This e-book concentrates on macro economics, issues such as economic growth, recessions, the credit crunch, inflation and globalisation. Understanding Real World economics is an e-book aimed at ordinary people wanting to improve their understand of economics. The inspiration for this book came from the many questions people have asked about economics over the past few years. Why do government encourage people to save responsibly and then borrow astronomical sums themselves? About the AuthorTejvan studied PPE at LMH, Oxford University and works as an economics teacher and writer. Yes we know, our current website is very outdated which is why we are working very hard on a new one. The United States has been unable to develop a clear national policy about the Arab Spring largely because Washington does not fully understand what’s happening in the Middle East. This change has been evolving for more than 40 years and did not begin in January 2011 with the demonstrations across the Middle East. These false premises were reinforced by the tens if not hundreds of thousands bright, young, articulate, Western-oriented, media-savvy demonstrators who rose against Arab nationalist governments.
Minorities, which had prospered by emphasizing their common Arab identity, now face a very worrisome future. Understanding the dogged determination of the supporters of the Assad government in Syria, for example, is impossible unless you factor in the fear that minorities and secularists have of a Sunni Muslim government. For example, the Christian population of Iraq today is less than half of what it was when the U.S. This shift from strong Arab nationalism to a powerful Islamic identity has evolved over the last half-century. Arab nationalists answered these questions by asserting that Arabs were bound together by a common language and culture. During the 1950s and 1960s, Arab nationalists achieved power in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Tunisia, Algeria and Yemen, and exerted great influence elsewhere.
Following the Arab nationalist armies’ humiliating defeat by Israel in 1967, public opinion began to move more strongly against the Arab nationalist movements. The challenge to Washington intelligence analysts and policymakers will be to understand and develop policies that address the new realities.
The first step in this process is to recognize that the Arab era is fading and the Muslim era is beginning. We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion, anecdotes, links and data. Adhering to pan-Arabism means belonging to one nation with a common language and culture, and a shared history on a shared land. The Arab identity as a language and culture existed before Islam, but it was confined to Arab tribes that shared certain geographic boundaries. Before Islam, pan-Arabism meant the Arabic language and culture, but it began to become a civilization and a cultural identity and allegiance with the birth of Islam and its strong connection with the Arabic language, the language of the Quran, and the spread of Islam by Arab pioneers. Islam and the Quran contributed significantly to transforming Arabism from the identity of a small Arab race into the horizons of a greater cultural identity as part of a common Islamic Civilization that also includes Arab non-Muslims as well as non-Arab Muslims.


Perhaps one of the most important obstacles that needs to be addressed is the current weak sense of national identity and the dominance of sectionalism, which prevails in many Arab countries. This weak sense of national identity also paves the way for foreign interference in some instances.
The weak sense of common national identity is an expression of a misunderstanding about other affiliations. I believe you will find that genuinely Muslim-dominated governments will inevitably be hostile to the United States. Russia remains a spoiler to world peace only because they have convinced rational leaderships they may just be enough insane as to prefer suicide (in a way that would take the rest of the world with them) rather than live as productive equals without bullying others. At some point the rest of the world will have do confront such blackmail or give blackmailers world leadership. For this reason it is valid to compare and contrast the realignment of Eastern Europe with the realignment of the middle east. If it is a rational interpretation of islam for example like Maulana Wahiduddin Khans, then it is a welcome step and makes it easier for everybody on most issues including policy making.
Graeme Bannerman, a scholar at the Middle East Institute, is a former staff director of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 1979-1987. Reuters Analysis & Opinion Vladimir Putin creates a new Praetorian Guard By Jason Fields Prince, Bowie and Haggard: Icons? It also takes a look at economic history and also in-depth look at recent economic events such as the European debt crisis, deflation, and levels of government debt. This book provides an explanation to the key economic issues and tries to answer the most frequently asked questions about economics.
Most of the work on here is very outdated so if you’d like to see our most current work please connect with us through our social media pages. The changes over the past 20 months have produced a fundamental transformation of the region – but not in the way most outside observers anticipated: They reflect the replacement of the dominant Arab national identity by a more Islamic identity. It was clear from the start of last year’s protests that the successor governments would be less Arab nationalist and secular, and more Islamic. The term brought to mind the changes that had swept through Eastern Europe with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite the attention given to them, these youthful demonstrators never represented more than a small minority of the population. Schismatic Muslim sects – Shia, Druze, Alawites and others – are unlikely to fare well under Sunni Muslim-dominated governments. If one asks Christians, Turkomen or other minorities whether they are better off today or under Saddam Hussein’s despotic regime, many may say that as awful as Hussein was, minorities were better off before.
Arab nationalist governments replaced regimes established by the withdrawing European colonial governments. The best way for them to meet the challenge of Western dominance was to strengthen their common identity and apply to the Arab world those practices that had made the West successful. Some asserted the best path was not mimicking the West, but rather being true to their Islamic values. Therefore, in Egypt, and to a lesser degree Lebanon, stronger national identity tempers an increasing tendency to identify as Muslim.


Nonetheless, the replacement of the dominant Arab identity by a Muslim identity is a regional trend that will likely affect every nation to varying degrees. If you see a comment that you believe is irrelevant or inappropriate, you can flag it to our editors by using the report abuse links. The Arab identity is not linked to an ethnicity, religion, political stand, or ideology, and it does not depend on changing political circumstances. This nation also shares the same interests and destiny, which may, in the future, take the shape of a federation or an integration of its countries. It can also be a cultural and social fortress that can safeguard and protect the national identity of each Arab country. This weakens the domestic, constitutional, and political structure, leads to the dominance of sectarian and ethnic identities over Arab societies, and eventually leads to domestic crises and tensions in each Arab country. This occurs when priority is given to narrow affiliations that are used as pretexts to deal with foreign parties.
Belief in different religious sects or being proud of ethnic and tribal origins is a natural and healthy phenomenon in multi-ethnic and religious communities.
Isn’t it pretty much always the case that a relatively few people lead the way for the others?
Is it merely your own humble observations of daily life or has there been a more formal study? But the death of the Baath Arab Socialism as pioneered by Nasser parallels the death of socialism in Europe. But, it will also be useful for the ‘non-economist’ who simply wants to understand how economics affects their daily lives. Numerous, but inaccurate, parallels were drawn between the Eastern Bloc and the Middle East.
Many prosperous Christian Iraqis fled the nation during the years of brutal Arab sectarian violence. Arabs sought to address the question of who they were and how they should engage with the West. They could be liberal democrats, socialists, communists or Baathist – but they all were Arab nationalists.
Arab fortunes had waned, these critics argued, not because they were not enough like the West, but because they had lost sight of their own values. But, a problem occurs when this difference is transformed into violent struggle and bloody political conflicts that contradict pluralism and cause us to hold others accountable for the group or religion they were born into, instead of for their deeds and ideas. The only place that can’t keep up is the US, there the word socialism (as a pejorative aimed at the president) crops up more often than anywhere else.
It would be nice to hear from the author what his recommendations are on how the West should respond to the new reality as he sees it.
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