secondary sources Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos, and the Irish geographical writer Dicuil (AD 825). It is also claimed that Strabo (#115) obtained his figures for Italy, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily from Agrippa. Although the term chorographia literally means a€?regional topographya€?, it seems to include fairly detailed cartography of the known world. For a more complete assessment of what Agrippa wrote or ordered to be put on his map, we may again turn to passages where Pliny quotes him specifically as reference. It is a pity that Pliny, who seems to be chiefly interested in measurements, gives us so little other information about Agrippaa€™s map. It is the sea above all which shapes and defines the land, fashioning gulfs, oceans and straits, and likewise isthmuses, peninsulas and promontories.
A serious point of disagreement among scholars has been whether the commentarii of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny were published at the time of construction of the portico. Another element in this problem that demands some explanation is the origin of the two later works the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum which are both derived from Agrippa, probably through a common source. Apart from the information supplied by Pliny, our chief evidence for the reconstruction of the map is provided by the two works already mentioned, the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum.
Dicuil, in his preface, promises to give the measurement of the provinces made by the envoys of the Emperor Theodosius, and at the end of chapter five he quotes twelve verses of these envoys in which they describe their procedure. According to Tierney, Detlefsen regarded these two works as derived from small-scale copies of Agrippaa€™s map. Tierney believes however, that the west to east movement supposed by Klotz is, in fact, correct, but not for his reasons. Our idea of the detail of the map of Agrippa must be based on a study of the references in Strabo, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio. There are twenty-four sections in the Divisio and thirty in the Demensuratio, the difference being mainly due to the absence from the Divisio of the sections on the islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. These sections are largely identical with passages in Plinya€™s geographical books (Books III to VI), and show that many passages in Pliny are taken from Agrippa beyond those where he is actually named.
The consensus of the views of modern scholars on Agrippaa€™s map, is that it represents a conscientious attempt to give a credible version of the geography of the known world.
But this consensus is not quite complete and therefore I now turn to consider the view of Agrippaa€™s map put forward by Professor Paul Schnabel in his article in Philologus of 1935. Schnabel does not himself take up the general question of the use of Agrippa by Marinus and Ptolemy. Schnabel here refers to the last chapter of the geographical books of Plinya€™s Natural History, that is, Book VI, cap. Schnabel continues with the negative argument that the Don parallel cannot belong to the school of Hipparchus. We may speculate as to whether Plinya€™s phrase regarding the a€?careful later students,a€? does not refer to Nigidius himself.
Schnabel next moves on to a more ambitious argument, making the assumption that Ptolemy has used some of Agrippaa€™s reckonings to establish points in his geography.
It is sad to think that this elegant piece of reasoning must be thrown overboard, but Tierney believes it must be rejected on at least three different counts.
In the second place Schnabela€™s statement that Agrippa reduced the itinerary figure of 745 miles to a straight line of 411 cannot be accepted. Thirdly, it may fairly be objected that the very method by which Schnabel obtains the figure of 411 miles is faulty. Tierney passes over Schnabela€™s reasons for thinking that Agrippa established lines of meridian in Spain and in the eastern Mediterranean, all of which Tierney finds quite unconvincing.
Schnabela€™s attempt to present us with a scientific Agrippa and indeed to reconstruct a scientific Roman geography may be regarded a complete failure, and the older view of Detlefsen and Klotz must be regarded as correct.
From another well-known passage in Strabo (V, 3, 8, C, 235-236) that contains a panegyric [a public speech or published text in praise of someone or something] on the fine buildings of Augustan Rome, we know that he was well acquainted with the dedications of Marcus Agrippa that he specifically mentions. Strabo shows the contemporary Roman view of the purely practical purposes of geography and of cartography by everywhere insisting on restricting to a minimum the astronomical and mathematical element in geographical study. This would mean then that Agrippaa€™s map was based on the general scheme of the Greek maps which had been current for upwards of 200 years, since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and that it presumably attempted to complete and rectify this scheme by using recent Roman route-books and the reports of soldiers, merchants and travelers. Towards the end of the fourth century two important events greatly enlarged the scope of geography. About a century later the famous astronomer Hipparchus subjected the geography of Eratosthenes to rather stringent criticisms. The next geographer whose views are well known us is Strabo (#115), who was writing at the time of the construction of Agrippaa€™s map or some years later. If, then, progress was no longer being made or to be expected from Greek geographers using various astronomical instruments, was anything to be expected from the other tradition, the Roman roads and their itineraries?
We must then approach the map of Agrippa on a purely factual basis realizing that it provides us merely a list of boundaries followed by a length and breadth, for the areas within the Empire and beyond it. Fundamentally, therefore, Agrippaa€™s figures allow us to construct a series of boxes or rectangle with which to deck out the shores of the Mediterranean and the eastern world and whose dimensions should be reduced by an uncertain amount. Spain consists of three boxes, the square of Lusitania and the rectangle of the Hispania citerior [Roman province] east of it being placed over the rectangle of BA¦tica.
In Gaul [France] a large rectangle lies over a small one, that is Gallia Comata over the province of Narbonensis. The islands of the Mediterranean are not forgotten, at least the major ones, just as Italy lies too far to the southeast, so do Corsica and Sardinia lie too far to the southwest.
The eastern Mediterranean is faced by Syria whose longitude Pliny (V, 671 states as 470 miles between Cilicia and Arabia, and whose latitude is 175 miles from Seleucia Pieria on the coast to Zeugma on the Euphrates.
We have now either reached or gone beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the north, south and east, as it was in Agrippaa€™s day. The most important achievement of the map, to Agrippaa€™s mind, consisted in its measurements, and it is possible that he spent very considerable pains in getting these exactly, although we cannot take the account given by Honorius (ca. The exact correspondence between Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, in giving many of the boundaries of the sections, shows, according to Detlefsen, that these boundaries also were inscribed upon the map. Klotz, in his final review of Agrippaa€™s methods of work, has made some illuminating points that supplement Detlefsen. Within the Empire he chiefly used the itineraries without the overt use of an astronomical backing, although astronomical data, of course, already formed the basis of the Greek maps that were the real foundation of his. Klotz, A., a€?Die geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Uberrestea€?, Klio 25, 1931, 35ff, 386ff.
Note that most scholar, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular.
According to Fisher seeing that this is a Roman world map sharing many similarities with the mappaemundi, it is logical to assume that SchA¶nera€™s southern landmass is a copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, the Roman world map upon which the mappaemundi were based. Within the context of the early 16th century, it seems apparent that SchA¶ner found himself caught up in the perfect cartographic storm.
All these parts were in place when an errant 1508 report of a strait at the tip of South America with a large southern continent lying beneath inspired SchA¶ner to unwittingly preserve the only copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum on the bottom of his 1515 world globe. When medieval Christians began creating the mappaemundi they borrowed heavily from Agrippaa€™s map as well as Greek designs. This design adjustment may also explain the Expositio mappemundi (EMM), manuscripts which are a collection of the data items appearing on the mappaemundi. It was reverse engineered from the mappaemundi, but plays it relatively safe in its assumptions. The new found design also provides for the first time insights into the inspiration for key design aspects on the mappaemundi such as the tribute to Jesus at the top of the map, the transition from a separate commentary requiring locative terminology to commentary overlain onto the mappaemundi no longer requiring spatial references, and the distribution of images from a consolidated arced matrix lying above Africa on SchA¶nera€™s design to areas throughout the mappaemundi. In conclusion, Fisher believes that he has presented a solid logical case for the historic discovery of a long lost 2,000-year-old Roman world map at the bottom of the world, SchA¶nera€™s world that is.
DESCRIPTION:This seminal work was initially compiled in manuscript form on vellum, with drawings in red and black. The author, a seventh century Bishop of Seville (Spain), leaned heavily himself on classical writers, as well as the teachings of the Church Fathers. In view of the extraordinary influence of this treatise, the following excepts (the translation is taken from G. Concerning the earth we are told that it is named from its roundness (orbis) which is like a wheel; whence the small wheel is called a€?orbiculusa€?. As to size, Isidore accepts Eratosthenesa€™ estimate (via Macrobius) of 252,000 stadia for the circumference of the earth. The Ancients did not divide these three parts of the world equally, for Asia stretches right from the south, through the east to the north, but Europe stretches from the north to the west and thence Africa from the west to the south.
Interestingly, Isidore was the first writer to clearly define the Mediterranean by that proper name.
It contains many provinces and districts whose names and geographical situations I will briefly describe, beginning from Paradise .
This obvious Biblical note coming so early in the topographical section of the treatise might lead the reader to expect its continuance in subsequent chapters; but apart from one or two entirely understandable references to Biblical lore - Scythia and Gothia also are said to have been named by Magog, son of Japhet and the River Ganges which sacred scripture calls Phison, flows down from Paradise to the realms of India - only the most sparing use of this source is made. In the extreme east of Asia the country of Seres is rich in fine leaves, from which are cut fleeces which the natives who decline the merchandise of other peoples sell for use as garments .
Europe, in the true classical fashion, is divided from Asia by the river Tanais [todaya€™s Don] and is bordered on the north by the Northern Ocean. Moreover beyond [these] three parts of the world, on the other side of the ocean, is a fourth inland part in the south, which is unknown to us because of the heat of the sun, within the bounds of which the Antipodes are fabulously said to dwell. This concession by Isidore as expressed in the brief quote above indicated that he more than half believed in the sphericity of the earth and quite fully in the doctrine of the Antipodes. As far as his own graphic expression of the worlda€™s geography, one of the map designs frequently associated with Isidore of Seville is actually a survival of the ancient Greek tripartite division of the world into Asia, Africa and Europe, surrounded by the Ocean Sea. The T within the O produced a world image divided into half (by the cross of the T) and two quarters. Regardless of experience and all knowledge to the contrary, the most important city regionally was located in the center of the habitable world.
In addition to the usual tripartite circular map of the world, some manuscripts of the Etymologiarum feature other map designs as well. Caius Crispus Sallustius, generally known as Sallust (86-34 BCE) was a Roman senator and historian, who subsequent to his falling out with the Caesar, was sent to Africa as a governor of Numidia (In the north-west of Africa}. He produced his most important works on the conspiracy of Catiline and the war of Rome with Jugurtha. The Medes and Armenians connected them selves with the Libyans who dwelled near the African sea, while the Getulians lay more to the sun, not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns, as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants.
Some copies of Sallusts manuscripts, which have reached us, do also include a simple T-O map, which relates to his narrative of the Jugurthine War. As mentioned above, Sallusta€™s works were copied and re-copied and were in use until the late medieval period and many of the later copies of his manuscripts have reached us.
Sallust mappamundi, ninth century, a€?University of Leipzig Library, Leipzig, Germany, MS 1607, f.
Since Sallust was the governor of Numidia, he has naturally paid more attention to the details of this continent.
In the bodies of water dividing the world into the three continents, the Mediterranean bears no legend.
Another variation of the basic Isidorean design was called the Byzantine-Oxford, or B-O T-O maps. More prominently than in any other example of the biblical school, the Holy Land dominates the center of the map. The map was brought back to England or Ireland after the First Crusade, which conquered Jerusalem in 1099. Christian scholars adopted the T-O map for its simplicity, as had the classical writers who first employed it. These T-O maps, whether actually contained in the Etymologiarum of Isidore, in later editions of the same, as modified derivatives thereof (Sallusts, B-O T-O), or as maps that were merely influenced by the basic design format (Hereford, Ebstorf, et. At the Benedictine monastery of Thorney in East Anglia, a large and elegant computus book was finished in 1110, designed to be an ornament of the newly completed church.
The continents are arranged with Asia at the top, Europe apparently in the center and Africa in the southwest corner.
Like the map within the rota of sunrises and sunsets, this is a T-O map with Asia in the top half, and Europe and Africa in the lower half.
In form, content and function, MS 17a€™s map represents a recent development in medieval cartography.
On the other hand, this mappamundi is also closely connected in content and context to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram on fol.
But there is also a particularly insular connection between computus and universal geography, one that is connected to the debates over the correct system of calculating Easter that marked the early years of Christianity in England.
Schematic maps of the oikumene of the T-O type are often embedded in computus diagrams as a shorthand representation of the earth; zone maps illustrating the climates of the earth, derived from Macrobiusa€™ Commentum in Somnium Scipionis (#201), appear in anthologies of cosmographic materials as illustrations of passages from Isidore (cf. In about 1446-1451 Jean Mansel composed a universal history titled La fleur des histoires, and then in the 1460s wrote a longer version of the same work. The map is placed at the start of the prologue to Book IV, in which a description of the regions of the world is given in alphabetical order. The name gorgato recalls the medieval Latin gargata and Old French gargate, meaning a€?throat,a€? perhaps alluding to the creaturea€™s voracious nature, but these monsters seem to have been invented by the cartographer. The T-O map tradition did not die out as a cartographic form of expression until as late as the 17th century, as may be seen from a book such as the Variae Orbis Universi, by Petrus Bertius, 1628.
The Matenadaran archive collection in Yerevan, capital of Armenia, contains some 14,000 manuscripts from the golden age of Armenian literature, beginning in the 5th century, and from later periods. One exception to the general lack of maps in the Yerevan archives is MS 1242, a collection of eighteen unrelated essays on religious, moral, mathematical and astronomical subjects dating mainly from the 13th to the 15th centuries. The map on folio 132r can be described as of the T - O type, but its construction has been modified. Also as in many maps of the T-O genre, the centre is occupied by the Holy City of Jerusalem, which is shown with its six gates, each inscribed with its name in Armenian. In both shape and arrangement, the city sign is akin to that on the Hereford mapparnundi, c.1290 (#226), although it lacks the enclosing crenulated walls of the Hereford map sign. As shown in the following Table, in addition to Jerusalem, twenty-seven place- names are found on the map. The inscription to the left of the stem of the T, below the triangle formed by three dots, reads, Ays koghms Eropa [This side is Europe]. The Red Sea [Karmir] dzov; only the word sea is legible on the map) is shown as a bold open circle on the borders of Africa and Asia.
The division between Europe and Asia, normally marked with the horizontal crossbar of the T, here is demarcated with a single red line and is more complex.
In keeping with T-O maps in general, the greater part of the Armenian map is allocated to Asia, inscribed Ays koghms Asia [This side is Asia].
In the east, in the upper part of the map close to the Ocean are the names Khaytai [China] and Zaytun [Zaytun], another Chinese trading port city. The presence of these toponyms in the area between Europe and China bears witness to the importance of these towns and provinces in trade and commerce between East and West and is perhaps indicative of the period of the mapa€™s creation. There is nothing, then, untoward in the inclusion on the Armenian map of Sara (Sarai), a city founded only in the 1240s by Batu Khan, the grandson of Mongol leader Gangiz Khan, who took over the territory of southern Russia and its Turkic speaking peoples during the early 13th century. Khachaturian also proposed that based on palaeographic evidence, the map was made in the Cilician Kingdom of Armenia during the Crusades, unfortunately not specifying which Crusade. Caffa, the first town listed in the row of toponyms along the northeastern periphery of the map, was only a small Crimean seaside town until the 13th century. The presence of the name Caffa on the map is a strong indication that the map was made during the citya€™s heyday, namely in the 14th century.
Since, in my view, the map has to postdate both the establishment of Sarai-Batu and Sarai-Berke (New Sarai, established 1257-1266) and the time when Caffa became an important conurbation, it cannot be dated to earlier than the third quarter of the 13th century. While the majority of T-O maps produced in the Christian West depict Armenia, Mount Ararat and Noaha€™s Ark, this Armenian mapmaker has chosen not to mention any of these Armenian features.
In the end, the absence of reference on the Armenian map to Armenia itself or to any of its immediate neighbors, such as Persia and Assyria, is more puzzling. The existence of this Armenian language T-O map, though, may be owed simply to the curiosity of an individual whose interest in Western maps and literature would have been a sufficient reason for him to create a map of his own in line with those of the Western mapmakers of the time, leaving us an Armenian map as remarkable for its uniqueness as for the hints it gives of the interconnections underlying the T-O maps and the mappaemundi of the West. This is a very late example of a T-O world map, probably made in Bruges in 1482 for King Edward IV, the founder of the old Royal Library. 205CT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm dia, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut. 205CCDiagram map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 9th century, 24 cm square, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 210, f.
205DD Isidore mappamundi, unknown, 11th century, 26 cm dia, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 10058, f. 205ET-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, Santarem s Atlas compose de mappemondes .
205GG Circular Plan of Jerusalem, unknown, 13th century, 26 cm diameter, British Library, Additional MS. 205HT-O Sallust map from Bellum Jugurthinum, unknown, 14th century, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, Fond. 205HH Reverse T-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 12th century, 19 cm diameter, Cathedral Curch of Exeter, MS.
205JJT-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 9th century, 12.5 cm diameter, Burgerbibliothek, Bern, Codex 417, fol.
205LLSallust T-O map from De bello Jugurthino, West oriented, unknown, 6.8 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. 205MT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 8th century, 22 X 29 cm, Vatican Library, MS Vat. 205MM Sallust T-O map with symmetrical rivers, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, MS.
205NSallust T-O map, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge MS.
205OT-O Sallust map, unknown, 13th century, 4.3 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS Lat. 205QT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm diameter, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut. 205TT-O and -V maps from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 12th century, 7.2 cm diameter, BnF, Manuscrits (Latin 10293 fol.
205TTT-O world map by Chatillon, Gautier de Chatillon, 13th century, 7 cm diameter, Bodleian Library, MS Bod. 205V1Gauthier de Chatillon mappimundi, Alexandreis, Gauthier de Chatillon, 13th century, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 11334, fol. 205WY-O map from Macrobiusa€™ Commentarium in somnium Scipionis, unknown, 12th century, 8.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS.
205YT-O map from MS of Commentary on the Apocalypse of Saint John (Beatus), unknown, 11th century, 4.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. 205ZT-O map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 12th century, 8.1 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. If you prefer to build it yourself, we can supply you with all the building materials you may need to construct your project. We believe this is due to our down home values, competitive prices, fast and efficient response to all client inquiries, and the ability to structure projects to suit the clients needs - all resulting in the kind of quality and service to exceed our clients expectations.
MilMarPost Buildings will design and efficiently construct your ideal agricultural structure to meet your needs. At MilMar Post Buildings, we build customized post-frame structures for commercial, agricultural and residential uses. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history.
Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time. Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training.
Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art. It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch.
It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic. In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C. In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213.
The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India. Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C.
Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther. We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological. It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period. Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers. The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one.
A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained. The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years.
There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole.
Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre. These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207). The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance.
This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps.
The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest.
In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328). The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense.
We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ.
That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c.
That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents. The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps.
To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought.
In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice. Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth. With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge. In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed.
While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves.
Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge. Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions.
By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries. A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping.
In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium.
In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them. Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era. Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works.
It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™. The evidence is purely circumstantial, though the map would have been more encouraging to anyone hoping to circumnavigate Africa, and Crinoa€™s thesis has had no other advocates.
Oddly, there is no city view of Genoa [Janua], while Venice is represented by an impressive set of buildings. Much scholarly ink has been spilled over the meaning of this caption, particularly cum Marino. It therefore indicates the longitude of the habitable world as about twice that of the latitude. Hugh of Saint Victor had described the world as being the shape of Noaha€™s Ark, and Ranulf Higden world maps were oval (#232). It is interesting that the maker of the Genoese map mentions peculiar customs (cannibalism, people who have no names) but no a€?monstrous races,a€? that is, people with aberrant physical characteristics, other than the pygmies. Gog and Magog are enclosed in northeast Asia, Noaha€™s Ark rests on a mountain range in Armenia, and the Red Sea is red, though there is no text about the passage of the Israelites through its waters. There are four prominent sea monsters in the Indian Ocean, which ocean thus remains a venue for exotic wonders. The legend says that the creature sprang out of the water and attacked some cows pasturing on the shore, and then was captured and mounted and exhibited in Venice and elsewhere. By reason of the limited space, the geographical details inserted in this section of the map are not numerous; indeed, of no part of the map can it be said that the author has crowded it with details.
The Rhone, the Rhine, the Po and the Danubea€”the latter with an extensive deltaa€”have been inscribed in a manner which leaves no doubt as to their identity, while into the Black Sea, which with the Sea of Azov is well drawn, flow the rivers Don and Dnieper, and into the Caspian Sea flows the Volga, though no names are affixed. Here we also find the representation of a ruler, Lordo Rex with genuine Mongol features, the chief of the Golden Horde. To the south of Ireland, in the ocean, we find the following legend: Concerning Ireland two [stories] are told. The names of nine cities in addition are given in northern Italy: Florentia, Ravenna, Ancerra, Borletta, Bor[i], Rana, Galta, and Napoli, with one illegible.
After the Alexandrian, the second main authority for the eastern portion is Nicolo Conti, the Venetian traveler, who reached the East Indian islands and perhaps southern China, returned to Italy in 1439 and whose narrative was written down by Poggio Bracciolini shortly after 1447.
In the extreme east are two large islands, Java major and Java minor, and to the southeast two smaller islands Sanday et Bandam.
In this enormous prison, labeled Scythia ultra Ymaum montem [Scythia beyond Mount Ymaus], is the word MAGOG in large letters (perhaps in Ezekiela€™s sense as a country?). The remarkably strong ebb and flow of the waters in the Persian Gulf at the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, observed by Conti, is thought by the Genoese cartographer worthy of mention: Sinus persicus in quo mare fluit et refluit velut oceanus [The Persian Gulf, in which the sea ebbs and flows as in the ocean].
This section of the coast could not well remain unknown to travelers coming from the mouth of the Indus River. The legend on the Genoese map relates in part to the Chinese junks, in part to the trade with India, which in the 15th century was in the hands of the Arabians, from whom the Portuguese seized it.
Near the Persian Gulf in Arabia a mountain is represented, out of which flows a river, emptying north of Mecca, which doubtless is the Betius of Ptolemy.
This is doubtless one of the passes lying somewhat to the west, where Scythia on the north joins with the highlands of Iran, and is probably the Khyber. This lake, mentioned in the fabulous stories concerning India in the middle ages, is, again, derived from Conti. In the extreme northwest, in genuine medieval fashion, a leopard and a griffin have been sketched. In this part of Asia the cosmographer places the land of Magog, whence Jews, Mohammedans, and also Christians of the middle ages, expected the coming of the destructive races at the last day. In Armenia appears Azerum, and to the southeast of this, in an incorrect position, Sauasto. In the interior, Jerusalem, Damascus, placed far to the north; Antioch and, less accurately placed, Tiberias. Among the cities Media Arabie appears most conspicuous, and the tower decorated with a flag, and lying on the coast, is undoubtedly Dschidda, Contia€™s Zidem.
In the interior are Tauria, a center of trade with remote Asia and India; and Ragis, the ancient Rhagas, a residence of Mohammedan princes, and, since the destruction by the Mongolians, a vast ruin, out of which in part the neighboring Teheran is built.
Testango, which Pizigani calls Trestago, is Tysch-kandy on the Mertwyi-Kultuk Bay, whence the commercial highway led from the Caspian Sea over the Ust-Urt plateau to Organzin, the ancient capital city Chowaresmiens on the Darjalyk.
By this we are to understand Coromandel, lying on the east coast, since it appears evident the legend refers to Meliapur. Meliapur is distinguished by a Christian church with a cross and the legend, Here lies the body of the apostle Saint Thomas.
The Genoese cartographer appears to have known the trend of the coast even to Cape Verde, although his representation of the coast southward of Cape Bojador is far from correct in its details. These last-named cartographers call this gulf Sinus Aethiopicus, while the Genoese cartographer, the name being repeated many times, designates the mainland as Ethiopia, and his legend here reads: Contrary to the tradition of Ptolemy, this is a gulf, but Pomponius speaks of it with its islands. Before this bay, that is, in the open waters of the Indian Ocean, is represented a fish with a swinea€™s head. In the extreme south of the continent the Mountains of the Moon are represented as snow-covered, with the following explanatory legend: These are the Mountains of the Moon, which, in the Egyptian language, are called Gebelcan, in which mountains the river Nile rises, and from which, in the summer-time, when the snows melt, a very large stream flows.
It was the Abyssinian Christians whom the cosmographers, at the close of the 14th century, had to thank for information concerning their country.
Marco Polo ascribes the use of war elephants to the inhabitants of Zanzibar, while Masa€™udi expressly states that their land was rich in elephants, which, however, were neither tamed, nor were they used in any manner. A river empties in the Syrtus west of Masrata, which comes from a lake in the neighborhood of Wadam, and which is called by Idrisi Palmenoase, a river five daysa€™ journey south of the Great Syrtus. In addition to the elephant and the crocodile, a camel is represented in the southwest, and near it a mythical animal, which may be a dragon or a basilisk, and which, according to tradition, inhabited Africa in antiquity and in the middle ages.
For instance, the name Ethiopia appears six times, and in addition, in Western Europe, Ethiopia interior, and in the east, Ethiopia Egypti.
To tackle this question, it is necessary to hypothesize on the mapmakera€™s intentions and study the way he handles the space on his map. Just as important are the various dimensions of meaning on the Genoese World Map relating to faith and social life.
Today, in character with the preferences of our own culture, we are persuaded to live our everyday life in a homogeneous, absolute space, neatly separated from time, notwithstanding that Albert Einstein disproved this notion. Compare, for instance, this Catalan-Estense map (#246), the Walsperger world map (#245) and this Genoese world map, all of approximately the same date, ca. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. The reconstructions shown here are based upon data in the medieval world maps that were, in turn, derived from Roman originals, plus textual descriptions by classical geographers such as Strabo, Pomponius Mela and Pliny. The emphasis upon Rome is reflected in the stubby form of Italy, which made it possible to show the Italian provinces on an enlarged scale.
We are told by late Roman and medieval sources that he employed four Greeks, who started work on the map in 44 B.C.
That is the form of the Hereford world map (Book IIB, #226), which seriously distorts the relative positions and sizes of areas of the world in a way we should not imagine Julius Caesar and his technicians would have. On the re-establishment of peace after the civil wars, he was determined on the one hand to found new colonies to provide land for discharged veterans, on the other hand to build up a new image of Rome as the benevolent head of a vast empire.
It was erected in Rome on the wall of a portico named after Agrippa, which extended along the east side of the Via Lata [modern Via del Corso]. Orosius seems to have read, and followed fairly closely both Agrippa and Pliny, as well as early writers from Eratosthenes onwards. His source was clearly one commissioned by Romans, not Greeks, as his figures for those areas are in miles, not stades. The Agrippa map probably did not, in the absence of any mention, use any system of latitude and longitude. These include both land and sea measurements, though the most common are lengths and breadths of provinces or groups of provinces. But on the credit side, Agrippaa€™s map, sponsored by Augustus, was obviously an improvement on that of Julius Caesar on which it is likely to have been based.
The general history of ancient cartography and our knowledge of Roman buildings in the Augustan period would appear to be our surest guides.
The German philologist and historian Detlev Detlefsen always clung steadfastly the view that there was no such publication and that the inscriptions on the map itself provided all the geographical information that was available to later times under the name of Agrippa. Detlefsen had explained their origin by assuming the production of smaller hand-copies of Agrippaa€™s map, their smallness then making a written text desirable. Small discrepancies were to be explained by differences in the copies of the map used by each.
Strabo used Agrippa only for Italy and the neighboring islands, so that our chief evidence comes from the other three sources. Detlefsen believed that the island sections were later added to the Demensuratio, but according to Tierney there can be little doubt that he is wrong in this and that Klotz is right in thinking that these sections have rather fallen out of the Divisio.
It relies on the general scheme of the Greek maps that had been current since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and attempts to rectify them, particularly in Western Europe, with recent information derived from the Roman itineraries and route-books.
We have to thank Professor Schnabel for providing in the same article a new critical text of both the Demensuratio and the Divisio. He sets out, at first, to prove that Agrippaa€™s map possessed a network of lines of longitude and latitude. 39, sections 211-219, where Pliny mentions evidently as a work of supererogation, a€?the subtle Greek inventiona€? of parallels of latitude, showing the areas of equal shadows and the relationship of day and night Pliny then gives seven parallels, running at intervals between Alexandria and the mouth of the Dnieper, with longest days running from fourteen to fifteen hours.
Hipparchus had made the Don parallel the seventeen-hour parallel, corresponding to 54A° N latitude, whereas Pliny here puts it at sixteen hours or 48A° 30" N latitude, which is nearly correct. 39, section 211, refers obviously to all that follows as far as the end of Book VI and shows that the complete passage is taken from Greek sources.
In the first place, Schnabel has apparently overlooked Ptolemya€™s method of establishing the longitude and latitude of particular geographical points. Pliny gives this itinerary as running at the base of the Alps, from the Varus through Turin, Como, Brecia, Verona and other towns on to Trieste, Pola and the Arsia. For the reduction, of longitude he uses, as I have said, the factor of forty-three sixtieths derived from Ptolemya€™s fifth map of Europe (Book VIII, cap. Tierney turns to his last main argument in which lie tries to prove Agrippa to be the author of a new value of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia, Pliny (V, 59) gives the distance of the island of Elephantine from Syene as sixteen miles and its distance from Alexandria as 585 miles.
If we accepted it we might as well accept that everyone in antiquity who either sailed or traveled in a north-south direction in the eastern Mediterranean was also engaged in establishing a new degree value.


On the general question of Roman proficiency in geographical studies some light is thrown by a passage of Strabo (Book III, C 166) who says: a€?The Roman writers imitate the Greeks but they do not go very far. The phrase which he uses of Agrippaa€™s aqueducts is exactly echoed in Plinya€™s phrase tanta diligentia. Before entering into the details of Agrippaa€™s map it will be useful to examine briefly these two traditions, the Greek and the Roman, in order to grasp more clearly the problem which confronted Agrippa or whoever else might wish to construct a world map in the age of Augustus. We are told that it was Democritus who first abandoned the older circular map and made a rectangular one whose east-west axis, the longitude, was half as long again as the north-south axis, the latitude. The campaigns of Alexander and the new Greek settlements pushed the Greek horizon far to the east while in the west the intrepid Pytheas of Massalia circumnavigated Britain and sailed along the European coast from Gibraltar at least as far as the Elbe, publishing his investigations in a work which included gnomonic observations at certain points, and remarks on the fauna and flora of these distant areas. He made devastating attacks on the eastern sections of the map, as being seriously incorrect, both on mathematical and on astronomical grounds.
Sad to relate, the gradually accumulating mass of details concerning roads and areas did not add up to any great increase in geographical knowledge. Our three main authorities, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, have suffered a great deal in the transmission of these latter figures, the longitude and latitude, so-called. Klotz has argued that Agrippa did not use the word longitudo in the technical sense of the east-west measurement, nor the word latitudo in the technical sense of the north-south measurement, but rather in the more general sense of length and breadth. To evaluate the map we must take a glance at each of these boxes in turn, and the most convenient order would appear to be that of the Greek geographers and of Agrippa himself, if we can trust the order of the Divisio that has Europa, Asia, Lybia, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa. The internal line of division ran south from the estuary at NA“ca between the Astures and the Cantabri, down to Oretania and on to New Carthage.
Off the coast of Gallia Comata lies an enormous Britain, 800 by 300 miles, and north of it an equally exaggerated Hibernia [Ireland]. Corsica, in fact forms the eastern boundary of Sardinia and this explains why the long axis of both islands is described as the longitude. Tierney believes that it is possible to remove the difficulties felt about Agrippaa€™s Syria by both Detlefsen and Klotz.
Only a few more boxes or rectangles are left to the east of the line, formed by Armenia, Syria and Egypt, but now they begin to grow portentously large.
Spain has three sections and Gaul two, while in the east of Europe Dacia and Sarmatia run off to the unknown northern ocean, and further east again the sections are quite enormous. Natural features such as the mountains and rivers that divided provinces were shown also, but in what exact way is not clear.
He points out that just as Eratosthenes had divided the inhabited earth into his famous a€?sealsa€?, so also Agrippa divided the earth into groups of countries without reference to their political or geographical conditions. Any attempt to draw the map of Agrippa from the figures that have survived without some astronomical backing is entirely hopeless.
Wherever itineraries did not exist he made use of the estimated distances of the Greek geographers, and outside the Empire he had to rely on them altogether.
Proceeding in our evaluation with this in mind we can gain insights into how the mappaemundi arrived at their final design.
Fisher believes that the central zones on Agrippaa€™s map had to be eliminated when the Christians decided to adopt and adapt from Greek maps the concept of cartographic centricity by distorting the map to position the holy city of Jerusalem at the mapa€™s center. Some believe that these manuscripts were instruction sets used to construct a mappa mundi based on the fact that the text is spatially specific. The reconstruction acknowledges that the waterway originated on Agrippaa€™s map as it is common to most mappaemundi, but it assumes that the Roman original was far less imposing, whereas SchA¶nera€™s design suggests that the mappaemundi are far more accurate in their depiction of the waterway spanning most of the continent. All three adjustments were based on their Roman counterparts, but reflect necessary adjustments as the makers of the mappaemundi opted for a Christocentric design. His evaluation, however, is based on the fact that copies of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum did indeed exist and were at one time distributed throughout Europe becoming the model for the medieval mappaemundi. From this it is quite evident that the two parts, Europe and Africa, occupy half of the world and that Asia alone occupies the other half.
Proceeding to a systematic description of the countries of the world, of Asia Isidore says that it is bounded in the east by Lake Maeotis [Sea of Azov] and the river Tanais [the river Don]. Other maps give definite localities for the Twelve Tribes of Israel and the abiding places of the Twelve Apostles. The most closely related or influenced maps of the T-Oa€™s are those that accompany manuscripts of Sallusta€™s works and may have originally been drawn to illustrate a passage from Sallusta€™s De bello Jugurthino which, like Isidorea€™s treatise, also attempted to briefly describe the countries of the world. Both accounts appear bound in one manuscript that was copied and used as a textbook of history for almost a millennium.
The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees.
The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted changing It in their barbarous tongue, into Moors.
Many copies of this map mention the name of Armenians in North Africa, along with the names of the Medes and the Persians These were probably the forbearers of the first T-O maps, as we know them today.
Some of these include basic T-O maps, which show the continents, including the names of some countries and peoples. The copy dates from the ninth or tenth century and is drawn on vellum and taken from a Sallust manuscript now in the University of Leipzig in Germany. In the area of Europe there are no legends, only the city of Roma is represented with a vignette of a castle and its name, attesting to the importance of the power of Rome in the Empire.
Affrica contains 24 legends, which include cities of Harran, Cartage [Cartage] plus four other cities. The left arm of the T is inscribed Tanais, but the right arm, which should have borne the name Nilus, is only connected to the Nile at the right extremity, where the Nilus is shown as a vertical line. There are 15 toponyms and the countries of Phoenicea, Carthago, Ethiopia, Numidia and mountains of Catabatmon are shown. This area is divided first into the lands of Judea, Galilee, and Palestine, and further by the names of seven of the Twelve Tribes.
One of the most interesting features of this map is its highly abstract form: it is mostly comprised of straight lines with only a few concessions to irregular geographical forms. Most puzzling is that the label for Europe crosses what would normally be the Mediterranean.
The division of the earth among the sons of Noah, Noaha€™s ark, seven of the twelve tribal territories of the land of Israel, Jericho and the city of refuge (Joshua 20) for those guilty of involuntary manslaughter under Hebrew law, all come from Jewish history. These divisions are treated rather casually, however, for the label EVROPA straddles the boundary between Europe and Africa; locations in the Holy Land are indifferently assigned to Asia and Africa, and Athens and Achaia are placed in Asia.
Running horizontally across the middle of the map, and dividing Asia from Africa and Europe, is a band labeled HIERVSALEM. Europe in principle occupies the left hand side of the lower half of the map, but the label EVROPA actually straddles the vertical divider.
Great Britain, Ireland and Thule are represented at or over the edge of the orbis and in the northern rather than western quadrant. The prominence given to Jerusalem, together with the double representation of the Cross (once on its own, and once on Mount Zion), is a case in point. Evelyn Edson, on the other hand, argues that MS 17a€™s mappamundi is one of a small group of complex maps directly inspired by computus themes. A famous and often reproduced world map in a manuscript of the short version of Mansela€™s book, which was probably made by Simom Marmion in about 1460, illustrates the division of the world among the three sons of Noah. Mansela€™s description includes ancient places such as Carthage and Delos, biblical places such as Babylon and Judaea, and lands of contemporary importance such as Westphalia and Gascony.
Of course that is the easy conclusion, but it is rendered very plausible if we look at the names of some of the islands in the circumfluent oceana€”golgavatas terra, lapides presiosa (for lapides pretiosi, a€?precious stonesa€?), habundans terra, illa deserta, tamaria, alphaua terra, and illa arcana, for examplea€”which are quite clearly invented. It immediately precedes the prologue to Book IV, which includes a regional description of the world in alphabetical order. Among these manuscripts are many illustrated works on astrology and astronomy as well as some on geography, but virtually nothing contains a map.
The circular legend around the city reads The city of Jerusalem populated in ancient and recent times by the Israelites [the Armenian phrase reads Bnakui hin yev nor avrinatz qaghaq I[sra] letzotz vor e Yerusaghem].
It also resembles the plan of Jerusalem in another Armenian manuscript in the Matenadaran, the much later MS 1770 which dates from 1589.
This is shown by the pair of vertical red lines that descend from Jerusalem in the center to the outer Ocean and represent the Mediterranean, which is identified only by the word Sea. Between the inscription and the Mediterranean, that is in western Africa, is a small circle which, being inland, can only denote a lake. It is outlined in black, colored solidly in red and interrupted as if to indicate the traditional crossing of the Israelites as they fled from Egypt. Two black lines, drawn at right angles to each other and to the red lines of the continental division and the Mediterranean, indicate the Aegean and Black Seas.
In the north, following the curve of the encircling Ocean, and on the borders of Europe and Asia, is written Rusq [Russia]. Zaytun was the Arabic name given to the port of Quanzhou or Tseu-Tung in the province of Fujian, China. It may also be that this is the earliest Christian map on which the toponyms Caffa, Azov, Sarai, Zaytun and Khansai are found. The geographer Mkrdich Khachaturiana€™s suggestion that the map dates from 1206 is unlikely to be correct. The Flemish Franciscan William de Rubruck (1220-1293), who in 1253 travelled to the region, stated that [Sarah] Batu was one of the most important cities of the region. It is hardly possible to date a manuscript precisely based on palaeography alone, and, furthermore, the script used on the map is similar to that in a manuscript produced in Caffa in 1445 (Matenadaran, MS 8963), which is another collection of astrological and scientific subjects, with diagrams and calendars.
Only after Genoese merchants had leased it from the Mongols, was it transformed into a flourishing commercial centre, trading with the East and rivaling the Venetian- controlled city of Tanais on the Sea of Azov. Such a date would fit the suggestion that the Armenian mapmaker, who was most likely to have been a monk, either saw or was told about contemporary Italian T-O maps in Caffa, a city not only administered by the Genoese, but also to all intents and purposes functioning as an Italian city, and one of the most suitably located Armenian communities for intellectual as well as commercial contact with the West. Hovhannes Hovhannisian, the other Armenian geographer who has studied the map, argues that the presence of the commercial centers of Khorazm [Oxiana] and Sarai are indicative of the period when the Mongols had close connections with Khorazm (that is, from the 1240s to the 1360s), and this explains the rationale behind his dating the map to as late as 1360.
Other biblical events and places are shown on the map, however: Jerusalem, the giving of the Tablets of the Law to Moses, Mount Sinai and the Red Sea. While the Hereford mappamundi, c.1290 (#226) and the Sawley map, 1180 (#215) each show a monastic establishment, the references to these have been placed on the banks of the Nile. It can plausibly be deduced, that the author was familiar with Central Asia since current trends in commercial and political relations are well represented by the depiction of the Silk Road cities and major trading centers such as Baghdad, Damascus, Constantinople and Venice. A sumptuous example of Flemish illumination illustrating an encyclopedic work, it embodies the spirit of medieval civilization. We sell factory cut to length pole building metal in 26 to choose from, a full line of lumber with factory engineered trusses, metal trims and accessories, garage doors, man doors and much much more. Please navigate to the "Clients" page of our website to explore various client testimonials.• We offer a wide variety of buildings - agricultural and residential, as well as services customized to suit all your home improvement needs.
Did you know that small rodents (like mice, rats or chipmunks) are the culprits in over 25% of all farm fires of unknown origin?
They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment. Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?.
In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse.
The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist. A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes. Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period. Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms.
The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries.
From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties.
We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work.
But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan.
Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors.
Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them.
Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions.
In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged.
Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella.
Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world.
Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places.
To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions.
When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans. Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society. Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map.
Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map. Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. However, the map is not well preserved, a fact due in part to careless handling, in part to its peculiar mounting which evidently is very old. The map was made not for practical use but for display, probably in the library of the Spinola family.
It has been read to refer to Marino Sanudoa€™s map, to the knowledge of sailors (though ungrammatically), and to Marinos of Tyre. It is, however, but mere conjecture to assert that our draughtsman had a Marinus map before him while working out his sketch, though it conforms to the geographical notion of that ancient cartographer. A standard way of describing the earth, from Bede to the Catalan Atlas (#235), was to compare it to an egg.
But since this is a description of the cosmographers, who make no mention of it, it is omitted from this narration.a€? Who are the cosmographers, who also appeared in the caption cited above but in a more negative context? Angelo Cattaneo has identified the source of this legend as Chapter 18 of Pero Tafura€™s Andancas e viajes de Pero Tafur por diversas partes del mundo avidos, written c. Between the Dniester, at that time the western boundary of the Mongol empire, and the Dnieper is the city Lordo, a name that often appears in references to treaty relations established between the Mongols and the people of the Occident. Here we also find Lisbona, Sibilla, Taragona, Barcelona, Saragosa, and a few other names which are illegible.
From the names given which so frequently appear in the history of the period that of Constantinople is omitted.
All these are taken from the Conti narrative: Java major is thought to be Borneo, and Java minor the island now known by that name. West of the Golden Chersonese is an animal with the tail of a fish, a humanlike head and large horns and ears, with outstretched arms so attached to the body as to make them serviceable in flying or swimming. Heinrich Wuttke (Karten der seefahrenden Volker) provides a transcription of the captions in the margins and in the figure. In the place of Ptolemya€™s Taprobana two islands are represented, the larger of which, though appearing in outline to be Taprobana, is rather to be taken as a representation of Sumatra, while the smaller bears the name Ceylon. The inhabitants of this Taprobana, which in their language is called Ciamutera, are barbarians, having large ears in which they wear ornaments, and they dress in linen clothes. According to a conjecture of Yule, the name Sumara, which appears in a manuscript of Marco Polo as the name of one of the kingdoms of the island, is only a corruption of Sumatra. The other legend, near the picture of a three-masted ship, reads: The Indian Sea is filled with many islands, rocks and sand-banks.
Chinese junks, after an interval of five hundred years, again sailed the Indian Ocean at the end of the 13th century. In addition to the sails, which were made of bamboo matting and attached to four or more masts, these Indian ships had rudders, which were handled by from ten to thirty men.
Marco Polo called it the Sea of Ghel, or Ghelan, since Gilan, the city whence silks came, was to the Italians the best-known city on its shores.
A mountain range farther eastward, and stretching in a northeast-southwest direction, is the east Iranian mountain range, along which flows the Indus. Here was a national highway over which, immediately preceding this period, the wild people of central Asia so frequently came into southern Asia. In these rather remarkable sketches we probably have a reference to the lakes of Udaipur and Dbar on the southern highlands of Mewar, which lakes in fact lie between the Indus and the Ganges. Yule refers to it as one known in the fourth century of the Christian era, in which allusion is made to the hyacinth or jacinth. In Turkestan is the legend King Cambellannas, son of the great Khan, by which legend is probably meant Timur, who reunited the numerous small kingdoms into which, about 1350, Dschagati had fallen.
On most of the early maps of the middle ages this land of Gog and Magog is represented, but with the advance of knowledge of Asia the names were given to lands further northward. Of the cities which are here most distinguished there may be named Sinope, which is adorned with a Genoese banner. Of the cities of Parthia only the name Yier appears, by which perhaps Dschordschan is meant. Maabar, it should be noted, is not to be confounded with Malabar, or Melibar of Marco Polo.
There was scarcely a Christian traveler from the time of Montecorvino and Marco Polo, returning with information concerning the so-called Thomas Christians, who had failed to visit Meliapur near Madras, since the place of Saint Thomasa€™ burial was a sacred spot not only to Christians but also to Mohammedan pilgrims. The Arnona Civitas of the Genoese cartographer seems to lie in about the position of Contia€™s Cernove, reached by him in a fifteen daysa€™ journey from the mouth of the river.
The southern coast of Africa is made to extend in a flattened curve toward the east, which representation is similar to that on the world maps of Sanudo, of Leardo, and of Fra Mauro (#228, #242, #249). A legend here reads: This animal, called the sea hog, gathers its food with its snout like the land hog. This legend gives us the Arabic name for the Mountains of the Moon as Gebelcan, which is doubtless the same as Gebel Camr. The Blue Nile, however, is represented according to most recent information from Abyssinia; this river, uniting with the Atbara, forms one river which flows out of a large lake, in which an island is represented.
It may be noted that even today the banks of this lake, as well as its islands, are the site of numerous churches and monasteries. There can be no doubt that in the lands on the west side of the Red Sea elephants were captured by the Ptolemies in great numbers, tamed and made use of in war, as Ptolemy Euergetes testifies in the inscription from Adulis that he employed Troglodytic and Ethiopian elephants against those from India. It is difficult to determine whether by this Wadi Schegea or Wadi um el Cheil is to be understood.
One here recalls the description which Idrisi gives of a dragon living on an oasis to the east of Sahara, so enormous in size that it was often mistaken for a mountain. But since that is a representation of cosmographers who have given no description of it, therefore an account of it is here omitted. What is clear is the mapmakera€™s declaration of intent, his striving for accuracy and a near-natural depiction of the world, all of which make his map look rather modern. Using these histories, he concentrated his attention on certain regions, emphasizing especially Asia, distinguishing certain locations through different forms of depiction, thereby creating a hierarchical space. Perhaps in answering certain questions one should not look too hard for historical transitions or changes in cartography, as this tempts one to privilege current representational conventions. Therefore, although this study focuses on maps that are centuries old, it just might enhance our understanding of the current conflict between our daily experience and our theoretical knowledge of space and time. This leads him on to the advantages of the northern half from the point of view of agriculture.
The original was made at the command of Agrippaa€™s father-in-law, the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. These were no doubt freedmen, of whom there were large numbers in Rome, including many skilled artisans.
A late Roman geographical manual gives totals of geographical features in this lost map with recording names, but even the totals, on examination, turn out to be unreliable.
Mapping enabled him to carry out these objectives and to perfect a task begun by Julius Caesar.
This portico, of which fragments have been found near Via del Tritone, was usually called Porticus Vipsania, but may have been the same as the one that Martial calls Porticus EuropA¦, probably from a painting of Europa on its walls. Dicuil tells us that he followed Pliny except where he had reason to believe that Pliny was wrong. It is through such features that continents, nations, favorable sites of cities, and other refinements have been conceived, features of which a regional [chorographic] map is full; one also finds a quantity of islands scattered over the seas and along the coasts.
The fact that such an insignificant and distant place as Charax was named on the map shows the detail that it embodied. His sister, Vipsania Polla, began the work, and we know from Dio Cassius that it was still unfinished in the year 7 B.C. There can be no reasonable doubt that the map was a rectangular one with the east-west measurements running horizontally and the north-south measurements running vertically.
Though Strabo does not mention Agrippaa€™s name here he is probably merely being tactful with regard to the Emperor who, presumably, took a large part in the completion of the portico with its map. One must grant Detlefsen that in Plinya€™s main reference there is talk only of a map and the commentarii are merely the basis of the map. Partsch on the contrary, had assumed an original publication, contemporary with the original map, of a Tabellenwerk, that is, a series of tabulated lists. 1475, and, according to Paul Schnabel (Text und Karten des PtolemA?us, 1938) the thirteen manuscripts of the 15th and 16th centuries and a further manuscript of the 13th century all derive from the ninth-century codex in the library of Merton College, Oxford. What they show is rather that on the orders of Theodosius two members of his household composed a map of the world, one written and the other a painting.
The classical scholar Alfred Klotz, however, in his articles on the map has shown that a number of correspondences between the two works as against Pliny point rather to a common source from which both works are derived. Greek cartography, like Greek writing, ran from left to right and perhaps the former practice was promoted by the fact that the western boundary of Europe was well known, at least from the time of Pytheas (ca. The numerals are much more corrupt than those in Pliny, and there is usually a presumption, therefore, that Plinya€™s figures preserve a better version of Agrippa. Schnabel, while expressing appreciation of the earlier work of Alfred Klotz, yet criticizes Klotz severely on two grounds. For the sixth of these parallels he gives a slight correction due to the Publius Nigidius Figulus (ca.
Therefore, Schnabel argues, the incorrect latitude of Hipparchus was corrected by Agrippa who had experience of the Black Sea in his later years. His proximate source, moreover, he names in section 217, according to his usual custom, as Nigidius Figulus. The parallels of Meroe and Thule were both equally useless in astrological geography although they may well have been mentioned by Nigidius, as they are by Strabo simply by way of clearing the decks. H, 10, 1.) for the mouth of the river Varus (the frontier of Gaul and Italy), that is, 27A° 30a€™ E longitude and 43A° N latitude, and again his position for Nesakton (Geog.
This method Ptolemy has described quite clearly and unambiguously in the fourth chapter of Book I of his Geography.
It is difficult to see how Schnabel imagined that this line could be reduced to a straight line of 411 miles. What they have to say they translate from the Greeks but of themselves they provide very little impulse to learning, so that where the Greeks have left gaps the Romans provide little to fill the deficiency, especially since most of the well-known writers are Greek.a€? On a comparison of this passage with Straboa€™s usual sycophantic admiration of things Roman we can rate it as very severe criticism. He was, therefore, well acquainted also with the map or Agrippa to which, or to whose content he refers no less than seven times in his Books II, V and VI. In the fourth century the study of spherical geometry was pushed forward rapidly by Eudoxus in the Academy, and again by Callippus. This new knowledge was then exploited geographically by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (#112) in the latter half of the third century. His delineation of the Near East, of Egypt, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was reasonably correct, and this was also true of his sketch of the Atlantic coast of Europe and the Brettanic islands in which area he followed Pytheas. Hipparchus further indicated the theoretic requirements for establishing the exact location of points on the eartha€™s surface. Despite his criticism of earlier geographers such as Pytheas, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it has long been recognized that he does not advance their work except in providing some details in regard to the map of Europe, while his general map of Europe has more faults than that of Eratosthenes. Without the stiffening of astronomical observation the Roman road systems were like a number of fingers probing blindly in the dark.
The variation in the figures is aggravated by the fact that our later authorities do not entirely understand the Roman method of expressing large numbers as used by Agrippa and Pliny. This is, however, a serious error on the part of Klotz and to accept it would be a very retrograde step in our appreciation of the map.
Therefore the word longitude could reasonably he used of its full length, and the measurements at right angles to this, that is, the latitudes, varied so much that Agrippa thought it necessary to give at least two, one in northern Italy and the second from Rome to the river Aternus. Since the Pyrenees are supposed to run north and south the longitude of Hispania citerior is really the latitude, as was noted before.
Over the Rhine lies a small Germany, only half the size of Gaul, and southeast of it an Illyricum and Pannonia of about the same size as Germany. Cross measurements of the Mediterranean are given at three points, from the Italian coast by way of Corsica and Sardinia to Africa, from southern Greece through Sicily to the same place, and from Cape Malea in Greece to Crete and Cyrenaica. Mesopotamia measures a fairly modest 800 by 320 miles, but further east Media measures 1,320 by 840, Arabia to the south is 2,170 by 1,296 and, finally, India represents the Far East with 3,300 by 1,300.
He must have taken over the map of Eratosthenes as revised by people such as Polybius, Posidonius and Artemidorus, and made it the basis of his own. Pliny understood these measurements as being the prime value of the map and that is why he copies them so exhaustively. Sometimes simple dividing lines were used, such as that used in central Spain, or wherever natural features of division were not present.
Thus Agrippaa€™s India corresponds generally to the first a€?seala€? of Eratosthenes, and Agrippaa€™s Arabia, Ethiopia and Upper Egypt corresponds to the fourth a€?seala€?.
Even with an astronomical basis they only provide us with a set of rectangles mostly scattered at haphazard about the Mediterranean.
At the boundaries to the north, east and south he had to content himself with qua cognitum est. This water feature is significant not only in the fact that it is completely landlocked, unlike most waterways which empty into a surrounding sea, but also notably both waterways are 1) truncated at each end by circular lakes 2) are similarly arced away from the center of their C-shaped surrounding, and 3) span the portion of their C-shape lying opposite the Greek and Italian peninsulas, the portion of the map which coincides with Africa.
First century Roman maps like Agripaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, which had existed throughout Europe, disappeared during the medieval period, but at least one copy was discovered in Germany just a few years prior to the arrival of Schonera€™s 1515 globe, the Peutinger Table (#120), and therefore it is not unreasonable to believe that SchA¶ner might have had access to an unfinished copy of Agrippaa€™s map.
When Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum was originally created and put up for display on the wall of a portico, extensive commentary was likely consolidated within the center circular zone (2), but extending Jerusalem and Asia Minor into the mapa€™s center displaced much of the central text and necessitated the text's redistribution about the mappamundia€™s new design, relocating comments within the region to which each pertained, which is why we find the mappae mundi littered with commentary.
But it may actually be that the EMM were based on the original text found on Agrippaa€™s map with the locative terms such as a€?above,a€? a€?opposite,a€? and a€?to the south ofa€? being necessary for a consolidated text set apart from the map, while the mappaemundia€™s placement of these data items directly onto the map logically allowed the removal of the spatial references.
The mappaemundi maintained this orientation because medieval Christians held Eden, which they believed resided in the east, in high esteem. The reconstruction also omits completely the lateral mountain range above the waterway, which seems like a rather large oversight as both the Peutinger Table and Ptolemya€™s map, two ancient Roman maps, incorporated a trans-African range as does SchA¶nera€™s design.
It also maintains a more realistic belief that ancient maps did not maintain the accuracy of modern maps, but retained a basic design and set of elements common to nearly all ancient maps. The former were made into two parts because the Great Sea (called the Mediterranean) enters from the Ocean between them and cuts them apart .
His treatment of the habitable earth enables one to arrive fairly easily at the scope of his knowledge. During his mission there he was involved in various rebellions and conflicts with neighboring powers and has left accounts of his activities.
In his Jugurthine War Sallust writes about Africa, describing its geographic location and climatic conditions, as well as its demography where he narrates how the Armenian mercenaries settled in North Africa and intermingling with the Libyan tribes, gave rise to the peoples that inhabit the region today.
Since they are about the history of northern Africa, this particular area is shown in more detail. In Europe only the name of the continent and two countries of Italia and Hyspania are shown. Near the Nile the land is described as Exusta [parched], a reference to the southern parched areas. Jerusalem was the focus of that Conquest for more than two centuries of Crusaders, and it would remain the center of attention on maps until the invention of printing and the publication of Ptolemy in the 1470s. The whole is illustrated by instructive diagrams, including five world maps: two T-O centers of rotae, two zonal maps, and one larger, more detailed map.
Another oddity is that Achaia, where St Andrew [preached] is in Southeast Asia, far from Athens, the preaching site of Paul. These are the usual numbers for the descendants of Shem and Ham, but the source of the numbers for Armenia and why this country is singled out are not clear.
There is no attempt at cartographic realism: this is a diagram containing a list of places. ASIA MAIOR: glossed QVOD SVNT SEPTVAGINTA DVE GENTES ORTE, and beneath this De Sem gentes XXVI.
In the Europe zone, reading from top to bottom and left to right are: Terra macedonum, Campania, Italia, ROMA, tiberis flumen, Tuscia, mons Ethna, sicilia, KARTAGO MAGNA.
These independent maps tend to occupy the full width of the page, or the page in its entirety.
Anna-Dorothea von den Brincken claims that this map is the first to position Jerusalem in the centre of the world, and not at its eastern extremity. A mappamundi with identical arrangement and legends appears in the Peterborough Computus (Harley 3667 fol.
The British Isles and Ireland were little corners of the outer margins of the orbis terrarum, which further served to marginalize the deviant computus of the island churches. But the ADAM device, to say nothing of its proximity to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram both in MS 17 and in the Peterborough computus, argue forcefully for its derivation from Byrhtferth or his milieu. In this category she includes oikumene maps, often quite large, such as the one in Vatican City BAV 6018 fols. Another world map in a manuscript of the long version of the book, this one created c.1480, for this map contains large and prominent sea monsters in the circumfluent ocean.
His aim was to show how Rome developed from a small town to a global empire, almost every corner of which had been penetrated by Christianity before the empire passed to the Franks.
In fact none of the islands in the circumfluent ocean which are discussed by Mansela€”Grande-Bretagne, iles Fortunees, Gales, Irlande, Orcades, Escosse, Thanatos, Taprobane, Thule, and Islandea€”appears on this map.
The oldest geographical work originates from as early as the fifth century and is titled in Armenian Ashkharhatzuytz or Mirror of the World. The horizontal arms of the letter T (stretching north and south from Jerusalem at the centre) are not represented by the rivers Tanais (Don) and Nile, as in conventional T-O maps, but by single red lines ruled, it would seem, to demarcate Asia from Europe and from Africa.
The considerable prominence given to Jerusalem can be explained by the fact that the Armenian Church had, and still has, close ties with the Holy City and is one of the four custodians of the Holy Places, with a church, seminary and religious order active since the 5th century.
Outside the double-circle frame of the map are the names of the four cardinal directions Hyusis, Harav, Arevelq and Arevmutq, and the word Dzov [Sea] is written seven times. Further in from the Ocean two cities are named, Kostandnupolis [Constantinople] and Venejia [Venice].
Indeed, that is how it is identified, with the phrase Ays dzovis anunn Tuman [This Sea is named Tuman]. The legend that appears to refer to the Crossing of the Red Sea is worn and partly illegible.
A gap in the horizontal line for the Aegean, filled with the name Kostandnupolis [Constantinople], seems to imply that the line also represents the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmara and the Bosporus.
Zaytun and Khansai appear on the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#246) as Ciutat de Zaytun and Ciutat de Cansay, respectively; Fra Mauroa€™s map of 1459 (#249) contains these toponyms as Cayton and Chansay. His conjecture was based on the assumption that all the toponyms on the map are contemporary with the time of its creation. This posed a problem for Khachaturian, however, and he therefore had to insist that the toponym Sara related not to Sarai-Batu but to some other location, perhaps a putative island in the Caspian Sea, even though the Caspian is neither mentioned on the map nor has it ever had an inhabited island named Sara. Looking at the toponyms shown on the map, the question arises why a Cilician-Armenian mapmaker would have included the names of cities along the distant northern Silk Road, instead of the toponyms in his locality.
The earliest mention of Caffa in Armenian literature dates from the middle of the 13th century. In Rouben Galichiana€™s view, the most creditable hypothesis is that the map was created between the late-13th and mid-14th centuries, or even slightly later, which is in line with Hovhannisiana€™s proposal. The legend to the southeast of Palestine, between Mount Sinai and the Nile reads Takhtak orinatz zor yet[ur] a[stua]tz Movs[es]i, which translates Tablets of law that God gave Moses.
The Armenian language has several different words that mean monastery, among them liana, menastan and ananpat. It may also be suggested that the mapmaker was a native of the region, very likely from 14th century Caffa, then one of the most important Armenian cultural centers and the source of a large number of manuscripts of that date. Give us a call and we would be glad to help you design your latest project.  LIKE us on FACEBOOK, see what's new!Stay up to date on current projects, ask questions, or just simply say hello!
This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time.
The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction. After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on. The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy.
The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art. Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period. They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope.
The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes. We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained.
Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period.
Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret.
The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators.
While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire.
What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. To prevent the crinkling of the parchment, as would appear, it has been mounted on four boards of suitable width and of about half an inch in thickness, which boards have been adjusted to fold. In support of the last idea, it is noteworthy that the map appears to extend 225A° by 87A°, the extent of the habitable world, according to him. This abandonment of the more common circular form enabled the cartographer to show features that were increasingly squeezed on 15th century mappaemundi. The main purpose of the analogy seems to have been to describe the various spheres surrounding the earth (egg white, shell), but the idea of an egg shape could have been derived from these works.
In the Indian Ocean are shown a mermaid and a fish with a devila€™s head, while on land nearby is a snake with a human head.
Prester John is represented behind a wall, protecting him from the future rampages of Gog and Magog. This monster is said to attack the ships of the Indians, usually breaking them immediately, but its crest can get stuck in the ship's wood and as a result the creature, unable to escape, kills itself. Sara was the capital of the Kipchak, and in the 14th century was a city of great importance, but in 1395 was destroyed by Timur. Though the names Sanday and Bandam have not been satisfactorily explained, the reference in the legend to spices and cloves makes it fairly certain that they are islands of the Moluccas group. If we have here an attempt at a representation of the Gulf of Siam, the city Pauconia is probably Bangkok. A legend gives the following information: This species of fish, recently [caught?] in Candia, feeds upon the meadows of the shore like cows. A legend near this reads: The island of Ceylon, having a circumference of three thousand miles, is rich in rubies, sapphires, and cata€™s-eyes, and produces cinnamon from trees similar to our willow tree. Marco Polo, the first traveler from the west who seems to have brought definite word from Sumatra, called it Java the Less, under which name, however, according to the Genoese cartographer, we are to understand Java or Borneo.
Their ships, therefore, are constructed with many compartments, to the end that if they are broken in any part, the remaining parts may be sufficiently strong to complete the course. Marco Polo, who, on his homeward journey, sailed in one of them as far as Malabar, gives us a detailed picture of these boats. The larger vessels also carried small boats, which were used, as Marco Polo states, a€?to lay out the anchors, catch fish, bring supplies aboard, and the like. Mons Synai, near the northern border of the Red Sea, is represented, on the summit of which is the Convent of St. Aside from the Volga and the Ural, two other rivers are here represented, rising in a range of mountains that extends in an east-west direction.
This river forms through its four outlets a conspicuous delta, and receives from the neighboring mountain range two tributaries. Indeed, from the most ancient times this important highway was the connecting link between northern and southern Asia, and its architectural ruins a€”the fortifications erected by the different peoples at different timesa€”point to its significance.
It was one known to the Byzantines, to the Arabs, and to the Chinese, but it seems to owe its origin to India. King Cambalech, that is, the Great Khan, is represented in a picture as ruling Cathay, and the King of India is represented on horseback with sword in hand. Here the cosmographer seems to rely in the main on Arabic sources, and especially on Idrisi. On the Persian Gulf lies Ragan, by which Arragan is probably to be understood, whose ruins are found in the vicinity of the present Babahan, with Fars on the Ab Ergum. Destroyed first by Genghis Khan in 1221, and again by Timur, this great Asiatic frontier commercial city in the time of Conti was in ruins. The tradition that the holy Thomas preached Christianity in India, suffered martyrdom, and was buried in a mountain had its origin in very early times. Conti gives a vivid description of this part of the Ganges River, up which river, as he states, he sailed for the space of three months; and from his description one might conclude that he had passed entirely through Hindustan, and that after he had made the desired commercial observations he turned about to make a long sojourn in Maharatia, perhaps one of the four important cities to which he refers.
The southern continental boundary of the Indian Ocean appearing on Ptolemya€™s world maps, reduced to a long and narrow peninsula by Sanudo and Fra Mauro, is still further reduced by the Genoese cartographer. The name Djihal-alqamar, Mountains of the Moon, according to a conjecture of Kiepert, was derived in Ptolemya€™s time erroneously from Djibal-qomr, Blue Mountains.
Meroe, however, does not, as with Ptolemy, lie on a river island, but on a river peninsula. The large island Dek, or the Holy Daga Island, dedicated to Saint Stephen, is now inhabited by hermit monks, and to it the outside world is not admitted. In Tunis a river is made to empty into the Mediterranean, which is probably the Medscherda, with one branch emptying on the north side of the Gulf of Tunis, and with another into the Gulf of Hammamet. It had the form of a snake in that it crawled on the ground, but had large ears extending forward. Professor Fischer thinks this is to be understood as signifying that the Genoese cosmographer based his information on pre-Christian authors, that is, Pliny and Ptolemy, while omitting his own view concerning the position of the earthly paradise.
The mapmaker saw apparently no inconsistency in depicting different times simultaneously or one element in multiple locations, melding time and space seems to be effected unconsciously. In studying cosmological models of the Middle Ages, it would be more constructive to look for continuities that might even expose our modern understanding of homogeneous space as an illusion. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. The speakers compare Italy with Asia Minor, a country on similar latitudes where Greeks had experience of farming. India, Seres [China], and Scythia and Sarmatia [Russia] are reduced to small outlying regions on the periphery, thus taking on some features similar to the egocentric maps of the Chinese. He first became prominent as governor of Gaul, where he improved the road system and put down a rebellion in Aquitania.
Thus Agrippa is said to have written that the whole coast of the Caspian from the Casus River consists of very high cliffs, which prevent landing for 425 miles.
Such a word certainly ties up with Divisio I: a€?The world is divided up into three parts, named Europe, Asia, Libya or Africa.
It is, as one might expect, more accurate in well-known than less-known parts, and more accurate for land than for sea areas. Moreover it seems to have been the first Latin map to be accompanied by notes or commentary. In regard to the materials of construction I think we have to choose between the painted type of wall-map mentioned by Varro and the construction of marble slabs that is used in the forma urbis Romae of two centuries later, of which considerable parts are extant. Detlefsen, as against the view of Partsch, effectively quoted the passage of the younger Pliny, on the 160 volumes of his unclea€™s commentarii, which he describes as electoruma€¦ commentarios, opisthographos quidem et minutissime scriptos, annotated excerpts, written on the back in a minute hand. It is, of course, possible to imagine that tabulated lists were put up as an adjunct to the map at the short ends, but the references to Spain and the Caspian seem somewhat out of place even here, and the balance of probability on this problem seems to lie, although rather precariously in favor of a contemporary, or nearly contemporary, publication of at least a selection of Agrippaa€™s material comprising something more than mere lists of names and figures. Detlefsena€™s view that both works were the transformation of actual maps into a written record had the advantage that the differences in the order of the material in the two works was of little consequence, the map giving merely the visual impact, and the writer a€?being free to begin his description at whatever point on the map he preferreda€?. First come the boundaries of the province given in the constant order east, west, north, south. Firstly, Klotz has not discussed the possible use of Agrippa in Ptolemya€™s Geography, and secondly, and much more fundamentally, he has not recognized the scientific importance of the world-map of Agrippa as a link between Eratosthenes and Hipparchus on the one hand and Marinus and Ptolemy on the other, but has merely repeated traditional views dating from the end of the 19th century.
It follows further, says Schnabel, that Plinya€™s seventh parallel, that of fifteen hours, belongs equally to Agrippa. Detlefsen pointed this out in 1909, and Kroll (after Honigmann) throws further light on the subject in his article on Nigidius in R.
Plinya€™s final phrase about these scholars adding half an hour to all parallels denotes rather the astronomer than the astrologer. III, 1, 7) on the river Arsia, that is, 36A° 15a€™ east longitude arid 44A° 55a€™ N latitude. It would be fairer to use the reduction factor from Ptolemy's third map of Europe, referring to Gaul (Book VIII, cap. Hipparchus however, reckoned the distance from Syene to Alexandria as seven and one-seventh degrees of latitude. The most important of these passages is the first (II, 5, 17, C 120) where he refers to the important role played by the sea and secondarily, and by rivers and mountains in the shaping of the earth. Yet we may be sure that maps still continued to be made as rectangles on a plane surface, although the relation of the spherical to the plane surface must have begun to appear as a problem.
His calculation of the length of the eartha€™s circumference and of the degree length of 700 stadia was a notable event in the advance of geography. For latitude he described the celestial phenomena for each individual degree of the ninety degrees running north front the Equator to the North Pole, giving for each the length of the longest day and the stars visible.
He tells us that the lack of gnomonic readings in the east, of which Hipparchus complained, was equally true of the west (IL 1, C 71). When one considers the variants within the MSS groups it follows that one may have a dozen or more variants for a single number. The corresponding Greek words had, of course, originally meant length and breadth with no particular sense of direction. In Spain again the Pyrenees were always regarded as running north and south, parallel to the Rhine, while the east coast as far as the straits and Cadiz was regarded as running more or lees in a straight line to the west. Detlefsen accepts that Agrippaa€™s figure is an error without being able to explain why, while for Klotz Syria is an obvious proof that Agrippa assigned no definite direction to his longitude. India alone, therefore, has a longitude as great as the whole Mediterranean, while its latitude is comparable to that of Europe and Africa combined.
His chief pride would seem to have been in his measurements, and indeed it is only for the exactness of these that Pliny praises him when he refers to BA¦tica in Book III, 17.
Again the horizontal spine of Mount Taurus plays an important role in both as a line of division between the northern and southern areas, Agrippa, however, follows the Eratosthenic method of division only in a general way and not in detail. It is quite certain that the waterway made its way onto the mappaemundi via Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum as this landlocked waterway represents the Roman belief that the Nile River originated in the mountains of Mauritania and ran laterally across the continent dividing the African continent in two with Libya to the north and Ethiopia to the south. And finally, based on SchA¶nera€™s design Agrippaa€™s map was built around a concentric grid that resembled a polar projection which he as a globe maker would have readily recognized. Ancient Roman maps like the Peutinger Table, however, oriented the map with north to the top similar to the reconstruction based on SchA¶nera€™s design. But should some doubts still linger, he offers one last review two earlier images comparing the landmass to other C-shaped maps, the Greek Hecataeus (#108) and medieval Hereford world maps, and ask that you consider the mathematical probability that SchA¶ner would incorporate the precise elements of these maps in their precise order and placement without an ancient world map as his template. These maps are taken from various manuscript copies of Sallusts works some of them dating from as late as the 13th and the 14th centuries, when they were still in use as textbooks by historians and scholars. The fourth line from the center bottom, near mount Athlas reads Medi - Armeni, a reference to the Armenians and Medes having settled in the area. In Asia beside the name of the continent, river Nilus, Egypt and Mare Rubrum [Red Sea] are mentioned, while the tall rising tower bears the legend Jrslm [Jerusalem].
These are the people, that according to Sallust settled in North Africa, giving rise to the North African tribes of today.
Its heavily biblical content is also unusual: note Hierusalem on the central axis with the cross and Mt.
Of the sons of Noah, Shem is found in Asia and Ham in Africa, as usual, but Japheth stands next to Shem in Asia, instead of Europe. In the centre, at the juncture of the horizontal and vertical dividing bands, is an omega-shape with a cross in the centre, labeled beneath Mons syon. The only place names in the Africa zone are at the very top, and two of them, TERRA IVDA, and PALESTINA, may have been intended as part of the central band (B above). They absorbed significant amounts of text into the schematic frame, such as lists of the provinces of the inhabited world.
She associates this with the piety of the First Crusade, and the attention given to the Cross would support this claim. 8v), a manuscript very closely related to MS 17 in space and time; and the Peterborough computus also contains the only other extant copy of Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram (#205Z13).
Moreover, in Book 5 of the Historia ecclesiastica, Bede follows up his account of Adomnan of Ionaa€™s reception of the Roman Easter with a paraphrase of his De locis sanctis: now it is Jerusalem, not Rome, which is the center of the world, but the link between computistical orthodoxy and the universality of the Church in space is still the underlying message. The map (shown below) is in a chapter on the a€?Provinces du monde,a€? but there is almost no connection between the map and the list of provinces in the chapter. The legend hic sunt dragones, a€?Here there are dragonsa€?, sounds like a legend that would appear on many medieval mapsa€”such is our tendency to associate monsters with medieval mapsa€”but in fact it appears on only one other cartographic object, namely the Hunt-Lenox globe of c.1510 (Book IV, #314), where on the southeastern coast of Asia there is a legend that reads HC SVNT DRACONES.
The prominent sea monsters on the map are thus invented dangers, rather than being based on the descriptions of sea monsters in a bestiary or encyclopedia, and the labels, like those on the islands, are attempts to convey an authority and accuracy which in fact are absent.
Under the letter a€?Aa€™, for example, we read first about Asia and Assyria, then Arabia, Armenia and Albania.
One full and almost sixty abridged manuscript copies of this work have survived, thirty-three of which are in the Matenadaran. Only the northern end of the single red line might be considered to represent the river Tanais, the traditional divide between Europe and Asia. It may be worth bearing in mind that for the first four centuries of Christianity it was predominantly an Asiatic and North African religion, and that the Christian world was not divided into a Latin West and a predominantly Byzantine East until after the Council of Ephesus in 431. In Section 11, containing a text related to the Old Testament, there is circular plan of the city of Jerusalem (fol. Because the encircling Ocean touches two sides of paper, the words Hyusis [North] and Harav [South] have had to be split. West of this water body, an unnamed river is shown by a pair of parallel red lines bearing the simple inscription Sea. North of Constantinople, the vertical black line, inscribed only as Sea, represents the Black Sea. According to Ibn-Battuta, this was the largest port [he] had ever seen, which could easily accommodate more than 100 large Chinese junks.
Furthermore he claimed that since Mardin appears prominently on the map, it must have been made before the conquest of that city by the Arabs, in the early 13th century. By the middle of the 14th century, when numerous monastic scriptoria were in operation, the majority of Caffaa€™s population of 70,000 were Armenian. Arguably, the lack of any references to Armenia itself could be attributed to the fact that he lived far from his homeland and felt no particular affinity with it. The Mediterranean Sea is not shown and only the black African faces convey a hint of reality.
Post frame construction is one of the fastest methods available today to build permanent buildings. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times.
He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing.
Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents.
Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca.
From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II. There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed.
Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e.
At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres].
And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world. It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands. On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. 90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography. Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history.
However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century.
The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C.
In certain parts the colors are yet brilliant, though softened with age; in other parts they have almost disappeared, and nothing has contributed more to this destruction than the nibbing of part-on-part. Without an expert and minute palaeographical investigation, it is impossible either to accept or reject the attribution to Toscanelli, but Crino presented a case which requires further examination. What we now know about Marinos is mostly from Ptolemya€™s criticism of him, but the Arab geographer al-Maa€™sudi reported in the 10th century that he had seen Marinusa€™ geographical treatise. Jerusalem does not appear in the center of the map but is considerably to the west of a center located south of the Caspian Sea. Another possibility is that the oval form represents the mandorla, or nimbus, which surrounded Christ in many medieval works of art. The title of Ptolemya€™s work, as it circulated through Italy in the 15th century, was usually given as Cosmographia rather than Geography, a less familiar Greek term.
As we might expect from a Genoese map, good use has been made of the nautical chart as well. Van Duzer adds that Tafura€™s account derives from Poggio Bracciolinia€™s Facetiae, written between 1438 and 1452, which describes a very similar monster that attacked some women by the seashore, and was killed and exhibited in Ferrara. Between the Dnieper and the Don the author has made a suggestive reference to the custom of that migratory folk of transporting their houses about with them on wagons drawn by oxen, a custom also attributed to the early Teutons and the Huns.
Saratellis, if this is a correct reading of the name, is probably the Saracanco of Balducci Pigolotti. We may have in this gulf one of the earliest cartographical representations of the Yellow Sea and the Gulf of Petchili. In this island there is a lake, in the middle of which is a noble city whose inhabitants, given over to astrology, predict all future events.
Conti gives to the island a circumference of about two thousand miles, as does Marco Polo, which is very nearly correct. These, moreover, are supplied with several masts, from three to ten, and having sails made of reeds and palm-leaves joined together, they pursue their courses with great rapidity. When the ship is under sail, she carries these boats slung to her side.a€? Many of the vessels had as many as four decks, and even the smaller ones, fifty or sixty cabins. Catherine; and we also find here the highlands of Armenia, out of which flow the Euphrates and Tigris, these highlands being especially distinguished by a representation of Noaha€™s Ark.
From the mountain range on the northern border of Parthia, a great range stretches diagonally across the entire Asiatic continent, to the gulf indicated on the east, to which gulf reference has been made. Very properly, the name of Alexander is associated with it, since through his founding of Alexandria ad Caucasum the southern region was secured against the attack of the northern barbarians, the Scythians, who, in the language of the middle ages, were called Tartars. They owe their origin in part to artificial dams, and serve the purpose of reservoirs for artificial irrigation. Northern Asia is properly made to appear as a region covered with pine forests, a representation which is to be found on no other early world map, and which seems to suggest that the Genoese mapmaker was in possession of somewhat detailed information concerning the character of the region. He places Magog north of the mountain range stretching entirely across Asia, Gog south of the same, and on the border range several towers are indicated. In the highlands of Iran appear the names Media, Zilan, Parthia, Aria, Aracosa, Gedrosia, Cormania and Persis.
This place, incorrectly located on the coast, is not referred to by Conti, nor is it to be found on any other map. The name Machin seems clearly to be a modification of the Sanskrit Maha Chin, that is, Great China, a name which the Persian and the Arabic writers frequently used for Manzi, the southern part of China. Legends are here inscribed on either side of a broad scroll, wherein the author refers to his work and gives the date of its composition, which legends are almost illegible. This seems to refer to the snow-peaks of the Kilimanjaro and Kenya, as seen from a great distance, which mountains send their waters toward the interior of the continent. Even the irrigation canals, which lead out from the Nile in Nubia and Egypt, are represented by the Genoese cartographer. About the time that the Genoese cartographer produced his map he could well have received excellent information concerning Abyssinia. A similar river, dividing into two branches near its source, empties into the sea in Algeria east and west of Algiers, and a smaller one east of Ceuta.


Medieval cosmographers place this now in East Africa, now in East Asia, but more frequently in the latter. Taking his stated aim for truth seriously would imply that all of these features were part of his truth. Within this round frame the Roman cartographers placed the Orbis Terrarum, the circuit of the world. This shape was also one that suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. If Romans were planning this, they would place the northern section much further west, whereas the cartographers were Greeks, and they followed a tradition which originated in Rhodes or Alexandria.
He pacified the area near Cologne (later founded as a Roman colony) by settling the Ubii at their request on the west bank of the Rhine. Agrippa was an obvious choice as composer of such a map, being a naval man who had traveled widely and had an interest in the technical side.
The date at which the building was started is not known, but it was still incomplete in 7 B.C. If the commentary had not been continuous, but had merely served as supplementary notes where required, there is a possibility that by Plinya€™s time, some eighty years later, it might have gone out of circulation. Augustus was the first to show it [the world] by chorography.a€? Evidently there is a slight difference of meaning between this and Ptolemya€™s definition, by which chorography refers to regional mapping. From the quotations given by Dilke, there would appear to be a general tendency by Agrippa to underestimate land distances in Gaul, Germany and in the Far East, and to overestimate sea distances.
Although the words used are longitudo and latitudo, they have no connection with longitudinal and latitudinal degree divisions. Romans going to colonies, particularly outside Italy, could obtain information about the location or characteristics of a particular place. We know that the campus Agrippae was in the campus Markus on the east side of the Via Flaminia and that it was bordered towards the street on the west by the Porticus Vipsania.
In view of the widespread use of marble facings that characterizes the age of Augustus, the marble slab method appears more probable. Riese and Partsch had argued that certain references to Agrippa in Pliny, in particular the reference to the inaccessibility of part of the coast of the Caspian Sea and also that to the Punic origins of the coastal towns of Baetica refer more naturally to a published work than to the map in the Porticus Vipsania.
We do not know the size of this map that has perished, or whether its descent from the map of Agrippa was through a series of hand-copies as Detlefsen supposed.
In actual fact Pliny and the Divisio both begin their description from the straits of Gibraltar, moving east, while the Demensuratio, on the contrary, begins with India moves west. Following on this and connected there with come the longitude and latitude, in that order, expressed in Roman miles with Roman numerals. These views stated that Agrippaa€™s work was constructed on the basis of Roman itinerary measurements and took no note of the scientific results of the astronomical geography of the Greeks.
Pliny then adds a€?from later studentsa€? five more parallels, three of them, those of the Don, of Britain, and of Thule, running north of the original seven, and two, those of Meroe and Syene, running south of them.
What is new in Plinya€™s parallels may be referred to the Greek astronomers of the age of Hipparchus or the two or three generations after him. By subtraction we get the difference in longitude between the two places as 8A° 45a€™ and the difference in latitude as 1A° 55a€™.
This third class was to be manipulated as intelligently as possible so as to fit in with the basic evidence of the first two classes.
But in every case instead of a geometrical definition a simple and rough definition is enough. He also established a fundamental parallel of latitude, following the example of DicA¦archus. The north, the far east, and Africa south of the Arabian gulf, were practically unknown, and even in the Mediterranean and the land-areas surrounding it, major defects were due to the great uncertainties of measurement, whether by land or by sea.
Straboa€™s aversion to the mathematical and astronomical sick of geography has already been described and considered as typical of the age that he lived. Much toil has been expended by scholars such as Partsch, Detlefsen and Klotz in attempting to divine which, if any, of these figures belong to Agrippa. They became technical terms for longitude and latitude with a strict directional sense in the filth century B.C. The north coast, however, was usually thought to run from Lisbon (Cabo da Roca) to the Pyrenees, the northwest capes, Nerium and Ortegal, being ignored. Detlefsen held that the map was not drawn to scale and that the measurements were merely inscribed upon it. Unfortunately, in nearly all cases we know neither the beginning nor the end of the routes measured, nor do we know, with any exactness, the direction of the route. Eratosthenes determined the sides of his a€?seals,a€? that were irregular quadrilaterals, by the points of the compass. It is clear that he gave the itinerary stages in Italy and Sicily in addition to the coastal sailing measurements. He believes such a notion is impossible and with the presentation of a sound argument for the circumstances contributing to SchA¶nera€™s error, there remains little reason to doubt that because of his grand error we are able to gaze upon Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum for the first time in many centuries. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey, for disease finds but few victims. The page is composed with the map above and a week-day table arranged under the arches below.
Athens, Ephesus, Achaia, and Caesarea are mentioned specifically as sites where the apostles preached. The only significant difference between the Peterborough version of the map and the one found in MS 17 is that MS 17 alone contains the marginal note on Asia maior. A map of the Macrobian type also appears in the Abbonian computus manuscript Berlin 138 fol.
Adam, Eve, and the serpent are in Eden at the top (east) of the map, with the rivers of Paradise flowing downward from it to the west (the river Jordan is labeled). Heads symbolizing the four principal winds surround the habitable world, on which a number of historical or encyclopedic features are portrayed, such as the Tower of Babel, the Trees of the Sun and the Moon, the river Jordan, Jerusalem with Mount Calvary, the Red Sea, Rome, and some of the monstrous races. These monsters, though invented, nonetheless have their effect, and render the circumfluent ocean a place of terrors, in contrast to the apparently peaceful buildings of the inhabited world.
The original Ashkharhatzuytz is attributed by some to the 5th century Armenian historian Movses Khorenatzi, while others believe that it is the work of the 7th century scientist and astronomer Anania Shirakatzi. Two vertical parallel red lines (running from Jerusalem to the western edge of the map) represent the unnamed Mediterranean Sea that separates Africa and Europe. Christianity had reached Armenia through the preaching of the Apostles Bartholomew and Thaddeus.
392r), which is similar to the plan of the same city drawn in the centre of the world map of MS 1242.
The significance of the two circles is made clear by the note, also on the outside, The all encompassing ocean, which is in this shape. Venice was an important entrepot for Armenian merchants, and Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, was the most important religious and political centre outside Jerusalem. These lines, drawn almost at right angles to the Mediterranean, connect with the outer Ocean. Misr is the Arabic name of Egypt, used also in old Armenian, which the mapmaker has chosen to employ in conjunction with the later-day Armenian name of the country. The northern extremity of the red line dividing Europe and Asia, beyond the eastern end of the Black Sea, must also stand for the Sea of Azov (for which there is no place-name) and the river Tanais. Sarai refers to the capital of the Mongols; it is either Sarai-Batu (Old Sarai), built in 1240s, or Sarai-Berke [New Sarai], dating from around 1260. These are doubtful lines of argument; information took time to be disseminated, and maps were only slowly updated. In addition, two legends in Palestine read Yekin anapatn [Came to the monastery] and Yekin Ye[rusaghe]m sakavq [A few came to Je[rusale]m].
The monastery on the Armenian map is not named but is defined as ananpat, which suggests a conscious choice, since on the Hereford map the whole legend reads Monasteria Sancti Antonii in deserto. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem. I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era. The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making.
See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes.
Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research. Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic. Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction. The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps.
There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century. It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration. Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property.
But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere. But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer. Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today. On the question, of main interest here, as to the correspondence between the letter of 1474 and the map of 1457, it is possible, however, to form some opinion. The highly pictorial character of this well-preserved map leads us to think of it as more traditional than it actually is. In the 14th century didactic poem, a€?Il Dittamondoa€? Fazio degli Uberti, described the inhabited world as long and narrow (a€?lungo e strettoa€?) like an almond (mandorla), with no apparent religious significance. Certainly, neither Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, nor Pliny had given a location for Paradise, save for fantasies about the Fortunate Islands, and the Genoese mapmaker appears to associate classical with scientific geography. These fantastic creatures join other wonderful but real animals, such as a giraffe, a leopard, a crocodile, two monkeys, and a swordfish.
Illustrations of the monster which are very similar to that on the 1457 Genoese map accompany excerpts from the Facetiae which are appended to various 15th and 16th century editions of Aesopa€™s fables. Such a wagon with driver and oxen, rather crudely sketched, is represented moving eastward, near which appears the legend, Ubi lordo errat.
The other [story relates] that certain of their trees bear fruit which, decaying within, produces a worm which, as it subsequently develops, becomes hairy and feathered, and, provided with wings, flies like a bird. According to Pigolotti, Sara could be reached in a day by water from Astrakhan, Saracanco in eight days by water or by land. Longer legends take material from Conti on the funeral practice of wife burning (a€?if they refuse out of fear, they are forced to do ita€?), the cultivation of pepper, the collection of human heads in Sumatra, the sea-tight compartments of Chinese junks, the practice of tattooing, and the availability of spices and multicolored parrots. Sanday sends saffron, nuts, muscatas, and maces to the Javas, Bandan an abundance of cloves. Magog (Gog is missing), the Tatars, the Ten Lost Tribes, the Antichrist and the Alexander story are mixed as though they naturally belonged in the same place - as they by then did, at least in the literature and exegesis directed to the literate but not learned. The position of Ceylon was now well known, being here placed to the east of a peninsula that we can recognize as the southern point of India.
In its outlines Further India, UltraIndia (Southeast Asia) is Ptolemaic, a fact which is especially noticeable in the very prominent peninsular character. And these [ships], loaded in particular with spices and other aromatics, sailing rather often to Mecca in Arabia, trade with the Western merchants through an exchange of their goods.
South of the Caspian Sea we find a quadrangle framed by mountains that appears to be Parthia, according to the representation of Ptolemy.
The Genoese cosmographer must have had information concerning the numerous towers scattered here and there over this pass. They are remarkable for their natural surroundings, and for the palaces of the rulers of Mewar erected on their banks. In the extreme north appears the figure of a man casting himself into the sea, whose act is explained in the following legend: It is the custom of these people, as old age comes on, to cast themselves from the steep precipices into the sea.
The people Gog appear as a group of dwarfs covered with a shield, who are attacked by two cranes. On the Sea of Marmora is Palolimen and Diascinolo which on English charts is represented as Eskel Bay, a semicircular harbor with a very good anchorage twelve kilometers east of the mouth of Susurulu Tschai. Including in part Indo-China, the name Machin may also include Southeast Asia, for which there is support in certain 15th century references, as there are people of Southeast Asia among whom the custom of tattooing prevails; this being particularly true of the Laos and the Burmese.
One of them seems to read: This sea is called the ocean which, according to cosmographers, stretches out infinitely in every direction, covering the earth except about a fourth part here laid down.
It was doubtless through Arabic merchantmen that the Alexandrian geographer derived his information, on a visit to the east coast of Africa. On an island in a lake of Abyssinia there appears to be a floating house, and near it the legend: In this lake there is an island, Tana by name, which contains forests and groves and a great temple of Apollo.
In 1439 Pope Eugenius IV named an apostolic delegate to that region, and sent a letter to Prester John, the ruler of Abyssinia; and we also learn that an Abyssinian ambassador appeared at the Council of Florence in the year 1441. If the Genoese cosmographer, in the well known regions, represents somewhat arbitrarily his watercourses, we can certainly expect to find this in the less known regions. Three human figures are introduced to represent the political and ethnographical situation, one a turbaned Mohammedan ruler of Egypt, with the inscription Dominus; the other a crowned head with black hair, carrying a banner, on which is a cross with the inscription, Presbyter Johannes Rex, denoting the Christian ruler of Abyssinia.
The north coast of Africa embraces Mauretania, to which Regnum fesse and, in part, Regnum Trenecen belong.
Calata is probably Idrisia€™s Al Cal, near Msila in the highlands of the Schotts, a significant city before the rise of Bougie, the capital city of the kingdom of the Hammaditen. As a visual aid to this discussion, the temple map will have been envisaged as particularly helpful.
He must have had plans drawn, and may even have devised and used large-scale maps to help him with the conversion of Lake Avemus and the Lacus Lucrinus into naval ports. Two late geographical writings, the Divisio orbis and the Dimensuratio provinciarum (commonly abbreviated to Divisio and Dimensuratio) may be thought to come from Agrippa, because they show similarities with Plinya€™s figures. If West Africa is any guide, in areas where distances were not well established, they were probably entered only very selectively. Also the full extent of the Roman Empire could be seen at a glance.a€?Certain medieval maps, including the Hereford and Ebstorf world maps (see monographs #224 and #226 in Book IIB) are now believed to have been derived from the Orbis Terraum of Agrippa, and point to the existence of a series of maps, now lost, that carried the traditions of Roman cartography into Christian Europe.
Varro, in the following century, tells us of a map of Italy that was painted on the wall of the temple of Tellus. Remains of the portico are stated to have been found opposite the Piazza Colonna on the Corso at about the position of the column of Marcus Aurelius and further north. The volumes of commentary referred to by the younger Pliny were not published, but were clearly digested to the point where little further work was needed to prepare them for publication, and the same situation may well be accepted for the commentarii of Agrippa.
The text, however, had long previously been known from its reproduction in the first five chapters of the De Mensura Orbis Terrae, published by the Irish scholar Dicuil in A.D. But it did quite clearly derive from that map, whether in the map-form or in a written form, with its list of seas, mountains, rivers, harbors, gulfs and cities. On Klotza€™s view that both works derive from a common written source this major divergence becomes a problem to he explained, but Klotz can offer no explanation. The boundaries are marked by the natural features, usually the mountains, rivers, deserts and oceans, only occasionally by towns or other features. Of these parallels Schnabel tries to establish that at least two are due to Agrippa, to wit, the first of the new parallels passing through the Don, and the seventh of the old parallels passing through the mouth of the Dnieper. Using Ptolemya€™s reduction factor at 43A° N latitude which is forty-three sixtieths we find that with Ptolemya€™s degree of 500 stadia the difference in longitude between the two places in question is 3,135 and five-twelfths stadia and the difference in latitude is 958 and one-third stadia. It was this third kind of evidence which gave Ptolemy his positions for the Varus and the Arsia. He thinks the 411 miles represents the itinerary measurement from the Varus to Rimini through Dertona, and that the Arsia has got attached to it by a slight confusion in Pliny's mind in thinking of the boundaries between the mare superum and the mare inferum, with which, in fact, he equates the Varus-Arsia measurement. This factor of forty sixtieths or two-thirds gives a distance of approximately 384 miles from Varus to Arsia and the striking coincidence on which Schnabel has built this elaborate theory simply vanishes. Therefore, argues Schnabel, Agrippa made a new reckoning of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia.
Such features as these brought into existence the continents, the tribes, the fine natural sites of cities and the other decorative features of which our chorogaphic map is chock full.a€? The map of Agrippa displayed, therefore, all the natural features just mentioned and, in addition, the names of tribes and of famous cities. Only a combination of the practical measurements with astronomical observation could have affected a real progress and our evidence shows only too clearly that this happy union did not take place.
Some light has been thrown on the subject by comparison with later Roman itineraries for the particular areas. The result of this misconception was that the figures for longitude and latitude were simply interchanged. Agrippa regarded the Syrian coast running northeast from the boundary of Egypt, as running much more in an easterly direction than it actually does.
His map represents, says Detlefsen, a moment of historical development, a point in the process of crystallization of the lands of the Mediterranean into the Roman Empire. Agrippa defines the boundaries of his groups of countries in the same way, by the points of the compass, but as regards size he supplies only the length and breadth, thus agreeing with Strabo, already quoted. It is a question whether these itinerary measurements were given, in detail on the map for all the western provinces, not to mention the eastern ones. Uniting these two gives us Garden of Delight; for it is planted with every kind of wood and fruit-bearing tree, having also the tree of life.
Several of the districts are rich in gold and precious stones but are rarely approached by man owing to the ferocity of the Griffens . Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers, Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or like cattle, on the herbage of the soil. Place names are almost entirely omitted from Africa and Asia Major, and a note in the upper right adds a€?[Asia] Major has in the east Alexandria and Pamphiliaa€?. The only places without a biblical link of some kind are in Italy (Sicily, Mount Etna, Tuscany, Campania), Constantinople and Britain, Ireland and Thule. However, the Peterborough map does not represent Mount Sion as a round a€?hilla€? with a cross, but as a triangle, and spells IERUSALEM without MS 17a€™s initial H. When these Greek names for the cardinal directions are read as if making the sign of the cross, that is, east-west-north-south, their initial letters spell ADAM. Jerusalem stands out at the center of the world and is labeled, as are Calvary, Babylon, the Red Sea, and Rome; the Trees of the Sun and Moon visited by Alexander the Great are also easy to identify.
As this manuscript is the only one of the long version of the work that contains a world map, it seems likely that the map was the result of a specific request by the patron commissioning the manuscript, namely Philippe II Sans Terre (1438-1497). The text also retains Isidorea€™s distinction between the Fortunate Islands and the earthly paradise and repeats the belief that Enoch and Elijah dwelt in the Garden and that the noise of the waters of Paradise falling to earth from a such a great height caused the local population to be born deaf. The text is based on the work of Pappus of Alexandria (late third or early 4th century AD), but the chapters relating to Armenia and neighboring countries have been expanded. In accordance with the Western Christian T-O maps, the Armenian map is oriented with East at the top. It became the state religion in 301, after the conversion of King Tigran III, which makes the Armenian Church one of the oldest Christian entities.
Although made in geographically widely separate locations, a common source or tradition may be suspected, especially were the Armenian map to prove to have been made before the end of the 13th century, which would place all these maps to within one hundred to one hundred fifty years of each other. The term Sea, it should be noted, as used on the Armenian T-O map, refers any substantial body of water, whether it be an ocean, sea, lake or river. One of these is located at the eastern extremity of the Mediterranean Sea, within the parallel lines, whereas the other two lie just to the north of the lines. On the other (eastern) side of the legend indicating Africa a large red circle contains the legend Paravon yev zorqn Yegiptosi [Pharaoh and the army of Egypt]. Directly south of the Red Sea, near the shores of the surrounding Ocean, lies Ethiopia, named Hapash. The 13th century traveler Marco Polo mentions Zai-tun and Kin-sai as being important cities, trading with Japan (Zipangu), as well as with the Arabs and Persians.
Moreover, in the case of the Western mappaemundi the very essence of the map was the inclusion of old (historical as well as biblical) information together with contemporary places and events. Since the two Western maps and the Armenian map seem to have been made within one hundred and one hundred fifty years of each other, we can see the reference on the respective maps as further confirmation of the possibility of a common source. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings. Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities. Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds.
Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts. Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond. Kimble, there are at least three distinct influences, in addition to the portolan [nautical] chart tradition, that can be detected in these examples: Classical, Christian and Arab. Oversized crowned or turbaned kings, monstrous and simply exotic animals, an elephant bearing an elaborate howdah, and scary sea monsters associate with more scientific signs, such as flags and city symbols. Ptolemya€™s maps, while not exactly oval, were wider from east to west than they were high (north to south). A partially finished network of rhumb lines appears on the map, and on the right are two scale bars, though they are more a sign of intention than reality. One such edition is Sebastian Branta€™s Esopi appologi sive mythologi cum quibusdam carminum et fabularum additionibus (Basel: Jacobus de Phortzheim, 1501), in which Bracciolinia€™s text about the monster is cited and accompanied by an illustration of the monster quite similar to that on the 1457 Genoese map. A good picture of a Mongol appears on the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, and also one west of the Black Sea, being drawn about the time of the destruction of their rule. The reference appears to be to a marine animal, perhaps the dugong, which, resembling a cow and accustomed to graze in the fields along the seashore, was captured in the East and brought to Venice. In this as well as in other parts of extreme southern Asia the Geonoese cosmographer seems especially to exhibit an acquaintance with the record of the distinguished Italian traveler Nicolo di Conti who referred to Ceylon as Zeilan.
Cannibals inhabit a part of this island, who, continually waging war with their neighbors, make a collection of human heads as treasures, and he who has the most heads is the richest.
It stretches toward the south, terminating in a prominent Golden Chersonese, a name which the legend suggests: Here gold is found in abundance with jewels and precious stones. In the Gulf of Iskanderun a river empties, flowing out of the northeast, recognizable as the Dschihan, on which lies the city Antioch. These mountains clearly are the Taurus, Paropamisus and the Emodas of Ptolemy, the continental axis of Asia, that is, the Hindu Kush, the Quen Lun, the Nan Schan, and the other border mountains of eastern central Asia today, which in their spurs reach almost to the Gulf of Petchili.
As in questions relating to the Nile, Ptolemy showed himself to be better informed than were geographers of later date, even to very recent times, so it also appears that his representation of the mountain systems of Asia, though somewhat altered by our author, was remarkably well done in the larger general features. This statement concerning the lakes as represented on our map is supported by the fact that a mountain appears to the southwest, from which a river flows to the south, at the mouth of which lies Cambay.
A legend gives the following explanation: These are of the generation of Gog, who do not exceed the height of a cubit, who do not attain the age of nine years, and who are continually molested by cranes.
On the same strait, but farther to the southeast, lies a second city, Caila, near which is the legend, Caila, where they use the leaves of trees instead of papyrus. The Genoese cartographer clearly considers Burma a part of Machin, which since the 13th century had belonged to China. This sea, disturbed by the force of the moon, ebbs and flows around the earth every lunar day, as Albertus says in his Natural History. In support of the statement that the Genoese cosmographer was well informed concerning Abyssinia may be found the representation of a war elephant carrying a tower filled with armed men.
A third figure, unmistakably a negro, in the southwest, holds a ball (?) in his hand, and is described in the following legend: These are the people who live degenerate lives, among whom there is no distinguishing name, who behold the rising and the setting sun with direful imprecations. But whether it was only intended to be imagined by readers or was actually illustrated in the book is not clear.
The map was presumably developed from the Roman road itineraries, and may have been circular in shape, thus differing from the Roman Peutinger Table (#120). The theory that it was circular is in conflict with a shape that would suit a colonnade wall. What purpose was served by giving a width for the long strip from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea is not clear. Dilke provides a detailed discussion of Agrippaa€™s measurements using quotes from the elder Plinya€™s Natural History. We do not know the occasion of this dedication, but since it was meant to celebrate a victory it may been intended for the geographical instruction of the Roman public. They are said to allow the conclusion that it had the same dimensions and construction as the adjacent porticus saeptorum, whose dimensions were 1,500 ft.
The twelve lines were inscribed on this map and also on an obviously contemporary written version thereof, and it is this written version that has been preserved for us both by Dicuil and in the various manuscripts of the Divisio orbis terrarum, whereas the map has perished.
Klotz, however, believed that be could determine the original succession of countries and groups of countries as treated in the published work of Agrippa by criteria. The Demensuratio on one occasion gives the fauna and flora of Eastern India, which it calls the land of pepper, elephants, snakes, sphinxes and parrots.
He argues that the Dnieper was used as a line of demarcation between Sarmatia to the east and Dacia to the west only on the map of Agrippa, and neither earlier nor later, and that therefore the parallel from the Don through the Dnieper must derive from that map.
Plinya€™s seven klimata are a piece of astrological geography and derive through Nigidius from Serapion of Antioch, who was probably a pupil of Hipparchus, or if not was a student of his work.
But there is no vestige of probability or proof that Agrippa made new gnomonic readings to correct Hipparchus.
Schnabel now treats the spherical triangle involved as a plane right-angled triangle, and using the theorem of Pythagoras, he finds that the hypotenuse, that is, the distance between the Varus and the Arsia is 3,291 stadia or 411 Roman miles.
Gnomonic readings were often inaccurate, measurement of time was still very vague, and a degree length one-sixth too large did not help.
He used the circle of 360 degrees, giving up the hexecontads [a 60-sided polygon] of Eratosthenes. But since we normally do not know by what route Agrippaa€™s measurements were taken, this light may prove to be a will-o-the wisp. Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny all insist on the technical directional sense, as there was the possibility of ignorant people misunderstanding them. The same thing occurred in the British islands that were regarded as running from northeast to southwest. 1,200, 720 and 410 miles, respectively, running from the unknown north down to the Aegean, but all having approximately the same latitude of just under 400 miles. Therefore the longitude was to him the east-west direction, and the latitude from Seleucia Pieria to Zeugma was the north-south direction. Partial distances were given from station to station along the Italian coast, but Detlefsen thinks that the summation of the coastal measurements appeared elsewhere on the map. Where this process is complete we have ready-made provinces, where it is still in progress we find the raw materials of provinces-to-be, which are still parts of large and scarcely known areas, and finally, where Roman armies have never set foot we find enormous, amorphous masses lumped together as geographical units. It is notable, as Detlefsen points out, that Strabo must have recognized this lack of scientific value. It appears from passages in Pliny that Varro had already used the Roman itineraries in his geographical books and Agrippa was only following his example. They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler, they wandered about, without fixed habitations and slept in the abodes to which night drove them.
These islands, the only ones represented, break the frame of the map, perhaps as a burst of patriotism on the part of the scribes. The popularity of this ancient conceit was primarily due to St Augustine, who compared Adama€™s progeny filling the earth and the sons of Noah re-populating the globe. A list map using the T-O form as a symbolic frame for displaying the names of provinces in Asia, Africa and Europe appears in Cotton Vitellius A.XII, fol.
But otherwise the mapa€™s geography is vague; it presents much of the earth as a a€?jumblea€? of land and water. Adam and Eve, the tree and the serpent are shown within an ornate architectural frame, as if to emphasize the uniqueness and splendor of the Garden. But once he had been assigned this task, the artist seems to have given his fancy free rein. A later version of the Ashkharhatzuytz by the 13th century historian and geographer Vartan Areveltzi is also extant in multiple copies (MS 3119, 4184 and others).
Armenian Christianity's ties with the Latin churches were severed in 554 over irreconcilable doctrinal differences.
The city plan in the 16th century MS 1770 also would seem to have been derived from the same common source or tradition. Similarly the term Land does not denote a territory as such, but is placed wherever there is a significant gap between neighboring toponyms.
The Nile is placed well inside Asia, where a vertical (easta€”west) red line running from close to the eastern Ocean towards the Red Sea bears the legend Ays dzovis anun Nil asen [This Sea is named Nile].
Although the whole representation may be highly schematic, the way that the Aegean Sea is depicted as branching off from the Mediterranean to the west of Jerusalem and the easta€”west alignment of Black Sea, shown at right angles to the northern end of the Aegean near Constantinople, presents a more faithful picture of reality than many other T-O maps. Then comes Ashkharq Hndkatz [Lands of the Indians], followed well to the southeast by Hndkastan [Hindustan or India].
It was usual for medieval maps, in short, to depict conditions in existence some time before their creation.
The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C. The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas. It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate.
It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks.
Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction. Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries]. Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example. Inscriptions on the map, as well as recently discovered geographical features, however, proclaim the map to be a document of cartographic thinking similar, if not as large and ambitious, to that of Fra Mauro (#249). For a 15th century mapmaker, this form made convenient room for discoveries in the Atlantic and in Asia.
The Genoese mapa€™s sea monsters reflect the cartographera€™s interest in exotic wonders, which is everywhere in evidence on the map, and typical of the scientific outlook of the early modern period, which was driven by curiosity and took a great interest in marvels. The Italians were then in close relations with the Golden Horde from Moncastro, Kaffa, Sudak, and Tana as centers, and were, therefore, in a position to know intimately their customs and manner of life. Bandan, moreover, has parrots of three kinds: red ones, those of variegated color with yellow beaks, and white ones the size of hens. That rare animals at the time of the construction of our map were brought to Italy, where they were viewed with astonishment by the natives, certain observations of Benedetto Dei bear witness. This description of Taprobana appears clearly to have been taken from Conti, and it is very interesting to observe that our cartographer, not in a very successful manner, has attempted to bring the report of Conti into accord with Ptolemy.
The Caucasus stretches across the isthmus between the Black and the Caspian seas, and as numerous rivers rising in the Caucasus empty into the former, the mountain range had to be drawn nearer the Caspian Sea in order that there might be sufficient space for the range and the representation of the Iron Gate near Derbent. The Ptolemaic Imaus, which divides Scythia into Hither and Further Scythiaa€”Scithia citra ymaum montem and Scithia ultra ymaum montesa€”is very prominently represented on our map. Herein in particular does the value of the Genoese map appear in a comparison with the larger map by Fra Mauro (#249), although the latter is richer in details. Even today in northeast Asia, there may be found a people among whom suicide is common, the result of a belief that should one depart this life before the feebleness of old age comes on, a life of happiness in the hereafter is secured.
Idrisi also represents the people Gog as dwarfs, and our cosmographer identifies them as the pygmies of Pliny, who placed them in the mountains of the north of India, exactly as does the Genoese cosmographer, in a beautiful valley protected from the cold winds, where they are molested only by the attacks of the cranes. On the west coast only the name Altoluogo appears, which name one finds on almost all sea charts. The city Calacia, lying in the interior, seems more difficult to distinguish, which city is referred to by Conti, but is not definitely located. Caila is Contia€™s Cahila on the Gulf of Manaar, Marco Poloa€™s Cail, and Ptolemya€™s Colchi. It appears from this that Albertus Magnus was one of the Genoese cartographera€™s authorities. The same applies to possible cartographic illustration of Varroa€™s Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, of which Books VII-XIII dealt with Italy. The map of Agrippa, however, was set up, not in a sacred place, but in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsania. Dicuil worked and wrote probably at the Frankish palace at Aix-la-Chapelle in the time of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious.
The date of the making of the map was probably the fifteenth consulate of Theodosius II, that is, A.D. One of these was the direction shown in the order of naming several particular countries where several are included in the same section, or the direction shown in the list of the boundaries of the section. This argument, however, is unsound for a number of reasons, of which the most obvious in this context is that whereas the Dnieper is given by our sources as the west boundary of Sarmatia, it is never given as the east boundary of Dacia. Nigidius was a notorious student of the occult and his astrological geography was contained in a work apparently entitled de terris. At right angles to this he established a meridian running from Meroe northwards to the mouth of the Dnieper, and passing through Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium. Yet he did not try to get a more exact value for the degree, although this was the point where theory could most easily have affected practice. Moreover, although the Roman roads may often have rationalized the native roads by new road-construction or by bridging, yet in general they continued to be town-to-town roads, and if the itineraries ever correctly represented the longitude and latitude of a province it would be by pure chance.
But, you may object, this technical sense is only suitable for describing rectangles and not all countries fall into that convenient form.
Here again longitudo is the long axis and latitudo the short axis, not because of a misuse of these technical terms, but simply because their general position was misconceived.
Further east again Sarmatia [Russia], including the Black Sea to the south, measures 980 by 715 miles, Asia Minor 1,155 by 325, Armenia and the Caspian 480 by 280.
Any doubt on this matter is removed when we look at Pliny (VI, 126), where he gives the latitude from the same point, Seleucia Pieria, to the mouth of the Tigris. It is probable that Italy and the neighboring islands were given in greater detail than other areas. Of the first class, the ordered provinces, we have eight in Europe, three in Africa, and three in Asia.
He gives us from Agrippa, a few lines along the coasts of Italy and Sicily but not a single one of his reckonings for the provinces.
Since so little of the materials of the ancient geographers bas been preserved it is mostly a matter of chance whether we know or do not know whether Agrippa agreed or not with the measurements of a particular earlier geographer. From the middle of the Garden a spring gushes forth to water the whole grove and, dividing up, it provides the source of four rivers [see #205C and Q]. The northern (left) half of the cross bar represented the river Tanais [Don], and the southern (right) half of the cross bar represented the river Nile. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, having lost its leader, and many candidates severalty claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Around the circle of the map the cardinal directions are ostentatiously given in Greek and glossed in Latin: for example, Anathole vel oriens vel eoi, in the east. Like MS 17a€™s image, it gives considerable prominence to the circumambient ocean, as well as to the islands of Britain, Ireland and Thule: its creator seems to have been especially concerned to situate his own region with respect to the extremes of the world, both to the east and to the west. It should also be noted that a second, incomplete copy of this map is found in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 265, p. It appears in Bedea€™s commentary on Genesis, and is prominently featured in Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram.
29r) in which only the northern temperate zone -- the oikumene or inhabited world -- is treated like a map, while the remainder of the disk is occupied solely by text. From Paradise the four rivers flow out to give life to the earth and to establish a mysterious yet material connection between paradise and the human realm. Both the earlier and the later versions display the influence of Ptolemy, and as in the case of Ptolemy, no maps accompany these manuscripts. By adding the word Land between the toponyms, the mapmaker has tried to show that although these towns are widely separated and distant from each other, they constitute a chain of cities along a route that can only be the Silk Road. In the Middle Ages, the designation India was used loosely to refer to the lands east of Persia, Media and the Middle East. Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias. The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface.
Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. Crone, is that the letter definitely refers to a chart for navigation, while the 1457 map is primarily a world map drawn by a cosmographer. By the end of the century, the circular form was becoming impractical, and once the Americas were added to world maps, it was gone almost completely. The demon-like monster in particular is evidence of the cartographera€™s research in recent travel literature to find sea monsters for his map. If this is so, this is the first time that the much sought after spice islands appear clearly on a map. Mention may be made of the peacock which he brought from Alexandria for Cosimo de Medici; also of a chameleon, and, more important than all, of a big serpent with 100 teeth which he seems to have brought to Florence from Beirut (possibly a reference to the crocodile). This city is distinguished by a strong tower and the legend: This is Derbent, which in their language [means] a gate of iron. It branches in diagonal directions westward of the sources of the Indus, that is, nearly twenty degrees farther westward from the continental axis than it is represented by Ptolemy. In the representation of the Indus, for example, with its five branches, our author follows Ptolemy. The river Ava, as well as the southern parallel tributary of the Ganges, and the two Chinese rivers, the one flowing to the southeast and the other to the northeast, come from a mountain which is further explained by the legend: In this mountain carbuncles are found.
Two legends are here inscribed, the one relating to the medieval geographical myth concerning the ten lost tribes of Israel, and the other to Antichrist. This identification of Gog with the pygmies of classical antiquity is peculiar to this map.
There may have been a Persian maritime city by this name on the coast of Oman, since by reason of favorable winds and gulf currents the two coasts of the Persian Gulf stood in such close relations that again and again in their history Persian rule controlled the Arabic coast, and Arabic rule the Persian coast. For centuries, even into the 16th, Caila was the central point of commerce between China, Further India, and the archipelago of the east and the trade centers of the Mediterranean. Though the geography of India as here laid down presents difficulties, there are difficulties which are equally great along the east coast. The other legend for which Professor Fischer failed to get an intelligible reading asserts that: Beyond this equinoctial line Ptolemy records an unknown land, but Pomponius, and in addition many others, raising a doubt whether a voyage is possible from this place to India [the Indians], say that many have passed through these parts from India to the Spains, and . With some degree of certainty we may identify the Wadi Draa, represented as flowing through many lakes and emptying south of Cape Bojador.
On the Mediterranean, from east to west, we find Larissa, Alexandria, Senara (in the Medicean atlas, Zunara, and Vesconte also gives Zunara). But at least we know that he was keen on illustration, since his Hebdomades vel de imaginibus, a biographical work in fifteen books, was illustrated with as many as seven hundred portraits. Plinya€™s most specific reference to the map is where he records that the length of BA¦tica, the southern Spanish province, given as 475 Roman miles and its width as 258 Roman miles, whereas the width could still be correct, depending on how it was calculated. It was not a map of a part of the Empire, not even a map of the Empire as a whole, but rather a map of the whole known world, of which the Roman Empire was merely one part. The Porticus Vipsania was, therefore, an enormous colonnade and it follows that the map with which we are concerned was only one decorative item among the many that adorned it. Thus he says that the order Cevennes-Jura for the northern boundary of Narbonese Gaul shows motion from west to east, and again the list Macedonia, Hellespont, left side it the Black Sea shows the same movement.
This work seems to have included his commentary on the sphaera Graecanica describing the Greek constellations and his sphaera barbarica on the non-Greek constellations. From the coincidence of the figures Schnabel strongly argues that Ptolemy must have taken over the figure of 411 miles from Agrippa. The establishment of these two lines provided the theoretical basis for a grid of lines of parallels and meridians respectively, points being fixed by longitude and latitude as by the coordinates in a graph. The measurements of Agrippa should, therefore, be reduced but it is not easy to say by what factor. This is true indeed, and here we have to consider a few ancient misconceptions about the shapes and positions of particular countries.
The distance is 175 miles from Seleucia to Zeugma, 724 miles from Zeugma to Seleucia and Tigrim and 320 miles to the mouth of the Tigris, that is, 1,219 in all. Of the second class, where the Romans had recent military campaign we have three in Europe, that is, Germany, Dacia and Sarmatia, one in Africa, Mauretania, and one in Asia, Armenia. Klotz has shown that he used Eratosthenes very often, but that on occasion he disagreed with him, and that Artemidorus apparently he did not use at all.
Approach to this place was barred to man after his sin, for now it is hedged about on all sides by a sword-like flame [romphaea flamma], that is to say that it is surrounded by a wall of fire that reaches almost to the sky.
Of its constituent troops the Medes, Persians and Armenians having sailed over Into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea.
A note to one side says, Maior habet in oriente alexandriam pamphiliam, a reference to Asia Major at the top of the map.
Kartago Magna, which could be Cartagena in Spain as Cartago appears elsewhere on the map, is another non-biblical site.
It is very close to such contemporary elaborations of the Sallust map as Vatican City, BAV Reg. Insular writers were particularly attracted to this theme, because they associated the conversion of their lands, at the very edge of the known world, with the fulfillment of Christa€™s command to take to Gospel to the ends of the earth. 64, underscores the magnetic attraction of these two ways of listing the inhabitants of the world, and how innovative MS 17 was in fusing them. In his book, Mansel described Paradise as a wonderful region surpassing all other earthly lands, fit for mana€™s initial perfection, surrounded by a wall of fire and situated on an exceptionally high mountain that reached the sphere of the moon. So here Lands of the Indians most probably refer to the northern and western neighbors of India, such as Persia and its neighboring countries, while Hndkastan denotes India proper. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs. Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?.
What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date. Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society.
Further, the Toscanelli chart presumably depicted the ocean intervening between the west coast of Europe and the a€?beginning of the Easta€™. Conti describes them as lying on the extreme edge of the known world: beyond them navigation was difficult or impossible owing to contrary winds. The Iron Gate, usually associated with Alexander the Great and the apocalyptic people, Gog and Magog, has an important place on the world maps of the middle ages. In the region at the foot of the mountain between the Indus and the Ganges we find the Indian desert represented.
Judging from the rivers that spring there from, and from this legend, we are led to conclude that the mountain-land is eastern Tibet. The one to the east of Inaccessible mountains, designated here as Ymaus mons, reads: From this race, that is, from the tribe of Dan, Antichrist is to be born, who, opening these mountains by magic art, will come to overthrow the worshipers of Christ. The towers referred to above are explained in the following legend: King Prester John built these towers in order that those shut therein might not have access to him. In the account of his voyage Vasco da Gama gives information concerning the city and kingdom of Cael. Whether the rivers emptying still further southward represent the numerous rivers which empty south of Senegal and Cape Verde, it is not possible to determine.
On the portolan charts there is always represented a large bay in the southeast corner of the Great Syrtus, which must have been an important harbor. Since we are told that this work was widely circulated, some scholars have wondered whether Varro used some mechanical means of duplicating his miniatures; but educated slaves were plentiful, and we should almost certainly have heard about any such device if it had existed. Pliny continues: a€?Who would believe that Agrippa, a very careful man who took great pains over his work, should, when he was going to set up the map to be looked at by the people of Rome, have made this mistake, and how could Augustus have accepted it? The second criterion is that the use (the alleged use) of the term longitudo for a north-south direction or for any direction other than the canonical one of east-west, shows us the direction of Agrippaa€™s order in treating of the geography. Nigidiusa€™ a€?barbaric spherea€? was derived from the like-named work of Asclepiades of Myrlea. The two main passages from Straboa€™s second book may reasonably be regarded as a transcript of contemporary geographical practice and since between them they give an exact description of the methods followed in the ancient remains of the map of Agrippa, Tierney thinks that they may rightly be regarded as a strong proof that the views held on this map by Detlefsen and Klotz are generally correct. In somewhat similar circumstances Ptolemy reduced the figures of Marinus in Asia and Africa by about one-half. This distance, he adds, is the latitude of the earth between the two seas, that is, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. Englanda€™s geographic position may have made it especially sensitive to this apocalyptic dimension: the second of two notes on chronology in Oxford Bodleian Library Auct.
The manuscript is dated to the last quarter of the 11th century, and this addition to the second half of the 12th century but the hand of the map bears an extraordinarily close resemblance to that of Scribe A of MS 17, and the palaeographical indicators point to a date closer to 1100. This fulfillment would be the climax of history, and would usher in the last days; hence the world-maps included in the Apocalypse commentary of Beatus of Liebana were essentially maps illustrating the preaching of the apostles to the gentes descended from Noaha€™s three sons, but expanded to encompass the whole world and the entirety of the world-age (#207). Its presence in the manuscript raises questions about how such an essentially non-Armenian-style map came to be made by an Armenian, and when, considering that this is the only T-O type map bearing Armenian inscriptions known to exist. Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter. The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface. On the map of 1457, this ocean is split into two, and falls on the eastern and western margins. In the southern sea there is a note: In this sea, they navigate by the southern pole (star), the northern having disappeared. Doubtless it was the medieval wall stretching from the mountains to the sea near Derbent, closing the road along the Caspian Sea to the peoples of the steppes on the north, that called forth the legend of the Iron Door. In contrast, the Ganges is represented according to recent information, that is apparently from the record of Conti.
The representations of our cosmographer are here very erroneous, and the errors may perhaps be attributed to Conti and Poggio, since one is led to conclude by a careful study of the Conti narrative that it is not simply the story of a practical merchant traveler, but a story often adorned by the additions of a learned copyist. The other reads: Here dwell the ten lost tribes of the Hebrew race with the half tribe of Benjamin, who, unrestrained by their law and being degenerates, pass an epicurean existence. These towers stretch along the crest of the mountains, as if intended to protect the more highly civilized parts of China from the wild people of north and central Asia.
Farther southward, Antioceta, a fortification on the coast often referred to in the 15th century; also corocho, the ancient Corycus, northeast of the mouth of the Selefke. The tree whose leaves, it is stated, are used for paper is not the paper-mulberry tree, but the fan-palm. It owes its origin as a harbor to a high, rocky headland, perhaps formerly an island, which extends from the southwest to the northeast and continues in a long chain of rocks.
For it was Augustus who, when Agrippaa€™s sister had begun building the portico, carried through the scheme from the intention and notes [commentarii] of M. Tierney does not believe that either of these criteria can show us the order of treatment in the original publication, presuming, that is, that there was an original publication. The detailed extension of the Greek parallels into the Roman west is apparently due to Nigidius.
Agrippa, he thinks, took the itinerary figure for the distance from the Varus to the Arsia, which is given as 745 miles by Pliny (III, 132) and reduced it to a straight line of 411 miles by astronomical and mathematical measurement. In every part of their body they are lions, and in wings and head are like eagles, and they are fierce enemies of horses.
The frame of the map, a double circle, was drawn in drypoint, and at the right and left upper corners of the page are two smaller drypoint circles.
Indeed, mappaemundi have a pronounced historical dimension: they are found in association with chronicles more frequently than in scientific works, and as illustrations of sacred history, they were infused with an allegorical vision of time. It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities.
At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu.
Though Crino raised many points of interest, he did not establish his case beyond reasonable doubt. The Carbuncle Mountains and the art of obtaining these valuable stones play an important role in the records of all cosmographers of the middle ages. It seems probable that we have here an early reference to the Great Wall of China, which appears on no other medieval map. This is Straboa€™s Cape Korykos with the Koryken Cave, where in Greek, in Roman, in Byzantine, and also in Armenian times stood a fortification. Calacia, or Calacatia, according to Batuta, is Kalahat, Kalhat, Kilat or Kilhat, in Oman southeast of Muskat, where its ruins may yet be seen near a small fishing village of the same name. The fanlike leaves, about two hundred square feet in size, the Singhalese are said to use in the place of paper. We are prone to forget that all ancient geographers were necessarily map-minded, and even when the map was not before their physical eye, it was before their mental eye.
This proves, therefore, that Agrippaa€™s map was not a purely itinerary map, but that Agrippa reduced the itinerary measurements in the way described. 82v, a manuscript contemporary with MS 17, adopts a four-ages scheme somewhat like that found in the dating clause on fol. Hence this world map is a logical addition to a manuscript devoted to the reckoning of time. Edson tentatively suggests a comparison to the maps of the Holy Land created by the Talmudic scholar Rashi to expound the sacred text; however, MS 17a€™s map does not illustrate a text. Biasutti argued that the horizontal and vertical lines on the map are parallels and meridians taken from the world map of Ptolemy, and that the longitudinal extent of the old world approximately corresponds to his figure of 180 degrees. However, Conti did not himself visit these islands, though he gives their position as fifteen daysa€™ journey east of Java major and minor, to which their products were brought for transportation to the west. Two of these tributaries on the left seem to be the Brahmaputra and the Barak, though the larger one on the north may be intended as the Irawadi, since on this lies Ava, and above it is a legend taken from Conti: Rather the Ganges which otherwise is called the Dava. On the Catalan world map of 1375 appears a legend with an interesting pictorial representation. Abulfeda and Raschiduddin, his contemporary, refer to the great wall as the Wall of Gog and Magog. Here we find Tarsso and Layazo, which in the middle ages was a harbor of Lesser Armenia, and an important terminal on the commercial route to India.
The ancient Pusk olay manuscripts in the Buddhist monasteries were all written with an iron stylus on such paper, that is, on the leaves of the talipot palm, prepared by cooking and drying. Augustus, as he was ill, handed his signet-ring to Agrippa, thus indicating him as acting emperor. The order of countries within a section would, I think, very much depend on the momentary motions or aberrations of that mental eye. It is unfortunate, however, that nearly all Agrippaa€™s figures come down to us in a non-reduced form that makes it impossible to reproduce his map. 3v, but the fourth age, instead of ending in the annus praesens, runs from the Incarnation ad iter ierusalem, as if this event closed the series of years and ushered in the end times. It is difficult to see, therefore, if this map of 1457 was similar to that sent to Portugal, where its importance lay, for this information was accessible to all inquirers. Cloves at that time came only from the small islands of the Moluccas lying west of Halmahera, which perhaps the Genoese author has attempted here to represent. The word is Persian, signifying gate or narrow pass, and is a name often met with in Persia.
Though our cosmographer makes certain mistakes in relation to the chief stream of India, yet his representation of the hydrography of Asia is near the truth, and, as stated, is much better than that given by Fra Mauro.
A mountain is indicated with a deep valley out of which a bird flies, having a piece of meat in its beak, and out of the same valley a river flows which in its course forms the boundary between India and China. As the builder of this wall, our cosmographer in his legend names Prester John who appeared on the Catalan map of 1375 in the Nubian and the Abyssinian regions, and from that time on the name seems to have been connected with the last-named region, though, as the Genoese map shows, it did not completely disappear from central Asia. Kalhat, from the time of Idrisi to the arrival of the Portuguese, was the most important harbor and port of departure from Oman and the entire Persian Gulf to India, as was earlier Sohar and later Muskat. The same year Agrippa was given charge of all the eastern parts of the Empire, with headquarters at Mitylene. In fact, the only bodies of water to be named on this map are the rivers Jordan, Euphrates and Tiber.
In this respect, MS 17a€™s map is an integral part of a monastic encyclopedia, in which the study of the world and time is itself a serious discipline. The interest of the cartographer seems more probably to have lain in Contia€™s description of the oriental spice islands and the possibility of reaching them by circumnavigating Africa. The name Sanday is unknown, and Bandan is only a corruption, and should not be confounded with Banda, as cloves do not come from that island. As the Indus and its delta received special consideration, so also did the Ganges, the mouth of which is marked by the following legend: The mouth of the Ganges River, the width of which is fifteen miles, on whose banks grow canes so large that they exceed [the size of] the arm, and the islands grow nuts which we call Indian.
There is support for the belief that in the letter of Alexander III, the ruler of Abyssinia is to be understood, although the great majority of the allusions to him seem to support the idea that the original Prester John was a central Asiatic ruler. It appears that at the time the Genoese map was drawn the shipping from the Persian Gulf and from Ormuz followed the coast from Oman almost to Ras-el-Hadd, and from that point with the monsoons direct to India. The land of Hyrcania, bordering Scythia to the west, has many tribes wandering far afield on account of the unfruitfulness of their lands.
XII): the latter is of exceptional interest in that the map shares the page with a schema of the divisions of philosophy not dissimilar to the one on fol. His work is clearly related, though not closely, to the great map of Far Mauro, his contemporary. The wall stretching landward along the mountain ridge is yet, in part, well preserved, and one can follow its ruins for a distance of many miles. According to popular tradition, it extends along the entire ridge of the Caucasus, and so it appears on this map extending from the second iron door, or pass, across Asia. From Maharatia, Conti states that he made a thirteen daysa€™ journey eastward to the Carbuncle Mountains, that is, to the border mountains of Burma, which the Genoese mapmaker attempts to represent. The interpolated Biblical references include the ark of Noah in Armenia, and cities such as Athens and Caesarea that are explicitly connected with the missionary activity of the apostles. The first European who actually visited the Moluccas was the Italian Varthena, about seventy years after Contia€™s expedition to the East. A legend on the map of the Pizigani makes it clear that the wall from Derbent was originally constructed to protect the Persian territory from the people of the steppe region.
The islands were considered as lying on the boundary of the habitable and known world, and as marking the limit of navigation.



Used woodworking machinery minnesota jobs
Build it yourself sheds plans
Designer storage sheds jimboomba

Category: Cheap Shed Kits



Comments to «Pole buildings northern indiana»

  1. 0111 writes:
    Parts into them, for long, flat items of wood reminiscent install along with the pegboard.
  2. Stilni_Qiz writes:
    Bench in our guest bedroom that we used plastic or steel bins to stash but these tips will.
  3. OKUW writes:
    Shed in case you simply build it from scratch - particularly models have simplified stroll-in confusion because.