Conservative Case for Gay Marriage: How to talk to your antigay religious relatives about same-sex unions. Fortunately, there’s a way to accept gay marriage without overturning traditional marriage. Several weeks ago, I debated gay marriage in Alabama, where same-sex marriage is still broadly opposed. If you’ve always understood marriage to be the union of a man and a woman, the idea of letting a gay couple marry may seem strange. Fortunately, there’s a way to accept gay marriage without overturning traditional marriage. One thing that distinguishes homosexuality from sexual perversion is that the attraction itself is natural.
Many people worry that if we let same-sex couples marry, we’ll confuse the meaning of marriage and lose our reverence for the traditional union of man and woman.
Even if you could get pregnant at 45, or by some miracle at 55, you’re not getting pregnant at 65. The bottom line, either way, is that we don’t have to abandon the traditional definition of marriage.
The issue has been brought to the fore by Thursday's California Supreme Court decision to overturn a state ban on gay marriage, making California only the second state in the nation to legally recognize such marriages. Public support for legalizing gay marriage is somewhat higher today than what Gallup found at the outset of polling on the subject 12 years ago.
While the California and Massachusetts laws are out of step with national cultural norms on gay marriage, these states represent the two regions of the country -- the West and East -- that show the greatest support for legalizing gay marriage. The Massachusetts gay marriage law was met by a call for a constitutional amendment in that state to define marriage as between a man and woman -- something President Bush has advocated at the national level as well. The effort to constitutionally limit marriage to heterosexual couples failed in the Massachusetts legislature last June, but on a national basis, Gallup finds Americans evenly divided. At the same time, politically, it seems that the anti-gay marriage faction has the advantage, benefiting from much greater intensity of feeling on the part of its supporters. While gays battle for the right to marry, they enjoy near-universal support for equal job rights.
Also, basic acceptance of homosexuality as an alternative lifestyle has expanded over the years, after registering only 34% in 1982. Results are based on telephone interviews with 1,017 national adults, aged 18 and older, conducted May 8-11, 2008.
For results based on the 513 national adults in the Form A half-sample and 504 national adults in the Form B half-sample, the maximum margins of sampling error are ±5 percentage points. Interviews are conducted with respondents on land-line telephones (for respondents with a land-line telephone) and cellular phones (for respondents who are cell-phone only). In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.
The American public has not formed firm opinions on the issue of policies or laws surrounding transgender individuals' use of bathroom facilities, and the polling evidence that does exist at this point is mixed.
Twenty-two percent of Democrats say Hillary Clinton would be a great president if elected, similar to the 19% of Republicans who say the same about Donald Trump.
Fewer Americans than at any point since Gallup began tracking in 2008 say they struggled to afford food in the past year. Hillary Clinton continues to have an image advantage over Donald Trump among American adults, with a net favorable rating of -14 compared with Trump's -27. In mid-May, 47% of Republicans are following election news very closely, compared with 39% of Democrats, a gap that has been evident all year. Professor Martha Nussbaum and I have locked swords over this issue on many occasions, such as in Sexual Orientation and Human Rights in American Religious Discourse. It is clear that Nussbaum is dissatisfied with the present state of the institution of marriage in our secular society and its polity. She draws upon precedents that seem to be already changing the legal definition of marriage from a union of a man and woman into the union of two persons, irrespective of their sex. Bolstering this venerable definition of marriage, then, requires as much of a challenge to the conditions that have led to its present vulnerability as does a challenge to its very continuity.
Both Nussbaum and I have very good reasons for wanting change, including reasons for asserting where that change ought to take place. Furthermore, our disagreements are not religious, even though Nussbaum and I are religiously affiliated Jews (she a Reform Jew, and I a Traditional Jew) having quite different views about what Judaism is and ought to be, including whether a same-sex union between two Jews can and should be celebrated as a Jewish marriage. Second, if a secular state does institute marriage, how can that state deny equal access to that institution to any physically and mentally normal couple who wants access to it - who wants to be married?
To bolster the equal access argument, some scholars have cited as precedent the argument used successfully to end racial segregation in American public schools.
Segregationists used these arguments in the 1940s and the 1950s to argue that African Americans, unlike Caucasians, are basically uneducable, or only educable at an inferior level. Yet once the basic intellectual inferiority of African American children was shown to be a lie, racial segregation in public education was determined to be arbitrarily discriminatory.
So, for example, when a public school declines to accept a child who is severely mentally or physically handicapped, it is discriminating for a reason, namely, the school cannot educate this child - it does not have the facilities to do so.
The precedent that supports the argument for equal access to education does not similarly support the argument for legalizing same-sex marriage for another reason.
Unlike public education, which the state instituted de novo, the state inherited marriage from traditions that predate the founding of the state. Nevertheless, being pre-political does not mean there are no reasons for the traditional institution of marriage, or that these reasons are not publicly arguable. Since traditional marriage already has reasons of its own, the state should not supply new and different reasons for an institution it only inherited and did not itself create.
However, as long as we do have the public institution of civil marriage as traditionally defined, the state should continue to support it as the status quo ante.
Nevertheless, correcting injustices that have arisen within the institution of marriage is quite different from declaring the traditional institution itself to be unjust because of whom it has included and whom it has excluded thereby. The most the state can honestly do in such appropriation of an institution that predates its founding - and in many ways transcends its operation - is to refine and reformulate in its governance of this institution the original reasons why this institution has deserved and still deserves social recognition and support.
That should be done by judges, already designated by society to be the proper interpreters of the law. Thus "marriage" did not become the name of the domestic union of a woman with a man because someone said, "Let there be marriage!" Instead, "marriage" became the name used to designate this already existing social relationship when it had to be distinguished from other social relationships that might look like it in some ways, yet are different from it in more essential ways. By calling attention to the traditional origins and character of marriage, I am not arguing from, or even for, the authority of tradition. Traditional marriage, therefore, possesses a rational validity, both for what it includes and what it has to exclude.
The first category is what she calls the "expressive aspect," which seems to include all of the purposes just mentioned, with the exception of procreation and child rearing. One could say that this distinction is based on the difference between public reasons and private reasons for any human activity - in our case at hand, the human activity of getting married.
The second, procreative aspect of marriage - starting and maintaining a family - is something publicly significant and certifiable. In today's parlance, these expressive aspects are about "relationships" rather than being about what in yesterday's parlance were called "family relations." Thus one used to distinguish carefully between one's relatives and one's friends, even when one privately valued the relationship with one's friends more than one's relations with his or her relatives. The state has no valid interest in these private relationships and should not, therefore, interfere with them by governing them in any way. Since procreation combined with child rearing is the only truly public reason for marriage, I think marriage is essentially endorsed and structured by the state to best facilitate the procreation and rearing of children.
Moreover, parents have the prima facie right to raise the new persons they have brought into the world as their own children, and into this particular polity as its new citizens. When not exercised by the parents who bear that right, the state should enforce the duty of these parents to at least make themselves known to their children and contribute to their physical support in whatever way possible, since these parents are responsible for their children coming into the world. Only in cases of gross parental neglect should the state transfer the rights and duties of natural parents to persons willing and able to raise these children to maturity in loco parentis. I consider these rights of both parents and children to be natural, in the literal sense of their natal character, and natural in the sense of being pre-political and thus not entitlements from the state. It is the children's natural claim upon the humanly instituted state to enforce their parents' natural duty to them. And it is the parents' natural claim upon the humanly-instituted state to enforce their children's duty to care for them if they become disabled or infirm.
In the case of children, this is the right of the now unborn child to be brought to birth - that is, not aborted in utero - and then raised by the two persons, the man and the woman, responsible for his or her conception, which is the event that marks the beginning of one's human being. So, it would seem that a child can best exercise that right, that justifiable claim, when he or she is living in a family governed and cared for by his or her own father and mother.
Maintaining, preserving, and promoting the traditional institution of marriage is the state's way of best facilitating the exercise of the natural right of children and the natural duty of their parents. Rights are rationally justifiable claims made by one person or persons upon another person or persons.
Just ask children whose parents have divorced if they do not often feel that their natural right to an intact family has been violated. And it seems to be the desire of most people to raise the children they have enabled to come into the world, preferably in tandem with the spouse with whom they so enabled their children to be conceived and to be born. Just ask parents whose children have been taken away from them if they do not feel their natural rights have been violated.
And, unlike the feelings of the children of divorce whose violation cannot be justified in a court of law, sometimes these feelings of parents deprived of their children can be justified in a court of law, for example, in a custody hearing. Therefore, if the primary reason for the public recognition of marriage is to best enable children to be brought into the world and raised by their two natural parents, then it is clear why marriage should only be a union of one woman with one man.
If, as I have claimed, the public reason for the institution of marriage is to facilitate procreation and the exercise of parental and filial rights and obligations, then it follows that the state should limit marriage to heterosexual couples.
Even if a couple does decide between themselves from the outset not to have children, that is their private agreement which in no way impinges upon the public reason for marriage per se.
Moreover, it is a sign of how degraded civil marriage has already become where now in many jurisdictions there is "no fault" divorce - namely, there no longer need be any grounds or reasons at all for divorce other than one's wish not to be married anymore to his or her current spouse.
The first example concerns children from a previous - and I assume heterosexual - marriage. How can a person of the same sex as that of the remaining parent possibly simulate the now missing other parent of the children remaining at home?
This is an even greater problem if that new parent was the co-cause of the divorce because of his or her adulterous relationship with the natural parent of the children. There is also the question of adultery and its connection to the question of custody of children after a divorce. As such, if the other, heterosexual spouse has remained faithful to the marriage, could not the adultery of the now homosexual spouse be cited by the faithful heterosexual spouse seeking primary custody of the children on moral grounds? However, since those seeking same-sex marriage want the full rights of marriage, the full obligations of marriage, like the obligation to resist adultery and the consequences of the violation of those obligations, should obtain for them as they do for everyone else.

The second example concerns surrogacy or artificial insemination, which creates a violation of a child's natural right to have both natural parents raise him or her. Both cases, however, represent a conspiracy from the outset to prevent the child so conceived from being raised by his or her natural mother or father.
All of this is an intentional violation of a child's natural right to have either a father or a mother or both.
This right, especially, is the basis of all other rights, including the right to have parents who are responsible for one's upbringing. And, in principle, I am not opposed to a gay or lesbian couple being able to raise a child so abandoned by his or her natural parents. Nevertheless, all things being equal, I think it is best for a child's filial rights that a heterosexual married couple be given preference over a homosexual couple in the adoption of a child abandoned by her or his natural parents. That is because a heterosexual couple can better simulate - perhaps improve upon - the heterosexual union that produced this child in the first place. This, by the way, is not arguing empirically that, in Nussbaum's words, "opposite-sex couples do better than same-sex couples," a point she regards as unproven. In Nussbaum's case, it would seem to be an admission that the institution of civil marriage cannot ever really be reformed to include all those she wants included in it. I don't care if gays get married, but what gives them the right to impose their minority lifestyle on children who deserve what every child has a right to, a mother and a father ?Gay marriage yes, gay parenting no.
What if the separate isolated and thus always fragile nuclear family is itself a symptom and expression of the breakdown of Civilization?And also one of the principal forms that now and inevitably generates the continued disintegration of Civilization.Especially if you consider that the root source and motive of Civilization is the impulse to actively cooperate with others.
I quite like the perspective that the wonderfully humorous gay theologian James Alison brings to this topic.I particularly like the interview that was featured on Encounter on ABC Radio National.
It's terrifying to me that you're blind to the ruins we live in from the sexual revolution. It's sad that opinions like this are what Christianity will be remembered for.It's not fair to all the Christians who don't use their religious beliefs as an excuse to bully and harass others.
When another possesses our heart and mind and inner most thoughts and beings, we are already a part of the sacred bed. Holly, it is not speaking evil of others to defend marriage - we have duties to our neighbour as Christ commanded, we have duties to preserve the common good. You say antinomianism is the silly presumption of Christians that they were not even bound by legitimate civil law, completely against Christ's teaching.If Christians are to be bound to civil law, then all Christian and would be Christians same sex couples need to be accessible to that framework of the civil law. Maybe if heterosexuals weren't abandoning their own children to adoption agencies by the thousands, there would be much less opportunity for gay adoption, now, wouldn't there?Besides, since when does CIVIL marriage imply the ability or desire to have children? Umm, don't know where you got that 'thousands' figure from, but Australian born adoptions in Australia only count in their hundreds and the figures came in last month.
If a "gay " relationship isn't based on love, what do you believe it is based on ? Biblical Christianity is unanimous about sexual relations Holly, legitimate only with marriage. If children are not part of marriage, then gays should be willing to sacrifice the procreative benefits of marriage - marriage includes benefits because of its role as an institution that is about starting a family.
The debate was hosted by a conservative Christian organization, the Fixed Point Foundation, and many people in the audience shared its views.
But same-sex marriage is already legal in dozens of states, and there’s no evidence that it has weakened heterosexual marriage.
Sherif Girgis, the scholar who debated this issue with me at a recent forum sponsored by the Fixed Point Foundation, says the defining purpose of traditional marriage is procreation. So when you apply for a marriage license and write down your age, we know you’re not going to have a baby, just as surely as if you were marrying a person of the same sex. He and his co-authors, Robert George and Ryan Anderson, have written a book on this subject.
That definition has always made an exception for infertile couples, based on the moral example these couples reinforce. In 1996, about one in four Americans thought marriages between homosexuals should be recognized by the law as valid.
There is already an initiative underway in California to put such an amendment to the state constitution on the ballot this fall.
About half (49%) favor a constitutional amendment to prevent gay marriage, while 48% are opposed. One in four of those who are opposed to legal recognition of same-sex marriages (26%) say they will vote only for candidates for major office who share their view on the issue.
Today, 57% of Americans agree that homosexuality should be considered acceptable, matching last year's record high. For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±3 percentage points. Jews and nonreligious Americans tend to be more liberal on moral issues than Protestants, Catholics and Mormons. Mississippi residents are most likely to struggle to afford food, and North Dakota residents are least likely.
But Democrats who support Bernie Sanders are more critical than Democrats backing Hillary Clinton or Republicans who oppose Donald Trump.
And so it is no wonder that it has been the subject of debate everywhere, among politicians and jurists, scholars and intellectuals.
Her recent essay in the California Law Review entitled "A Right To Marry?" provides a welcome opportunity to return to this hotly debated question, and sharpen the points of difference between us. I join her in that dissatisfaction, but we differ over what sort of change each of us wants.
Conversely, I want to change or undo those very precedents that have led to a situation where what might be called "the traditional Western definition of marriage" can now be seriously and powerfully challenged. Yet, neither of us deduces our respective moral positions from authoritative theological propositions.
That is, when the state creates public schools, those schools cannot then refuse to accept as students anybody who could be educated by them.
What about those persons whom the state cannot educate because of their severe physical, mental, or emotional impediments?
That is quite different from a school that does have such facilities but will not educate such a child.
And that concerns the difference between justifiable change and unjustifiable change of a legally-sanctioned institution like marriage. These traditions are pre-political in the way culture precedes secular society and its polity, and in many ways transcends them both.
Indeed, to supply radically new reasons for something old essentially transforms it by radically redefining it. And the state should also rectify any injustices that might have arisen within the institution of marriage, such as insuring that a wife not be considered an appendage to her husband in matters of domestic property. If judges cannot refine and reform the existing institution of marriage, then legislators who want this radical change should implement the abolition of this institution altogether, or they should subsume what used to be known as "domestic relations" under some other existing institution, such as private contracts. Instead, I am asserting that the Western tradition of marriage, being a union between a woman and a man, has good reasons for being limited to heterosexual couples, thus excluding all other relationships, such as homosexuality, polygamy, polyandry, or "polyamorous" arrangements (that is, domestic partnerships involving sexual liaisons of more than two persons). And so the traditional restriction of marriage to two persons of different sex is not arbitrarily discriminatory, thus making it essentially different from prejudiced, irrational kinds of social discrimination such as racial segregation. The state's interest in procreation and familial continuity is because the state needs to replenish its citizenry regularly and thus ensure social continuity. They should not be governed by the laws of the state, however necessary they are for the private happiness that makes getting married and staying married personally appealing. Accordingly, the state should limit its concern to what marriage publicly effects rather than with what marriage privately affects. Hence these children have a right, a justifiable claim, on their parents to fulfil their duty to them as much as possible. Think of a child's claim on a "deadbeat dad" or "deadbeat mother," which we expect the courts and the police to enforce if that is the only way to get compliance from such irresponsible parents. Think of how many of us are disgusted when we hear of adult offspring who have abandoned their disabled or infirm parents when they could care for them or, at least, arrange for their care when the adult offspring themselves could not care for them. And a father and mother can best fulfil their parental duty when living together in the marital-familial relation of husband and wife. Would we not sympathize with their complaint, either because we have suffered a similar fate, or because we would not want to suffer a similar fate? And how could we reasonably establish a criterion to determine who is fertile and who is not?
When the grounds for dissolving a marriage become vague or absent, the grounds for initiating a marriage become equally vague or absent. Since children from a previous marriage can be and often are raised by a single parent after having been widowed or divorced, I fail to see what the addition of another adult adds to the family, especially when that new spouse functions in loco parentis, at least de facto, replacing the now displaced parent in the new domestic arrangement. Does this also not send a powerful message to the children that their natural mother or father regrets her or his very heterosexuality that led to the children's conception and birth in the first place?
That is, when an originally heterosexual couple divorces because one of the spouses decides he or she is really homosexual, is it often the case that this spouse discovered his or her homosexuality from having been involved in a homosexual relationship already? In Talmudic language, one could say that the sinner not be rewarded for his or her sin, but that he or she should be penalized because of it.
This is the same conspiracy that a single woman joins when she has herself inseminated, usually without even any future plans for a marriage that could at least provide her child with a stepfather who might adopt her child. And all of these present moral violations should goad people like myself to work for legal change in the whole area of family relations, including changing the laws that deprive an unborn child of his or her right to life. Despite all my talk about natural parentage and childhood, I am in favour of the institution of adoption.
Surely, a child is better raised by two people who love him or her and each other, rather than being raised in the less personal setting of an orphanage, or by foster parents. This better simulates the duty of the natural parents to raise this child, a duty they would not or could not exercise.
I base my arguments on the concept of rights, not on the concept of utility (even though I do think there is actual evidence that the optimal family setting for children to grow and flourish is a home led by that child's natural mother and father). I suspect that giving up on civil marriage now would be an admission of political defeat for both positions.
In my case, it would seem to be an admission that civil marriage can never be restored to its richer and more coherent traditional meaning. Richard and Dorothy Shiff Chair of Jewish Studies as Professor of the Study of Religion and Professor of Philosophy at the University of Toronto. It seems that once gays get marriage they think it gives them the *right* to bring up children.
For some strange set of beliefs held by most religions we are all held ransom to these set of false ideas about the past. To consciously share the demands and burdens of creating a Sacred Space in which to practice and cultivate the human virtues and faculties.

It is titled Sexuality Certainty and Salvation - it features some interesting historical perspectives on the changing shape of families and thus of child-rearing methods. The norms attached to marriage don't descend from the sky disconnected from our lived experience they've been found intimately connected with, and conducive to, male-female unions because of the nature of the union. If not we have barred people from the rights we have taken for granted as our own as children of God.
I think there might be some errors in your reasoning, I can certainly see that what you write comes from a desire to be welcoming but sometimes feelings can be untrustworthy.The unfortunate thing about claiming particular rights is that they don't just work one way, they encourage certain things and inhibit certain things - or take away things that were there before. What does this have to do with equal marriage rights?"Is it fair that we make a law that says it is good to keep a child's mum or dad from them?
Or maybe you worry that if we change the male-female rule of marriage, other rules, such as monogamy and lifetime commitment, will also change.
In a small percentage of cases, people who are oriented toward women are born female, and people who are oriented toward men are born male. When we talk about infertility in couples, we usually don’t assume that both partners are sterile. They can’t make straight people gay, any more than heterosexual marriages can make gay people straight. By contrast, only 2% of those who favor making same-sex marriage legal define themselves as one-issue voters on the subject. The percentage who say moral values are getting worse is similar to what Gallup has recorded since 2011. That is, why should a secular state recognize and structure, even encourage, human associations that have traditionally been called "marriages"?
It is therefore rational that an overwhelming number of children desire to be raised by their own mother and father, parenting in tandem as a married couple.
Moreover, in an age when new reproductive technologies are enabling persons heretofore assumed to be sterile to become parents, almost no one can be presumed to be incurably infertile.
Surely, a child's right to being raised to adulthood is better upheld by adoptive parents than by natural parents who are unable or unwilling to raise their natural offspring.
His most recent books are The Sanctity of Human Life (Georgetown University Press, 2007), Tradition in the Public Square (Eerdmans, 2008) and In Defense of Religious Liberty (ISI Books, 2009). Changes which were almost invariably triggered by changing technological and economic conditions. What you're asking is something like asking mathematicians to open up access to five by adding 2 and 2.No one believes that SSA people actually want to wed.
For this to be recognized and validated as a part of societal structure we have the institution of marriage as a sacred protective enclosure on both personal and civic levels for most of society.
We know the corruptions of capitalism produced the radicalism of the collectivist communists, the corruptions of the Ancien Regime produced the Jacobins. So working for justice should come from the heart, not from mere rule following (though it starts here of course).
If we also take into account the fact that God places us in life situations for our growth and development we are hindering a sacred enclosure of growth and healing to people of a different orientation to our own. Even the most ardent defenders of divorce today view it as a necessary evil, a response to the tragedy of marriage failure. Holly what you propose is personal experience as kind of Scripture superior to the Bible as a guide to the will and nature of God. Also when laws that affect all Australians are involved we have to be careful that justice is being done in fact, and we have to try and care a little less about our feelings. I’ve condensed the argument here in the hope that Slate readers might share it with friends, relatives, or colleagues who, for religious or other reasons, remain uncomfortable with homosexuality. But it does happen in nature, and we don’t condemn the affected couples for violating the natural order.
According to the Census Bureau, 400,000 women ages 45 or older get married in this country in a single year.
A married couple, gay or straight, can influence by its example only the voluntary aspects of marriage: commitment and monogamy. However, for the past four years, public support has failed to grow in a linear fashion; rather, it has fluctuated between 37% and 46%.
But the fact that we can disagree within a moral framework means that neither of us can or wants to remove the other from that framework by declaring her or him as being immoral, let alone amoral. Public schools are thus established to educate whoever is educable, irrespective of their race, religion, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation. For the fourth time read their manifestos '' they consider it heterosexist and the source of, like John, many ills in society. Who then are we who denighs the rights of others as a part of our structural confines?I may be wrong, but I think we all have a right to the institution of marital laws.God will take care of the sacredness of our hearts in his time and in his measures.
This is the reason everyone should refuse to bend to the will of a vocal minority backed by state and cultural power, who would have us refuse all conceptions of the good and its source that don't come from them. Personally I was hoping that the pain and chaos of it all would wake people up and there'd be vigorous calls for marriage renewal. Same-sex marriage by contrast, would say that the ideal marriage is gender neutral a€“ not a way for boys to become men by marrying and pledging to care for women.
But then would mere physical seperation preclude soldiers and sailors from getting married?
Some times we are more motivated by giving ourselves what we take as good moral feelings, to see ourselves as good, rather than what really is good. I also hope you’ll share the audio of the closing speech from the debate, which the foundation has kindly allowed Slate to publish above. If your son fell in love with a woman, you’d want him to be a faithful and devoted husband to her.
The rich and powerful have feasted on the disorder they've spread through society - while calling it liberty.
Something disturbingly slippery is going on when proponents can't get their stories straight. I'll take it from your silence that you haven't read the publication you alluded to earlier.
For a clue, listen to the language and behaviour of the fervent 'gay' marriage crowd and note the intolerance, and its historical pedigree. Instead, apparently, rather than fixing it some of us want to solidify the chaos in law by doing away with marriage all together. It would say that the ideal marriage includes children only when they have been specially planned and chosen a€“ children would become optional extras rather than the natural fruit and symbol of the spouses union. We say that when soldiers are away from their children it is an unfortunate but necessary fact of life. So when we speak of rights to marriage we have to think of the rights of children too, who can't speak for themselves.
If your child is born gay, he’ll never be able to have a baby with the person he loves. We don’t ask infertile straight couples to divorce or break up so they can go have a baby with someone else. When nominalists and relativists come out of the wordwork against marriage and say 'marriage isn't any one thing!' and then in the next breath 'gay people want this thing - don't keep it from us'!
FYI, the report only addressed same-sex parenting (indirectly) in the context of a review of global attitudes to parenting, and did not make any judgement calls. It would say that the ideal family need not include a father a€“ a message that is especially pernicious in a country where one-third of births in 2000 were to unwed mothers. It amounts to a New Christianity in which the spirit of the age, with all the blindspots that go along with it, guides the interpretation of the deposit of faith instead of the Holy Spirit.
Children raised in married, mother-father homes are the most likely to acquire the skills and behaviors conducive to becoming a a€?well-adjusted, productivea€? workforce. In fact, the terms 'gay', 'homosexual', 'heterosexual' or 'nuclear' do not appear in the document at all. And it would say (because who can imagine that most homosexual couples would wed?) that marriage itself is optional, not the norm a€“ that marriage is for heroes, and since you and I arena€™t heroic, we must not be called to marry. Is it fair to take away marriage from the next generation who rely on us to pass things on to them better than how we found them rather than damaged? And we don’t tell an infertile woman that she has to stay unmarried and celibate her whole life. Also, a€?men who get and stay married work harder, work smarter, and earn more money than their unmarried peers.a€?Married couples with children are also economic a€?driversa€? because they consume many services and goods, especially in child care, groceries, health care, home maintenance, household products, insurance and juvenile products, says W. James is talking about antinomianism ironically - the silly presumption of Christians that they were not even bound by legitimate civil law, completely against Christ's teaching. The standard still exists, despite all the factors that militate against people reaching that standard - for the sake of children, the couple themselves, and the nation. It would rank childlessness, fatherlessness, and motherlessness as equal in goodness to the ideal we have now.
So, there is no reason to argue rights and wrong by judging on straight people's perspective.
Pretending 3 or 4 people, or two men in a bed make a marriage and asking for government fiat won't help our guilty feelings. Sex is a powerful gift and that power can cause great destruction in society - 50 million babies violently killed in the womb every year around the world!The traditional sexual morality shared by all societies and affirmed by Christianity was unquestioned until the 1960's.
These are serious questions that people of good will should face.So it isn't about bad feelings towards gay people rather it is about how best to achieve justice for all Australians.
The tradition of the baby boomers doesn't trump 2000 yrs of Christian tradition, which deepens our understanding of sexual morality: the body is a Temple of the Holy Spirit - a sign with its own dignity - it is not a mere tool of a disembodied will.
Gay people feel strongly about what they believe but sometimes strong feelings can cloud our judgment. What we do with it matters and may be just or unjust.-I wish you well in your studies, but be careful many theological colleges are liberal first Christian second. Debate helps all of us sort out whether our beliefs are being distorted by prejudice and emotion.Best wishes. He does not interfere in the necessity of the laws of the land that give equal status and rights to all.
I am commencing studies at theological college in 2012 and I fear I shall create more than my fair share of controversy.

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