While it is certainly possible to master a CD with just plugins, most professional mastering engineers take advantage of analog gear that has no counterpart in the digital domain. Much of record production today is done entirely in the digital domain, as opposed to having been tracked on analog tape.
It's worth mentioning that much recording done in the higher budget realm (major artist recordings) is still done to analog.
Another side benefit, CDs cut from these mixes can be made quite loud without sounding overly compressed, because tape is a better compressor than any rack-mount unit or plugin. But doesn't putting all of this back on a CD merely convert it back to "digital" sound? DESCRIPTION: While some earlier scholars would have labeled these maps as a€?the epitome of medieval European cartographya€?, due to the very ecclesiastical form and content, they were, indeed, an exception in this perioda€™s mapmaking.
In his recent book, Body-Worlds, Opinicus de Canistris and the Medieval Cartographic Imagination, Karl Whittington writes that on the 31st of March, 1334, this Italian priest named Opinicus de Canistris fell sick.
As mentioned above, Opicinusa€™ drawings survive in two manuscripts, both kept in the Vatican Library in Rome.
There is no way of knowing how many other drawings Opicinus completed, and certainly no reason to believe that all or even a majority of his works have survived. Victoria Morsea€™s 1996 doctoral dissertation for the first time performed a large-scale study in order to demonstrate the logic of Opicinusa€™ works.
It was not unusual during the later Middle Ages to bring together the body and the earth in pictorial representations. The relationship on the page between texts, diagrams, and pictures throughout Opicinusa€™ work is an especially important issue. According to Whittington the captions on most of the drawings seem to interact with them in the following way: Opicinus created the visual material first, usually to address a particular theological question or theme. The elaborate, complex, and beautiful drawings that Opicinus created in the years following his illness and vision are the subject of this monograph. What we see, then, is an embodied map a€” a picture of the eartha€™s surface that is also a depiction of human bodies. Opicinusa€™ beliefs and hypotheses about the earthly, the heavenly, and the human are encoded in the very structures of his drawings. Over half of Opicinusa€™ 80 drawings in the Vaticanus and Palatinus manuscripts include at least part of a portolan chart.
Opicinusa€™ body-maps are far more complicated than any of the examples above, and the question of what they mean is more difficult to answer. In a number of drawings, Opicinus used the most basic form of the body-worlds - presumably the one that he describes having received in his 1334 vision. As in all of Opicinusa€™ drawings of the body-worlds, each figure takes on a specific identity, though in this example these identities are complex.
It seems most likely that the figure depicts a sort of hybrid a€” a personification of Christianity, with Christ at its head and its heart, surrounded by elements of the cosmic order. Its chest is bare (we can see the cloak falling away from the shoulder on the northern coast of France), but the lower roundel covers the place where a breast is often revealed in Opicinusa€™ female European figures.
In three folios near the end of the Vaticanus manuscript, Opicinusa€™ cartographic drawings add one more layer of meaning on top of the basic arrangement outlined above: he superimposes a gridded local map of Pavia, his hometown, on top of a single portolan chart. According to Whittington the precise placement and scale of the two maps is certainly not accidental; the maps have been placed in a precise relation to one another in order to create and explain correspondences between them.
In contrast to this relatively simple correspondence, another caption shows how complicated his spatial interpretations could become.
As a final word on this drawing, I want to return to one more visual feature: the form of the local city grid. In the two previous examples, Opicinus constructed a drawing using only one portolan chart; on fol.
This doubling and mirroring of the portolan chart served a specific purpose: as Victoria Morse has argued, it allowed Opicinus to contrast the world as it was seen and known with the possibility of an alternate world converted to a state of grace. Each of the four land-figures bears an emblem on its chest a€” these signify the intention or motivation of each character. On the bottom half of the page, however, similar captions placed on the white chart actually point to cities on that chart, rather than on the one below. Even after all of the figures in the drawing have been identified, its meaning remains elusive. There is one caption on the page that offers a tantalizing comment on its form and content. This quoted caption outlines the general principle that Opicinus follows in these drawings that employ mirroring or correspondence a€” that the multiplied forms are generators of multiple truths and realities. Many Vaticanus drawings contain more explicit imagery of birth and reproduction; metaphors of birth and rebirth seem to have been one of Opicinusa€™ primary ways of expressing the spiritual transformation that he underwent following his illness of 1334.
The interest in the local ramifications of the pregnancy of the European figure is explored even more closely in two drawings in which Europe is actually pregnant with a tiny map a€” fols. DESCRIPTION: A good example of Protestant theologian Heinrich Buntinga€™s Europa, Europe as a Queen. Australiaa€™s third flightless bird - the Tasmanian Native Hen (on Maria Island) [Photo - G.
In schools (and other institutions), there is division of labour - teachers, administrators, office staff, ground staff, kitchen staff and so on. The tissues in a leaf include mesophyll (the tissue where photosynthesis occurs), epithelial tissue (protective upper and lower surfaces), xylem (for transporting water), phloem (for transporting food) and gland cells (for making substances that protect the leaf from animal attack).
The wall of the stomach is lined on the inside by cells which form glands producing gastric juice (including hydrochloric acid). Animals and fungi obtain their food from their biotic surroundings - other living or once-living things.
You are not expected to learn all the chemical reactions involved in photosynthesis, but you are expected to learn the overall or general word equation.
Many plants, like the first plants (algae) live in water - they obtain water and minerals directly through their plasma membrane because they live in water. The first plants to appear on land had to be pre-adapted to survive in the absence of water. The roots of seed plants are covered with millions of tiny hairs through which they absorb water (and small amounts of minerals) from soil.
Photosynthesis requires light, so we expect to find the chloroplasts densely packed in layers in the cells near the top surface of leaves which in turn have a large flat area exposed to sunlight. Leaves arranged to obtain maximum sunlight, especially for the younger, more active leaves. When humans eat food, they are placing it into a hollow tube that passes right through the body, from mouth to anus. Then the small, useful molecules in the broken down food (glucose, amino acids, lipids) enters the body in the absorption stage. Finally, those parts of the food that are not absorbed are removed from the body via the anus in egestion. There are 2 main ways that herbivores breakdown cellulose - some are called ruminant herbivores (eg.
The rumen is a large, bag-shaped organ full of cellulose-digesting bacteria before the small intestine. Non-ruminant herbivores store the cellulose digesting bacteria in the cecum, a blind tube joining the digestive system where the small and large intestines meet.
Rabbits are unusual in that they pass the digested cellulose out of the body as soft cecotrophs which they eat during the night.
The tissues in a leaf include mesophyll (the tissue where photosynthesis occurs), epithelial tissue (protective upper and lower surfaces), xylem (for transporting water), phloem (for transporting food) and gland cells (for making substances that protect the leaf from animal attack).A  Each tissue is made of large numbers of similar cells.
The wall of the stomach is lined on the inside by cells which form glands producing gastric juice (including hydrochloric acid).A  Beneath this layer the tissue called stratum compactum forms a tough protective barrier preventing sharp objects in food from perforating the stomach.
Deep in the ocean, thousands of metres away from any sunlight, there are fish.A  Even these fish rely on photosynthesis - they eat dead bodies that have fallen from nearer to the surface, these dead animals having eaten plants or animals that depend on photosynthesis.
It is time to learn about independent and dependent variables.A A  Refer to this page, especially (a) and (b).
The Calvin Cycle - added to impress you, not to be memorised.A  At least you can see where CO2 enters the picture!
Ferns have conducting tissues and roots very similar to those of seed plants.A  The fronds and roots grow out of a stem-like structure called the rhizome. Photosynthesis requires light, so we expect to find the chloroplasts densely packed in layers in the cells near the top surface of leaves which in turn have a large flat area exposed to sunlight.A  This is usually the case, especially where overheating and water loss are not problems. When humans eat food, they are placing it into a hollow tube that passes right through the body, from mouth to anus.A  The food is essentially still outside the body!A  The placing of food inside the gastrointestinal tract is called ingestion. Vertebrate animals cannot digest cellulose - the component of all plant cell walls.A  Herbivorous animals utilise bacteria to digest cellulose for them. Non-ruminant herbivores store the cellulose digesting bacteria in the cecum, a blind tube joining the digestive system where the small and large intestines meet.A  After the cellulose has been fermented in the cecum, the food passes into the colon where it is absorbed. Rabbits are unusual in that they pass the digested cellulose out of the body as soft cecotrophs which they eat during the night.A  Nutrients are then absorbed from the small intestine - the unneeded food leaves the body as hard pellets which the rabbit uses to mark its territory.
While Ptolemy is most frequently associated with geography and cartography, he also wrote important works in a number of other fields including astronomy, astrology, music and optics.
Although no original manuscript of this text has survived the ravages of time, several manuscript copies, dating from the closing centuries of the Byzantine Empire (ca. For these and other reasons, Ptolemy knew mathematics to be an important part of cartography. The first Book of the Geographia is devoted primarily to theoretical principles, including a discussion of globe construction, the description of two map projections, and an extended, through amicable, criticism of his primary source, Marinus of Tyre, a€?the latest of the geographers of our timea€?. In another chapter in Book I, Ptolemy wrote that there are two ways of making a portrait of the world: one is to reproduce it on a sphere, and the other is to draw it on a plane surface.
If the second method of drawing the earth is used, that is, if the spherical earth is projected onto a plane surface, certain adjustments are obviously necessary.
Ptolemya€™s exhaustive criticism of the imperfect methods of drawing maps adopted by Marinus would lead to the expectation that he himself would have used some of his own recommended projections in constructing his maps. Book II of the Geographia opens with a prologue a€?of the particular descriptionsa€?, which is to say, the maps he was about to present, and a general statement of his mapmaking policy. The fifth chapter of Book VII contains a description of the map of the world, together with an enumeration of the oceans and of the more important bays and islands.
In the eighth and last Book of the Geographia, Ptolemy returned to the business of discussing the principles of cartography, mathematical, geographical and astronomical methods of observation, and, in some cases (manuscript or printed copies) there follow short legends for each of the special maps - ten for Europe, four for Africa and twelve for Asia - mentioning the countries laid down on each plate, describing the limits, and enumerating the tribes of each country and its most important towns. Those scholars who have argued that Ptolemya€™s original text contained no maps have neglected careful study of this Book. The obvious way to avoid crowding, Ptolemy said, is to make separate maps of the most populous regions or sectional maps combining densely populated areas with countries containing few inhabitants, if such a combination is feasible. The illustration above gives a diagram of the parts of the known world embraced by each special map found in Ptolemya€™s Geographia.
While there is little doubt still lingering that Ptolemya€™s text was originally illustrated by maps, it is not altogether certain that the maps found today in existing copies of the Geographia are indeed similar to those of the original series of maps, since the latter have not survived for comparison. To further confound the issue, all of the other manuscript copies of the Geographia that are accompanied by maps differ one from another, presenting two basic versions. The other version, B, contains sixty-four maps distributed throughout the text, vice collected together in one place. Over and above these maps, those manuscripts with maps, both A- and B-versions, are additionally illustrated with a universal map of the entire known world at Ptolemya€™s time, either on one sheet or four sheets; only very rarely are both world maps found together.
As with modern maps, Ptolemaic maps are oriented so that North would be at the top and East at the right, because better known localities of the world were to be found in the northern latitudes, and on a flat map they would be easier to study if they were in the upper right-had corner. Displayed on the left-had margin of these world maps are seven Clima [Klima] and Parallel Zones. Overall Ptolemya€™s world-picture extended northward from the equator a distance of 31,500 stades [one mile = 9 to 10 stades; there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade] to 63A° N at Thule, and southward to a part of Ethiopia named Agysimba and Cape Prasum at 16A° S latitude, or the same distance south as Meroe was north. It has been repeatedly pointed out that the distances set down by Ptolemy in his tables for the Mediterranean countries, the virtual center of the habitable world, are erroneous beyond reason, considering the fact that Roman Itineraries were accessible. The geographical errors made by Ptolemy in his text and maps constitute the principle topic of many scholarly dissertations. Paradoxically, Ptolemya€™s eastward extension of Asia, reducing the length of the unknown part of the world, coupled with his estimate of the circumference of the earth, was his greatest contribution to history if not cartography.
Ptolemy provides a descriptive summary in his text in which he tells us that the habitable part of the earth is bounded on the south by the unknown land which encloses the Indian Sea and that it encompasses Ethiopia south of Libya, called Agisymba. The southern limit of the habitable world had been fixed by Eratosthenes (#112) and Strabo (#115) at the parallel through the eastern extremity of Africa, Cape Guardafiri, the cinnamon-producing country and the country of the SembritA¦ [Senaai]. Ptolemy records, following Marinus, the penetration of Roman expeditions to the land of the Ethiopians and to Agisymba, a region of the Sudan beyond the Sahara desert, perhaps the basin of Lake Chad, and he supplied other new information regarding the interior of North Africa. The eastern coast of Africa was better known than the western, having been visited by Greek and Roman traders as far as Rhapta [Rhaptum Promontory opposite Zanzibar?] which Ptolemy placed at about 7A° S.
According to Greek tradition, an extension of 20A° in the width of the habitable world called for a proportionate increase in its length. Ptolemya€™s knowledge of the vast region from Sarmatia to China was, however, better than that of previous map makers. Many faults appear in Ptolemya€™s picture of southern Asia, although for more than a century commercial relations between western India and Alexandria had been flourishing. Even the more familiar territory of the Mediterranean basin demonstrated that insufficient contemporary knowledge was available and Ptolemy erred in many important cartographical details. Map on grid system, in Ptolemy, La geographia, 1561-64, 26 x 14 cm, a€?Oxford University Byw. However, Ptolemy was apparently the first of the ancient geographers to have a fair conception of the relations between the Tanais, usually considered the northern boundary between Europe and Asia, and the Rha [Volga], which he said flowed into the Caspian Sea.
In spite of the egregious errors on all of Ptolemya€™s maps, his atlas was indeed an unsurpassed masterpiece for almost 1,500 years.
During the intellectual narrow-mindedness of the Middle Ages even Ptolemy and his methods of map construction were forgotten, at least in the west. The presently known version of Ptolemya€™s works began to surface when the Byzantine monk Maximos Planudes (1260 - 1310) succeeded in finding and purchasing a manuscript copy of the Geographia. Another scholar of the Byzantine age is known to have been interested in Ptolemya€™s Geographia - the noted polyhistor Nikephoras Gregoras (1295 - c.
In 1400 a Greek manuscript copy of the A-version (twenty-six maps) was obtained from Constantinople by the Florentine patron of letters, Palla Strozzi, who persuaded Emmanual Chrysoloras, a Byzantine scholar, to translate the text into Latin. Again, the original manuscript of Angelusa€™ translation and the first maps of Ptolemy in the Latin language have not survived, but a manuscript copy, dated 1427, prepared under the direction of Cardinal Fillastre, can be found in the library at Nancy, France (thus known as the Nancy Codex). In manuscript form, four other cartographers are significant in editing and influencing the evolution of Ptolemya€™s atlas. After the discovery of copper-plate and wood-engraving, Ptolemya€™s atlas became one of the first great works for the reproduction of which these arts were employed. Description: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, WA?rttemberg Germany. It had long been suspected that Martin WaldseemA?ller, a professor of cosmography at the school in St. The purpose of this little book is to write a description of the world map, which we have designed both as a globe and as a projection [tam in solido quam plano].
Martin WaldseemA?llera€™s Universalis Cosmographia secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum Lustrationes [A Map of the World According to the Tradition of Ptolemy and the Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci] was designed on a single cordiform projection and engraved on twelve wooden blocks (21 x 30 inches each; 54 x 96 inches overall) at Strasburg and printed at St. In Plate IX of the map, numbering the plates from left to right, the top row first, WaldseemA?ller re-asserts that he is particularly delineating the lands discovered by Vespucci. A general delineation of the various lands and islands, including some of which the ancients make no mention, discovered lately between 1497 and 1504 in four voyages over the seas, two by Fernando of Castile, and two by Manuel of Portugal, most serene monarchs, with Amerigo Vespucci as one of the navigators and officers of the fleet; and especially a delineation of many places hitherto unknown. Vespucci claimed that on his first voyage he made discoveries along the coasts of Honduras and the Gulf of Mexico. In describing the general appearance of the world, it has seemed best to put down the discoveries of the ancients, and to add what has since been discovered by the moderns, for instance, the land of Cathay, so that those who are interested in such matters and wish to find out various things, may gain their wishes and be grateful to us for our labor, when they see nearly everything that has been discovered here and there, or recently explored, carefully and clearly brought together, so as to be seen at a glance.
This mapa€™s greatest claim to immortality, however, is contained in the simple word of seven letters, America, the earliest known use of that name to describe the newly found fourth part of the world, placed on the southern continent (present-day South America) of the world map only by WaldseemA?ller. More than four years had elapsed since Amerigo Vespucci announced what he claimed to be the discovery of an entirely new continent, and as yet that new continent had no satisfactory name.
In the first years of the new century, a group of scholars decided to produce a revised edition of the Cosmography of Ptolemy (#119) to meet the urgent need for new maps, according to the new discoveries. Martin WaldseemA?ller, a native of Freiburg in the Breisgau and appointed Professor of Geography at St.
Toward the South Pole are situated the southern part of Africa, recently discovered, and the islands of Zanzibar, Java Minor, and Seula. The name appeared in Halmal, a semi-divine mythical forefather or ancestor of the Amelungen, or royal tribe of the Ostrogoths, which was called A–mlunger. Returning to the map, it is curious to note that while the name America appeared on the new continent (South America) of the new hemisphere on the world map, WaldseemA?ller did not choose to use it on the small inset map of the western hemisphere, where South America is labeled Terra Incognita. By selecting the name America for a major portion of the new discoveries, WaldseemA?ller was not unaware of the contributions of Columbus and intended no denial of the credit properly due him. Plate I, in the upper left-hand corner, contains an inscription that explains WaldseemA?llera€™s ideas as to the location of the lands discovered by Vespucci and Columbus.
Many have regarded as an invention the words of a famous poet [Virgil] that a€?beyond the stars lies a land, beyond the path of the year and the sun, where Atlas, who supports the heavens, revolves on his shoulders the axis of the world, set with gleaming starsa€?, but now finally it proves clearly to be true.
Instead of a€?19 degreesa€? he should have written a€?29 degreesa€? which, when added to the 23 degrees of the tropic, would have made the a€?52 degreesa€? given in the a€?thirda€? voyage as Amerigo Vespuccia€™s farthest south.
The remarkable geographical features of the WaldseemA?ller map are, however, more important than the giving of a name to one of them.
These close approximations to geographical actualities were natural corollaries of Amerigoa€™s great a€?discoverya€™ of a a€?fourth part of the worlda€?. WaldseemA?ller places a land to the west of Isabella Insula [Cuba], as do many of the other mapmakers of his time, La Cosa, Cantino, Ruysch and Caveri (#305, #308, #313, #307).
To the south, the long attenuated form given to both Terra Ulteria€? Incognita and to America, the west coasts of which are, as it were, rolled back to indicate WaldseemA?llera€™s lack of knowledge of these areas. Leaving the New World discoveries, one cannot help but notice the striking resemblance between WaldseemA?llera€™s a€?Old Worlda€? outline and that presented by Henricus Martellus Germanus in his map of 1490 (#256). Although many of the ancients were interested in marking out the circle of the land, things remained unknown to them in no slight degree; for instance, in the west, America, named after its discoverer, which is to be reckoned a fourth part of the world. In addition to Caveri, Martellus and Ptolemy, other sources synthesized by WaldseemA?ller include the narratives of Marco Polo, whose data concerning the geography of eastern China and the adjacent islands, though already known to the world in the map of Fra Mauro (#249), the Catalan Atlas (#235) and in globes such as those of Behaim (#258), are now for the first time embodied in a popular printed sheet map; and the Northmen, whose explorations in Mare Glaciale and in the neighborhood of Greenland were known from the maps of Claudius Clavus and those of Donnus Nickolaus Germanus. Thus, derived chiefly from Caveria€™s map (#307), itself based in many particulars upon the Cantino world map of 1502 (#308), the WaldseemA?ller production of 1507 transmitted the features of both to an impressive list of succeeding maps, globes and globe gores reaching to 1520 and well beyond. Of the same year as the map itself, and displaying its features, was the previously alluded to printed globe issued by WaldseemA?ller, known today only by two sets of globe gores on uncut sheets.
WaldseemA?ller, himself, continued his cartographic production beginning with a revised edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (eventually published by others), which included a Supplement composed of 20 maps claimed by some scholars to be a€?the first modern atlas of the worlda€™. The regression of WaldseemA?ller to the Columbian conception of Cuba as a part of the continent of Asia was without question confusing to those who saw the map of 1516 with its specific legend.
One can hardly overemphasize the significance in cartographic history, therefore, of the printed WaldseemA?ller productions of 1507 - world map, insets, and globe gores. The name America (applied to present-day Brazil) appeared for what is believed the first time on Martin WaldseemA?ller's 1507 world map a€” the so-called Baptismal Certificate of the New World. AMERICA, we learn as schoolchildren, was named in honor of Amerigo Vespucci a€” for his discovery of the mainland of the New World.
Traditional history lessons about the discovery of America also raise questions about the meaning of discovery itself. And yet, despite the issue of who discovered America, we are still confronted with the awesome fact that it was the voyages of Columbus, and not earlier ones, that changed the course of world history. Carew is resurrecting the ideas of Jules Marcou, a prominent French geologist who while studying North America argued, as did other 19th-century writers, that the name America was brought back to Europe from the New World; and that Vespucci had changed his name to reflect the name of his discovery. Like Marcou, Carew wants us to believe that America was not named after Vespucci, but vice versa; that Vespucci had, so to speak, re-named himself after his discovery, gilding his given name by modifying it to reflect the significance of his discovery. Some scholars believe Vespucci was named after Saint Emeric, son of the first king of Hungary.
As was the custom of the Florentine nobility, Vespucci received an education that featured special instruction in the sciences connected with navigation a€” natural philosophy, astronomy, and cosmography a€” in which he excelled. During the first half of the 20th century, scholars discovered further evidence that clears away the cloud of misunderstanding and ignorance by which Vespucci has long been obscured. The voyage completed by Vespucci between May 1499 and June 1500 as navigator of an expedition of four ships sent from Spain under the command of Alonso de Hojeda is certainly authentic.
Under Portuguese auspices he completed a second expedition, which set sail from Lisbon on May 31, 1501.
Vespucci not only explored unknown regions but also invented a system of computing exact longitude and arrived at a figure computing the earth's equational circumference only fifty miles short of the correct measurement.
The new geography included in its appendix WaldseemA?ller's large, stunning map of the world, on which the New World is boldly labeled AMERICA a€” in the middle of present-day Brazil.
The baptismal passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio has commonly been read as argument, in which the authors said that they were naming the newly discovered continent in honor of Vespucci and saw no reason for objections. Even though the Latinization of Americus fits a pattern, why did the cosmographers not employ Albericus (hence the assumption that "Alberigo" was Vespucci's authentic Christian name), the Latinization that had already been used for Amerigo's name as the author of the Mundus Novus?
Did America get its name through oral tradition when those who had sailed with Columbus or Vespucci circulated stories that gold was to be found in the Amerrique Mountains of Nicaragua? The coast at the foot of the Amerrique Mountains that faces the Caribbean Sea is called the Mosquito Coast, named for the Mosquito Indians, who live there still. The Caribs, traveling far from their Carib or Cariay coast, could see the Amerriques in the distance, and these mountains for them could have signified the mainland. Rodney Broomea€™s recent book, Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name (2001), in which he argues for the Amerike theory, is a very good read, but ultimately lacks the hard evidence to support the authora€™s claim. An early version of this essay appeared in The American Voice (1988) and a section in Encounters (1991).
In late May 2003, the Library of Congress completed the purchase of the only surviving copy of the first image of the outline of the continents of the world as we know them todaya€” Martin Waldseemullera€™s monumental 1507 world map. Martin Waldseemuller, the primary cartographer of the map, was a sixteenth-century scholar, humanist, cleric, and cartographer who had joined the small intellectual circle, the Gymnasium Vosagense, organized in Saint-DieI?, France.
Thus, in northeast France was born the famous 1507 world map, entitled Universalis cosmographia secunda Ptholemei traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum que lustrationes (A drawing of the whole earth following the tradition of Ptolemy and the travels of Amerigo Vespucci and others).
While it has been suggested that Waldseemuller incorrectly dismissed Christopher Columbusa€™s great achievement in history by the selection of the name America for the Western Hemisphere, it is evident that the information that Waldseemuller and his colleagues had at their disposal recognized Columbus's previous voyages of exploration and discovery.
By 1513, when Waldseemuller and the Saint-DieI? scholars published the new edition of Ptolemy's Geographiae, and by 1516, when his famous Carta Marina was printed, Waldseemuller had removed the name America from his maps, perhaps suggesting that even he had second thoughts in honoring Vespucci exclusively for his understanding of the New World.
A reported one thousand copies of the 1507 map were printed, which was a sizeable print run in those days. The Library of Congress's Geography and Map Division acquired in 1903 the facsimiles made of the 1507 and 1516 maps. Library of Congress and specialists in the Library were encouraged to investigate the opportunity. The 1507 world map is now the centerpiece of the outstanding cartographic collections of the Library of Congress, as it would be for any world class cartographic collection. The Librarya€™s acquisition of the Waldseemuller map represents an important moment to renew serious research into this exceptional map, to determine the sources which made possible its creation, and to investigate its contemporary impact and acceptance. Through agreement with Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the government of Germany, the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller is to be placed on permanent display in the Library of Congressa€™s Great Hall area in the Thomas Jefferson Building. DESCRIPTION: The existence of sets of gores for making into a globe had been surmised for some time from the discussion in WaldseemA?llera€™s CosmographiA¦ Introductio. That which adds special significance to this young Germana€™s representations of the new lands, so far as a study of globes is concerned, is the repeated recurrence of his particular outlines or contours in the globe maps of the first quarter of the century, produced by such cartographers as Johann SchA¶ner of NA?rnberg (#328), and by those of his school.
In a little tract, printed in Strassburg in the year 1509, there appears to be a reference to a globe which may be that constructed by WaldseemA?ller.
The twelve such gores, measuring 18 x 34.5 cm, corresponding very closely to those described by WaldseemA?ller were for a long time in the Hauslab-Leichtenstein collection and are now in the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.
The world outline is a simplified reduction of WaldseemA?llera€™s large map of 1507 (#310) with relatively few names but (when mounted) sufficient for illustrative purposes. Martin WaldseemA?ller, theologian and cosmographer, and Matthias Ringmann, a humanist poet, were brought to the monastery of St. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?Marquettea€? of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely.
Considerable speculation, misinformation and some misunderstanding has surrounded these globe gores and the large world map. Similar to the comparison between film and video tape (commercially released movies use film, tv shows use video tape), the difference will be readily apparent. I believe that is because virtually all the music they grew up listening to was done that way, so it is ingrained.
A CD is much like a camera, in that it is a reasonably faithful copy of whatever you send it. Opicinus was a minor functionary and scribe at the papal court, which had moved to Avignon some thirty years earlier, and luckily for us he kept a kind of day-book that still survives.
Numerous scholars such as Camille, Kris and Salomon point to Opicinusa€™ a€?frequenta€? self-representation in the drawings. Medieval mappaemundi often organized the land-forms of the earth around the shape of a crucifix (sometimes even a cruciform body), medieval astrological drawings commonly showed human figures at the center of cosmic and planetary networks, and the concepts of macrocosm and microcosm had been fully developed for a millennium. It is possible, and productive, to partially separate Opicinusa€™ texts from his diagrams and pictures, especially those that represent his body-worlds vision. Opicinusa€™ works present a conundrum when it comes to audience and reception, since there is no textual or visual evidence that anyone ever actually saw the drawings.
Their unusual forms complicate our most basic assumptions about what and how medieval artists could represent. These structures form the core of the drawingsa€™ disorientation and strangeness a€” maps are piled on top of other maps, sometimes transparent and sometimes opaque, in a seemingly endless play of permeability and superimposition. Some drawings contain one chart, others up to four; sometimes the continents and seas are embodied, while other times they are left plain. His drawings are so diverse and disorienting that generalizations about their design or meaning are difficult and often misleading.
These drawings depict a single Africa and a single Europe, separated by the Mediterranean Sea. The figure of Africa appears to be a woman; she is labeled Babilon maledicta [cursed Babylon] by the small caption above her forehead. Captions suggest various identities: Christ, Opicinus, and a female personification of prudence are all indicated.
The face is smooth and beardless (many male figures in Opicinusa€™ work wear beards), and has long, flowing hair. According to Whittington it is mainly a confrontation between two figures: a figure of Babylon (probably representing Islam) and a figure of Christianity. This interplay between the local and the global is not unusual within Opicinusa€™ texts and captions on other drawings, which often comment on the everyday world of his youth and family (we must remember that he made these drawings in Avignon, not Pavia), but the specific visual alignment of parts of Pavia with parts of the Mediterranean region is unique in these three drawings. In the bottom right corner of the page is a caption that reads, a€?Just as the islands of purgatory pay a tax to the Roman Church, so too the Chapel of St.
Opicinus seems to say that when any two maps are placed in relation to each other, if they are true empirical representations of Goda€™s created earth, one will find correspondences between them. One interprets the significance of the placement of Opicinusa€™ home parish district, around the Chapel of Saint Mary, delineated with a red outline near Tunisia and Sicily on the lower map. 84v each part of Opicinusa€™ hometown is given multiple interpretations, usually based on its placement on the portolan chart, but other times simply based on etymological connections, family stories, dreams, or coincidence. Certainly the drawing contains multiple levels of reality: it is an allegorical depiction of three body-world characters in contact and dialogue, a depiction of the structural connections between local and regional realities, and a series of interpretive musings about the significance of these connections for Opicinusa€™ own life and family. As the reader may already have noticed, this grid strongly evokes the rhumb-line grids that were placed over contemporary portolan charts. 61r he uses the skeletons of two portolan charts of the Mediterranean region, which have been rotated and overlapped to form one image. 61r, parts of each of the charts remain intact, while others are distorted or hidden by the overlapping forms.
In this particular example, the map shows the natural world at the bottom and the spiritual world at the top: labels on the drawing indicate that Affrica naturalis ypocrita and Europa naturalis occupy the continents of the smaller chart while Affrica spiritualis and Europa spiritualis talk to each other in the larger chart above. Europa naturalis bears a tarasque (a river demon from the Rhone) and Europa spiritualis contains an image of Christ showing his wounds, his side-wound situated suggestively close to Avignon, where Opicinus was living when he made the drawing. The message itself is simple enough: one must abandon the external senses that lead to sin in order to follow the internal senses to redemption. 58r of the Vaticanus Opicinus combines four small embodied portolan charts to create juxtapositions between the four seasons, the four cardinal directions, and the four states of the soul.
82r, we see many of the principles and techniques of the other drawings pushed to the limits of recognition and interpretability. On its surface lie two complete portolan outlines that retain the white color of the paper. On the upper half of the page, the brown labels all point out the location of cities on the colored chart, even though all lie on the space of the white chart; they indicate the continued presence of the map below, even when it is obscured by the upper chart. At the precise center of the drawing, a cruciform shape is formed by the two mirrored shapes of Asia Minor and the Holy Land; Asia Minor forms the two arms, and the land below forms the body of a cruciform vestment. While other drawings seem designed to convey a single allegory or a primary confrontation between figures (which are often reinforced by the particular cartographic forms that Opicinus chose for the drawing), this drawing resists this type of analysis. According to the letter, this is a heretical position, since one species cannot be transformed into another. 84v, there are several depictions (or suggestions) of male genitalia in the Vaticanus manuscript, each of which is unique. 1350), a Pavian who worked at the papal court in Avignon, drew a series of imaginative maps, while acknowledging in a text written between 1334 and 1338 his use of nautical charts.
For example, bats may fly out of the cave at night to feed on insects that ate leaves that carried out photosynthesis. The outer surface is covered with muscle tissue allowing the stomach to change shape, churning food then pushing it into the small intestine. This allows ferns to grow larger than bryophytes (mosses and liverworts) but the roots do not have root hairs.A  Ferns can mostly only grow in moist places because they only have a relatively small surface area through which they absorb water and minerals.
It follows that the morphology (structure) and physiology (functioning) of herbivores and carnivores are quite different. He composed a Table of Reigns, a chronological list of Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman sovereigns dating from Nabonasar to Antoninus Pius, a biographical history of kingship.
He was interested in the earth, all of it, not just the habitable part, and tried to fit it into a scheme of the universe where it belonged. Marinus had given this matter considerable thought, rejecting all previously devised methods of obtaining congruity on a flat map; yet, according to Ptolemy he had finally selected the least satisfactory method of solving the problem. There is also an introduction to data collection, evaluation, preparations for drawing, how and in what order to mark boundaries, and how to use the appended tables. When traveling overland it is usually necessary to diverge from a straight line course in order to avoid inevitable land-barriers; and at sea, where winds are changeable, the speed of a vessel varies considerably, making it difficult to estimate over-water distances with any degree of accuracy. The Indian Ocean, which is assumed to be bordered on the south by an unknown continent, uniting southern Africa with eastern Asia, is stated to be the largest sea surrounded by land. It is these legends which, in some editions, have been placed on the reverse of the maps, and they appear to have been originally intended for that purpose. In Chapter Two Ptolemy said, a€?It remains for us to show how we set down all places, so that when we divide one map into several maps we may be able to accurately locate all of the well-known places through the employment of easily understood and exact measurements.a€? On the other hand, some scholars even go so far as to say that maps were already drawn before certain portions of the text was addressed, so that they could be used as models for the completion of other portions of the text. For instance, in a single map embracing the entire earth, he said, there is a tendency to sacrifice proportion, that is, scale, in order to get everything on the map. If several regional maps are made to supplement the general world map, they need not a€?measure the same distance between the circlesa€?, that is, be drawn to the same scale, provided the correct relation between distance and direction is preserved. It demonstrates how Ptolemya€™s world had been systematically divided into twenty-six regions, each of which is mapped on a separate sheet.
The reason for this doubt lies in the question of authorship of the maps which accompany extant copies. According to map historian Leo Bagrow, one version, A, contains twenty-six large maps included in the eighth Book of the text, each folded in half and, on the back, having a statement of the region portrayed, its bounds and a list of principle towns. In some manuscripts of the B-version, and in those without maps, the texts from the backs of the maps are combined together in a special edition, divided into chapters numbered 3-28.
Of the Greek manuscripts of the Geographia, as a whole or in part, known today, eleven of the A-version and five of the B-version have maps. The meridians are spaced from each other a€?the third part of an equinoctial hour, that is, through five of the divisions marked on the equatora€?. In Ptolemya€™s time, the latitude, or distance from the equator, was generally astronomically calculated from the length of the longest and the shortest day. The numbers on the right of the Clima give the number of hours in the longest day at different latitudes, increasing from 12 hours at the equator to 24 hours at the Arctic Circle. The a€?breadtha€? of the habitable world according to Ptolemy then equates to 39,500 stades [3,950 miles].
The earth was only 18,000 miles around at the equator; Poseidonius had stated it, Strabo substantiated it, and Ptolemy perpetuated it on his maps. Of these, the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean] is the largest, Our Sea [the Mediterranean] is the next and the Hyrcanian [Caspian] is the smallest. This parallel also passed through Taprobane usually considered the southernmost part of Asia. As to the source of the Nile, both Greeks and Romans had tried to locate it, but without success.
Ptolemy extended the west coast of Africa with a free hand, and even though he reduced the bulge made by Marinus more than half, it was still way out of control. He shows, for the first time, a fairly clear idea of the great north-south dividing range of mountains of Central Asia, which he called Imaus, but he placed it nearly 40A° too far east and made it divide Scythia into two parts: Scythia Intra Imaum and Scythia Extra Imaum Montem [Within Imaus and Beyond Imaus].
His Mediterranean is about 20A° too long, and even after correcting his lineal value of a degree it was still about 500 geographical miles too long. Ptolemy was also the first geographer, excepting Alexander the Great, to return to the correct view advanced by Herodotus and Aristotle, that the Caspian was an inland sea without communication with the ocean (the Christian medieval cartographers were a long time in returning to this representation of the Caspian). Its wealth of detail still constitutes one of the most important sources of information for the historian and student of ancient geography.
Many of the legends and conventional signs that he used are still employed by cartographers with only slight modifications. Ptolemya€™s works were, however, thriving and contributing valuable insight to knowledgeable Arabs and those having access and understanding of the Arab or Greek language (it was only in the Islamic states and in these languages that the works of the Alexandrian scientist were preserved (see monographs #212, #213, #214-17, lbn Said, al-lstakhri, Ibn Hauqal, al-Kashgari, etc. Very few scholars, let alone other literate persons in Western Europe were familiar with the Greek language at this time, therefore this translation was a great stimulus to a€?popularizinga€? Ptolemy. Curiously enough it was first printed at Vincenza in 1475 (the date printed of 1462 is in error) without maps!
Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer Johannes SchA¶ner. Die, located in the Vosges Mountains of France, had made a map of the world in the year 1507. Die in a an original issue of about 1,000 copies (a thousand copies represented a large edition for this time, immediately preceding post-Columbian world maps, such as Juan de la Cosaa€™s, Cantinoa€™s and Caveria€™s (#305 thru #309 - were all manuscript maps). All this we have carefully drawn on the map, to furnish true and precise geographical knowledge.
A Florentine cosmographer, he sailed in 1497 with a commission appointed by Ferdinand and Isabella to investigate reports that Columbusa€™ administration of Hispaniola was inept.
He also credited himself with three other voyages by 1503, when he made his last, an investigation of the coast of Brazil for Portugal. Taken together, these inset hemispheres form the most comprehensive and most nearly correct representation of the world displayed on any map known to have been constructed up to the year of 1507. Besides this world map, WaldseemA?ller also introduced the name America in two other media, in the previously mentioned Cosmographia Introductio and on his globe (thought by some scholars to be the so-called Hausslab-Linchoten globe (#311), both also produced in the year 1507). It happened that in the Vosges Mountains in the little town of Saint-Die, there was a college under the patronage of the studious Duke Renaud (Rene) II of Vaudemon, of Lorraine, the titular a€?King of Jerusalem and Sicilya€?, who was there resident.
On Plate V (the Caribbean area) of his map, WaldseemA?ller wrote: These islands were discovered by Columbus, an admiral of Genoa, at the command of the King of Spain. For there is a land, discovered by Columbus, a captain of the King of Castile, and by Americus Vespucius, both men of very great ability, which, though in great part lies beneath a€?the path of the year and of the suna€? and between the tropics, nevertheless extends about 19 degrees beyond the Tropic of Capricorn toward the Antarctic Pole, a€?beyond the path of the year and the suna€?. Since Columbus never explored as far south as the equator, the words a€?it proves clearly to be truea€? are clothed with meaning only in the light of Amerigoa€™s voyages into the southern hemisphere, not at all in the light of the a€?firsta€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?, from which the dispute ultimately arose as to which could claim priority upon the shore of the new continent, Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci; for that a€?firsta€? voyage, like all the voyages of Columbus, was entirely north of the equator. In addition to the previously mentioned accuracy and a€?noveltya€™ of the hemispheric insets, and the picturing of the new southern continent, with its surprisingly correct general contour, the inset map presents a portion of the northern continent as well, and the two are correctly joined together by a narrow isthmus. One is tempted to loose sight of this revolutionary advance over the previously dominating world conception of Ptolemy in focusing all the attention to the single feature that has made WaldseemA?llera€™s map so famous, the first appearance thereon of the name America. This area may represent the coast of China copied from Marco Polo, and placed here in the belief that the new discoveries were in and near Asia. In extending the South American coast to 50 degrees South (high-lighted by the implantation of a Portuguese flag), WaldseemA?ller avoids committing himself as to the possibility of a passage by sea around this new continent by continuing its land to the edge of, and actually into, the map frame (compare this abrupt treatment with his depiction of Africa, where he is willing to go outside of the preset form of his map frame in order to accommodate the full extension of the continent and thus substantiate the Portuguese proof of a passage to the Far East).
As can be seen on the accompanying comparison illustration, except for the southern half of Africa, in both projection and general geographical contours the Old World of WaldseemA?llera€™s 1507 map seems to have been virtually copied from Martellus. Another is, to the south, a part of Africa, which begins about seven degrees this side of Capricornus and stretches in a broad expanse to the south, beyond the torrid zone and the Tropic of Egocerus (Capricornus). At least twice Henricus Glareanus copied WaldseemA?llera€™s world map and insets in manuscript. Two maps in this Supplement show the New World discoveries, Tabula Terre Nove and Orbis Typus Universalis.
In his great and very important world map of 1516, WaldseemA?ller showed the landmass abutting upon the western border of the map, as in the two above mentioned maps, but here gives it the name Terra de Cuba Asie Partis. The representation in these of the American continents separated from Asia by a broad ocean in the midst of which lay the island of Japan was a splendid synthesis based upon such known particulars as the narrative of Marco Polo, the voyages of the Portuguese to North America by way of the Atlantic and to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, the discoveries of South America by Vespucci and Cabral, the Spanish discoveries in the West Indies and the Caribbean, and above all, perhaps, the notable manuscript maps of La Cosa, Cantino, and Caveri. The only known surviving copy was purchased, in 2003, by the Library of Congress for $10 million. Further, other discoveries of America have been credited to the Irish who had sailed to a land they called Iargalon, the land beyond the sunset, and to the Phoenicians who purportedly came here before the Norse.
Specifically, Marcou introduced the name of an Indian tribe and of a district in Nicaragua called Amerrique, and asserted that this district a€” rich in gold a€” had been visited by both Columbus and Vespucci, who then made this name known in Europe. To define it Carew echoes Marcou, who quotes from his correspondence with Augustus Le Plongeon. He has been wrongfully portrayed as a crafty opportunist ever since the mid-16th century when Bartholomew de Las Casas accused him of being a liar and a thief who stole the glory that belonged to Columbus. Around 1490 he was sent to Spain by his employers, the famous Italian family of Medici, to join their business in fitting out ships.
At the beginning of 1505 he was summoned to the court of Spain for a private consultation, and, as a man of experience, was engaged to work for the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias (Commercial House for the West Indies), which had been founded two years before in Seville. The first or traditional series consists of the widely published letters, dated 1504, purportedly written by him. After a halt at the Cape Verde Islands, the expedition traveled southwestward, reached the coast of Brazil, and certainly sailed as far south as the RA­o de la Plata, which Vespucci was the first European to discover.


It was, however, not his many solid accomplishments but an apparent error made by a group of scholars living in St. This map is the first known map, printed or manuscript, to use the name America, and also the first to depict clearly a separate western hemisphere, with the Pacific as a separate ocean.
But, as etymologist Joy Rea has suggested, it could also be read as explanation, in which they indicate that they have heard the New World was called America, and the only explanation lay in Vespucci's name. Their substitution of Americus for the well-known Latinization Albericus might mean that they wanted a Latinization that would fit and explain the name America which they had already heard applied to the New World. The Indians in the Caribbean did have a word for the mainland, given in the LexicografA­a Antillana (Antillean Dictionary, 1931) as babeque and defined as the name that Columbus understood the Indians to say when they were pointing to a land beyond Haiti and Cuba. It constitutes an incredible Anglicization of the New World a€” and would, for obvious reasons, infuriate Carew. He purportedly gave one of the islands he explored to a friend, another to his barber, and also promised some Italian friars that they could be bishops.
However, even if the name America were known in Bristol in 1497, Hudd has taken a majestic leap to suggest Ameryk's name as its origin. That map has been referred to in various circles as America's birth certificate, and for good reasona€”it is the first document on which the name America appears. He was born near Freiburg, Germany, sometime in the 1470s, and died in the canon house at Saint-DieI? in 1522. That map, printed on twelve separate sheets from wood block plates, when assembled would measure more than 4 1a?„2 feet by 8 feet in dimension.
However, the group also had acquired a recent French translation of the important work Insuper aquattor Amerigo Vespuccii navigationes, Amerigo Vespucci's letter detailing his purported four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean to America between 1497 and 1504. Instead, in the 1513 atlas the name America does not appear anyplace in the volume, and the place of America is referred to as Terra Incognita (Unknown land).
This single surviving copy of the map exists because it was kept in a portfolio by Johannes SchoI?ner (1477-1547), a German globe maker, who probably had acquired a copy of the map for his own cartographic work. Throughout the twentieth century the Library continued to express interest in and a desire to acquire the 1507 map, when, if ever, it was made available for sale.
Through the combined efforts of several Library of Congress specialists, and many other members of the Library's staff over an 11 year period, the map has made its way to the Library of Congress. The map serves as a departure point in the development of the American cartographic collection in addition to its revered position in early modern cartographic history.
The mapa€™s well announced acquisition provides us an extraordinary opportunity to appreciate the earliest of early depictions of our modern world. The Library of Congress is proud to have obtained this unique treasure and is anxious to have this great cartographic document receive the public acclaim and the critical scholarly inspection that it so rightly merits. This call for further scholarship on the map, its impact, and the sources used to produce it is not meant to suggest that previous scholarship is lacking. Both the globe and the large world map were doubtless printed in large numbers and widely distributed. It is this reference that the Prince of Liechtenstein, as noted above, has taken as a reference to the gore map, a copy of which is in his collection. Although a text on WaldseemA?llera€™s later wallmap, the Carta Marina (1516), says that 1,000 copies of the 1507 wall-map were made, it is unlikely that this number were issued, given the survival rate of the one bound copy now in the Library of Congress.a€? The globe map and book had an enormous influence on other geographers, notably Appian, SchA¶ner and Fries, and advanced the science of globe-making and map making particularly in Germany and the Low Countries. The Kraus-Bavarian State Library copy -- in 1960 at Sothebya€™s in London, a set of the gores was offered bound into a Ptolemy atlas of 1486. The Offenburg copy -- following the publicity regarding the acquisition of the copy above by the Bavarian State library in 1992, in 1993 two researchers, Dr. The present example was discovered in February 2003 when the owner, on reading an article in the Frankfurter Algemeinen Zeitung on the Munich copy, realized he owned a similar map amongst his large collection of books and ephemera. To present the various strands of information relating to the genesis, execution and influences of the WaldseemA?ller gores, the following timeline brings together the principal events in the lives of WaldseemA?ller, Ringmann, Vespucci and their circles. After this stage, the analog treated mixes are then transferred to high-resolution digital. I believe that the reason why a lot of independent & small artist records are so over-compressed these days is an effort (conscious or unconscious) to replicate the compression of the analog world.
In a passage that describes what sounds like a stroke, Opicinus details how his body slowly became paralyzed; he temporarily lost his ability to speak, and much of his memory. Opicinus almost always dated the Vaticanus drawings, which were composed between June and November of 1337. The passage describes a visionary experience: through oculus meis interioribus, Opicinus is granted a new view of the earth, one in which the land and the sea take on human attributes.
Most examples, however, lie in the realm of the theoretical, the academic, or the theological.
A significant problem with many previous studies of Opicinusa€™ drawings is that they take a few lines of text, from folios of the Palatinus, or from distant pages of text in the Vaticanus, and use them to a€?explaina€? the content of Opicinusa€™ strangest imagery.
The captions (and some of the texts), then, are often the evidence of Opicinusa€™ self-analysis a€” he uses himself as a case study, personalizing the drawings through the text. Simply put, we do not know if they were ever viewed as more than a curiosity by those who encountered them.
Visual parallels to these drawings certainly exist: body-maps have been produced in numerous periods, including such famous examples as the Ebstorf Map (#224, Book II, a medieval world map that placed Christa€™s body in the corners of the earth), the Leo Belgicus (a map of the Netherlands and Belgium formed into the shape of a lion, the earliest example of which dates from 1583), or the Europa Regina, a depiction of Europe as a royal female (see below).
In these drawings, Opicinus was not trying to express a single concept or doctrine, but rather to visualize the possibilities raised by an entire new way of looking at the world, based on what he had seen during his visionary experience of 1334.
The varied formats of these diagrams cannot be taken for granted a€” their arrangements form a crucial and underexplored aspect of their meaning. But looking at them as a group, perhaps the first thing one notices is that the map itself is incredibly accurate.
The drawings in this first a€?categorya€? are not all alike, and there is no evidence that Opicinus thought of them as a group, but finding language to describe and categorize their forms is a critical first step in their interpretation. This folio includes a cartographic picture in the upper two-thirds of the page, and text at the bottom. She is a rare example of a figure with a distinct racial identity: Opicinus darkened her skin with a grey-brown wash, in a clear reference to an African or Middle-Eastern skin tone. One could even identify Europe in this drawing as a kind of conglomerate figure of Christianity.
The strongest indicator that the figure is female is the small child lying over Lombardy a€” the area always associated with the womb of the European figure.
The simplicity of this contrast stands out despite the extensive texts and interpretations written around it. Binary themes in similar drawings include a contrast between the mouth of hell and the temple of the Lord (fol. Opicinus played with this arrangement differently in each of the three drawings, changing the scales and position of the two maps, presumably seeking different correspondences. On the page we see the body-worlds with which we are now familiar: here, a female Europe confronts a female Africa, and the Mediterranean devil lies between them, his head to the east. 84r, in which the scale of the portolan chart is completely different (much smaller in comparison to the grid of Pavia); here, Opicinus identifies different correspondences and comes to different conclusions as a result of the change in scale. Yet the drawing is all about experimentation, layering, and play; to claim that creating or interpreting a drawing like this is a burden or struggle may be a modern misperception.
But Opicinus piles on meanings, multiplies forms, and plays with realities seemingly as a form of experimentation.
The grid may offer a clue to Opicinusa€™ working process, or the way he was inspired to create these drawings.
Each of the two charts is rendered in a different scale, with a larger one oriented toward the top of the page and a smaller one pointed toward the bottom. On each map, the western Mediterranean retains its integrity a€” France, Spain, and the northwestern coast of Africa are clearly visible both at the top and the bottom of the page. In the Italian peninsula of the upper map, for example, which is overlapped by the eastern Mediterranean of the lower map, we see the word Roma written over the sea (on the sea-mana€™s forehead), signaling where the city would have been on the map below.
Both figures of the a€?natural worlda€? are male (a bearded, older figure in Europe and a tonsured monk in Africa), while both of the a€?spirituala€? figures are female (Africa is a robed nun and Europe is a younger woman with long, flowing hair). The question, just as in the previous examples, is how its meaning is changed, activated, complicated, or simplified by its construction within the doubled and overlapped forms of the portolan charts. Within the drawing, small lines suggest points of correspondence between elements in each of the four quadrants. The three previous drawings were characteristic of a particular type; in contrast, this drawing is unique in Opicinusa€™ oeuvre.
At the top of the page are two labels for Europe and Africa: Europe is the aduena rector novus, the strange new priest, and Africa is the parrochia aliena, the parish of another.
This is labeled in a caption on the right side of the page, which reads a€?behold the vestment of the Church soaked in blood.a€? Opicinus accentuated the form of the vestment by adding a small cutout for the neck. The longer captions on this folio do not always contain a single focus, and many make no comment at all on the drawing. But spiritually there is truth in this mirror [i.e., in this drawing], since no heresy, fiction or allegory can be found that in this mirror does not give birth, at least in part, to a certain truth? Here, Opicinus seems to say that men do not transition literally into angels of light or darkness a€” the figures of the priest and parish at the top of the page do not actually become the figures at the bottom of the page.
Even as Opicinusa€™ drawings make use of the natural world and empirical science, the arrangement of their forms expresses the detachment from reality that characterizes a dream. At first, we would not identify these as genitalia a€” they are simply two small, robed bodies that stand within the genital region of the European body.
Four of these drawings depict the body-worlds, and the reproduction always takes place within the body of the European figure. In each of these drawings, Opicinus drew a small copy of the body-worlds over the area of Lombardy, even extending it slightly into the sea near Genoa.
Little is known personally of this pivotal man aside from the general period during which he was active ca. His Analemma was mathematical description of a sphere projected on a plane, subsequently known as an a€?orthographic projection,a€? which greatly simplified the study of gnomonics. He was also interested in the relationships between the earth and the sun, the earth and the moon, in scientific cause and effect of climate; and above all, he was concerned with a scientifically accurate portrayal of the spherical earth in a convenient readable form. These Byzantine copies of the Geographia are comprised of eight a€?Booksa€? which Ptolemy introduces by supplying two very influential definitions - that of chorography and geography. Marinus had laid out a grid of strait lines equidistant from one another for both his parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude.
Because while Ptolemy employs his conical projection in his first general world map, for the remaining twenty-six special regional maps he uses the rectangular projection of Marinus with due observance of the ratio between the longitude and latitude at the base of the map. Books II-VI and the first four chapters of Book VII are devoted to a complete catalogue of some 8,000 inhabited localities laid down in the twenty-six special maps of the geography.
Nevertheless Ptolemy concluded that the most reliable way of determining distances was by astronomical observation, and by no other method could one expect to fix positions accurately.
In addition, a description of a projection of the inhabited hemisphere on a plane, by which it could retain its circular outline, or globular aspect is also given.
The better known regions have many place-names, while the lesser known have few, and, unless the map is carefully drawn, it will have some crowded, illegible areas, and some where distances are unduly extended. Ptolemy repeated that it would be not too far from the truth if instead of circles we draw straight lines for meridians and parallels. Generally these sheets are of about the same size, but the scales vary according to the space required for the legends. Did Ptolemy actually design and construct the maps himself, were they made by a draftsman working under his supervision, or were they added, perhaps as late as 1450, by an energetic editor who thought the text needed some graphic emendation? The geographical coordinates of these towns are given, not in degrees, but in time; the longitude is expressed in hours and minutes corresponding to the distance from the meridian of Alexandria (one hour = 15 degrees, one minute = 15 minutes of a degree), and the latitude is expressed in terms of the length of the longest day, in hours and minutes (the greater the distance from the equator, the longer the day in summer). Some of the manuscripts without maps contain references to accompanying maps, since lost, and in others, spaces have been left for maps to be inserted. In other words, the total span of twelve hours, representing the length of the habitable world, was to be partitioned by a series of thirty-six meridians spaced five degrees apart at the equator and converging at the North Pole. The earth was accordingly divided into a number of zones, parallel to the equator and within which these days had a certain length, for instance of 12 -13, or 15 -16 hours. Ptolemy a€?correcteda€? this length to 180A° (9,000 miles), still 50A° (2,500 miles) too long, an error arising from using the Fortunate Islands as his prime meridian which he placed about seven degrees (350 miles) too far to the east.
It is very unlikely, in view of the secrecy attached to all maps and surveys of the Roman Empire. This a€?shorter distancea€? that a mariner would have to travel west from the shores of Spain in order to reach the rich trading centers of Asia may have contributed to Columbusa€™ belief, or that of his royal sponsors, that they could compete with their rival neighbors, Portugal, in the newly opened sea-trade with India by sailing west.
The Emperor Nero had sent an expedition into Upper Egypt, and it had penetrated as far as the White Nile, about 9A° N latitude. On the same approximate parallel he located the region called Agisymba, inhabited by Ethiopians and abounding in rhinoceri, supposedly discovered by Julius Maternus, a Roman general. A more obvious area to stretch the length of the world was in eastern Asia where there was every likelihood of additional territory yet unexplored. Asia and Africa are extended considerably to the east and south, far more so than on any previous maps, but not without cause. His Mare Nostrum, from Marseilles to the opposite point on the coast of Africa, is 11A° of latitude instead of the actual 6.5A°. This is especially true in the study of the earliest tribes that encompassed the Roman Empire in the first century of the Christian era, who were at that time barbarians, but who later bore the burden of civilization in Europe. He originated the practice of orienting maps so that North is at the top and East to the right, a custom so universal today that many people are lost when they try to read a map oriented any other way.
Planudes constructed a map based upon the instructions found in Ptolemya€™s eight books and subsequently, through Athanasios, Patriarch of Alexandria, had a copy of the Geographia, with maps made for Emperor Andronicus III.
He is also credited with the four-page world map found in some manuscripts, chiefly the B-version. When Chrysoloras was unable to complete the translation, it was finished by one of his students, Jacobus Angelus of Scarparia, between 1406 and 1410. In all, seven editions were printed in the 15th century, of which six were provided with large maps in folio, and thirty-three in the following century (a selected list taken from Tooley accompanies this monograph).
This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 x 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin WaldseemA?ller as author. Henry Harrisse had made this conjecture in his Discovery of North America, which he published when the world was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. As farmers usually mark off and divide their farms by boundary lines, so it has been our endeavor to mark the chief countries of the world by the emblems of their rulers.
While certainly not the only large world map produced during this dynamic era of exploration, the Universalis Cosmographia was one of the first large engraved and printed maps to depict the recent Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the Mundus Novus.
Much of what Vespucci claimed to have seen on this and other voyages was later called into question by both his contemporaries and, later, by historians. He wrote a letter describing his third voyage that was circulated throughout Europe as a tract called Mundus Novus [The New World], and later was included by WaldseemA?ller in his Cosmographia Introductio (the Solderini letter, see illustration below). To avoid confusion hereafter the main portion of the map will be referred to as the a€?world mapa€?, designating the two small representations of the eastern and western hemispheres, placed above the world map, as the a€?insetsa€?. The term used by some of the map-makers, Land of Brasil, was confusing, for Brasil was the name of an imaginary island located somewhere in the Atlantic, according to popular belief, when there had been no thought of a continent.
Walter Lud, Secretary to the Duke, and a wealthy man, had established a printing press at St.
And at the mouth of the Orinoco River is the following: All this is sweet water, a statement based upon the well-known story of Columbusa€™ discovery of the fresh water of the Orinoco River (there is the same reference found on the Bartholomew Columbus map (#304) which has Mar de aqua dolce along the northeastern shores of South America).
In other words, on his 1507 map, WaldseemA?ller unmistakably showed that in his own mind he ascribed proof of the existence of the new continent to the Portuguese voyage of Amerigo (the a€?thirda€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?), and that Columbus never detoured from his conviction that he had actually reached the shores of Asia (accepting the longitudinally shortened world of Ptolemy, et al), and that it was the acceptance of Amerigoa€™s proof of its existence more so than Amerigoa€™s supposed priority which caused him to name the new continent America.
However, as can be seen above on Plate I of the world map, the two continents are inexplicably separated by a hypothetical strait, connecting the two great oceans.
Contarini (#308) and Ruysch (#313) distinctly record their belief on their maps that the contemporary explorers had reached China, as does the Columbus map and the letter of Columbus explanatory of his fourth voyage record the same view (#303, #304). Curiously enough, though, while accepting the Portuguese delineation of the New World and South Africa, WaldseemA?ller reverts to the Ptolemaic conception of North Africa and Asia as refined and expressed by Martellus, rejecting the more accurate rendering of contemporaries such as Caveri. A third instance, in the east, is the land of Cathay, and all of southern India beyond 180 degrees of longitude.
The transmission of the Cantino-Caveri concept through the members of this notable group created one of the mainstreams of interest in the history of cartography. Thus this ingenious geographer not only preserved the geographical concepts of WaldseemA?ller, but also carried the representation of hemispheres a step further by the experimental construction in 1510 of the first known maps of the northern and southern hemispheres on a circumpolar projection. The world picture in the maps and globe of 1507 - the representation, that is, of an American landmass widely separated from the Asian coast with Japan lying between the two - had become the accepted canon in geographic theory and cartographic expression. The new picture compiled from these varied elements and presented to the literate world in printed form became a factor of the highest importance in developing a new concept of the earth and its divisions, rendering obsolete the Ptolemaic geography that had been accepted and revered since the second century of the Christian era. In 2005, this treasured map was inscribed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, and is the first document in the United States to be so honored.
By the time we are adults it lingers vaguely in most of us, along with images of wave-tossed caravels and forests peopled with naked cannibals.
They were of course preceded by the pre-historic Asian forebears of Native Americans, who migrated across some ice-bridge in the Bering Straits or over the stepping stones of the Aleutian Islands. The 1497 voyage by John Cabot to the Labrador coast of Newfoundland constitutes yet another discovery of the American mainland, which led to an early 20th-century account of the naming of America, recently revived, that claims the New World was named after an Englishman (Welshman, actually) called Richard Amerike.
To rob people or countries of their names is to set in motion a psychic disturbance which can in turn create a permanent crisis of identity. Vespucci was probably in Seville in 1492 when Columbus was preparing for his first historic voyage, as well as in 1493 when Columbus returned. In 1508 the house appointed him piloto mayor (pilot major, or chief navigator), a post of great responsibility, which included the examination of the pilots' and ships' masters' licenses for voyages. Pohl's biography, Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major (1944), and GermA?n Arciniegas's Amerigo and the New World (1955; tr.
Addressed to his patron, Lorenzo de' Medici, the Mundus Novus (New World) a€” the title alone revolutionizing the European conception of the cosmos a€” was translated from the Italian into Latin, and originally printed in Vienna; the other letter, addressed to the gonfaloniere (chief magistrate) of Florence, Piero Soderini, was a more elaborate work.
Since Vespucci took part as navigator, he certainly cannot have been inexperienced; however, it seems unlikely that he had made a previous voyage, though this matter remains unresolved.
In all likelihood the ships took a quick run still farther south, along the coast of Patagonia to the Golfo de San JuliA n or beyond. The entire New World portion of the map roughly represents South America, and when later mapmakers added North America, they retained the original name; in 1538, the great geographer Gerard Mercator gave the name America to all of the western hemisphere on his mappamundi.
In ignoring the possible intention of these words as explanation, most scholars have ignored the simple fact that place names usually originate informally in the spoken word and first circulate that way, not in the printed word. Why did they ignore the common law in the naming of new lands: the use of the last names of explorers and the first names of royalty?
It is almost certain that Columbus first heard the name of the mountains pronounced by a Carib. Las Casas believed for a while that this must be Jamaica, but later decided it was the name for the mainland.
No proof exists to substantiate his claim that Cabot actually honored the Welshman by naming America after him. It is also the first map to depict a separate and full Western Hemisphere and the first map to represent the Pacific Ocean as a separate body of water.
The large map is an early sixteenth-century masterpiece, containing a full map of the world, two inset maps showing separately the Western and Eastern Hemispheres, illustrations of Ptolemy and Vespucci, images of the various winds, and extensive explanatory notes about selected regions of the world.
In that work, Vespucci concluded that the lands reached by Columbus in 1492, and explored by Columbus and others over the ensuing two decades, was indeed a segment of the world, a new continent, unknown to Europe. In the1516 Carta Marina, South America is called Terra Nova (New World), and North America is named Cuba, and is shown to be part of Asia. That portfolio contained not only the unique copy of the 1507 world map, but also a unique copy of WaldseemuI?ller's 1516 large wall map (the Carta Marina) and copies of SchoI?ner's terrestrial (1515) and celestial (1517) globe gores. In 1999, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg notified the Library that the German national government and the Baden-WuI?rttemberg state government had granted permission for a limited export license. The map provides a meaningful link between our treasured late medieval-early Renaissance cartographic collection (which includes one of the richest holdings of Ptolemy atlases in the world) and the modem cartographic age unfolding as a result of the explorations of Columbus and other discoverers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Major segments of this world map have not received the concentrated scrutiny that the American segments have received.
WaldseemA?ller states in a legend on his marine chart of 1516 (#328.1) that he had printed his map of 1507 in one thousand copies, but only one of which is now known to exist.
WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann started work on a new edition of Ptolemy's Geographia that was to combine Ptolemaic maps with a new set of modern maps.
By 1890, it had been acquired by the Prince of Liechtenstein and studies by Gallois dated it to 1507 following the realization that it was the lost globe described in the St. References to accurate factual information are principally taken from 19th century sources, much of the 20th century work on the subject being a reiteration of earlier work by Humboldt, Da€™Avezac-Macaya, Fischer, Varnhagen and Harisse.
He returned to these folios frequently in the years that followed a€” many include changes, graphic additions, or new captions, which he dated individually (we find dates from the years 1338-1341, especially). Morsea€™s other crucial innovation, in addition to asserting the rational and intentional basis of Opicinusa€™ thought, was to place the Vaticanus manuscript at the heart of her research. Salomon and others characterize the themes of the Vaticanus manuscript as just an extension of those in the Palatinus. The shapes of Europe, Africa, and the Mediterranean Sea each contain (or form) a human figure; these are the forms that Whittington calls a€?body-worlds,a€? and they constitute Opicinusa€™ most original and perplexing contribution to 14th century visual culture.
One of the things that makes Opicinusa€™ drawings so unusual is that they also incorporate a visual tradition that was practical, empirical, and scientific a€” medieval sea charts, usually called portolan charts. He often kept adding to the drawings over many years, including new details or textual explanations, and dating them to a specific day. As mentioned above, it seems possible that the Vaticanus was never meant to be viewed by others; much of it is arranged chronologically (like a diary), rather than thematically, and the subject matter of the texts and images suggests a private function. The meaning of such imagery obviously depends on context, but these diverse examples demonstrate how a land, country, or region has often been embodied within a human figure, to show the potential power of that space, or even the dominion of a figure over it. The images of Africa and Europe as human figures were the core of this experience, but the interpretation of the vision was left up to him. According to Whittington the formats of Opicinusa€™ body-world drawings can be grouped into four categories: (1) single portolan charts, (2) portolan charts overlapping with local maps, (3) multiple portolan charts overlapping with each other, and (4) multiple, mirrored portolan charts. The coastlines of the Mediterranean and the relative scale and position of the landforms are almost exactly the same as we know them to be today. The figure appears to be bare-chested, although no breasts are visible (perhaps they are covered by her long hair). But the label above the head of the figure seems to identify it as Opicinus assuming the identity of a€?the house of God.a€? Another caption in the Mediterranean Sea off the southern coast of France labels the figure as an Ymago Prudentie.
The fact that the face is labeled as Christa€™s would indicate on the surface that the figure is male. Yet beyond the basic characters and the captions, the drawinga€™s meaning is clearly activated or shifted by the placement of the two personifications within the geographical forms of the portolan chart; after all, it is not difficult to imagine a much simpler way to express this confrontation, using only pictures and no maps.
The scene is full of interesting and surprisingly graphic details, many of them interpreted in the marginal texts.
Such interpretations are, I think, meant as models; as Morse demonstrated, Opicinus hoped that the drawings could be used by others to probe their own consciences and personal histories. Many parts of it must have been intentionally humorous, such as the basket for collecting the sea-mana€™s excrement, the graphic sexual organs, the interpretation of the Europe womana€™s pearl earrings, or the depiction of the Africa womana€™s cloak as a green river. Even when texts in the Vaticanus indicated the stressors in Opicinusa€™ life a€”spiritual, moral, legal a€” the drawings remain exploratory and even lighthearted.
Without any words from him on the subject it is impossible to know where such an idea comes from, but perhaps the grids on the portolan chart(s) from which Opicinus was working reminded him of a gridded map of Pavia that he had seen, or perhaps even made. The mapsa€™ superimposition encourages the viewer to seek correlations between them, and Opicinus reinforces these correspondences by drawing actual lines and lines of text to connect various parts. He grafts a spiritual system of correspondences and coordinations onto this new representation of the physical world, but specifically includes details that undermine both systems, seeking instead a negotiation between the two. The rota on the breast of Affrica naturalis shows the mental processes that lead to sin: thinking, imagining, deciding, and delighting in (cogitatio, ymaginatio, electio, delectatio) lead the sinner to consent to sin (consensus peccati).
These can either connect the same geographical location between two separate maps (as in the line drawn between the two Carthages on the upper left map and the lower left map), or establish a point of contact between the same physiological parts of two body-worlds on the same map (as in the line drawn between the reproductive areas of the Europe-woman and the Africa-woman in the upper-right map). It contains four complete portolan charts, all the exact same size, placed in careful relation to one another through overlapping and mirroring. This is different from the numerous drawings in the previous category, in which the two charts overlapped one another; here, the two white charts on the surface of the page are both complete diagrams of the region, reflecting one another along an invisible horizontal line in the Holy Land and Asia Minor.
The figures seem to present the encounter between a new priest and his new parish (a situation that Opicinus underwent several times in his early career). The role of this form in the drawing is ambiguous a€” its cruciform shape and its a€?soaking in blooda€? certainly evoke Christa€™s sacrifice, and its position at the heart of the drawing, precisely where the two white maps are mirrored, suggests that it may be significant in the transition between the two. One caption on the left side of the page is a short rant about the mosquitoes that were bothering Opicinus while he made the drawing, while another, longer text at the lower left is an extended metaphorical description of the penis, describing how, like a heretic disobeying the Church, the penis disobeys the orders of the body. It is the caption that tells us something different; over their heads are written the words a€?matrixa€? and a€?virgaa€? a€” womb and penis.
Representing pregnancy and birth inside of Europe was a way for Opicinus to convey how both good and evil tendencies enter the world.
Some researchers have convincingly explained this positioning of the tiny body-world figures as indicating a Caesarian birth; as Opicinus explains, the two figures are born through Genoa, the a€?forced porta€? in the stomach of the European figure, rather than through Venice, the a€?natural porta€? of the figurea€™s vaginal canal (Opicinus makes the pun about Venetian a€?canalsa€? several times).
The earliest depiction of Europe as a woman is believed to be by the 14th century Pavian cleric Opicinus de Canistris for the papal court, then at Avignon. His work entitled PlanisphA¦rium [the Planisphere], described a sphere projected on the equator, the eye being at the pole, a projection later known as a€?stereographica€?.
More than any one of the ancients, Claudius Ptolemy succeeded in establishing the elements and form of scientific cartography. He defines chorography as being selective and regional in approach, a€?even dealing with the smallest conceivable localities, such as harbors, farms, villages, river courses, and the likea€?.
Its position under the heavens is extremely important, for in order to describe any given part of the world one must know under what parallel of the celestial sphere it is located. He seems to have studied and made astronomical observations in Tyre, the oldest and largest city of Phoenicia, which, even at that late date, maintained important commercial relations with remote parts of the world. This was contrary to both truth and appearance, and the resulting map was badly distorted with respect to distance and direction, for if the eye is fixed on the center of the quadrant of the sphere which we take to be our inhabited world, it is readily seen that the meridians curve toward the North Pole and that the parallels, though they are equally spaced on the sphere, give the impression of being closer together near the poles. Traditional information regarding distances should be subordinated, especially the primitive sort, for tradition varies from time to time, and if it must enter into the making of maps at all, it is expedient to compare the records of the ancient past with newer records, a€?deciding what is credible and what is incrediblea€?.
It is remarkable that such questions never seemed to have occurred to Ptolemy, as: What is there to be found beyond Serica and Sinarum Situs?
Ptolemy himself never actually employed this manner of projection, which has since, through more or less modified, been preferred by geographers for maps representing one of the hemispheres. Some map makers have a tendency to exaggerate the size of Europe because it is most populous, and to contract the length of Asia because little is known about the eastern part of it. As for his own policy, he said, a€?in the separate maps we shall show the meridians themselves not inclined and curved but at an equal distance one from another, and since the termini of the circles of latitude and of longitude of the habitable earth, when calculated over great distances do not make any remarkable excesses, so neither is there any great difference in any of our mapsa€?. As this diagram shows, each regional map would encompass, besides its own proper territory, some parts of the neighboring countries. Ptolemy does not state specifically in his text whether he personally made any maps, and proponents of the theory that Ptolemy made no maps for this Geographia base their case on the notation in two of the existing manuscript copies, that a cartographer named AgathodA¦mon of Alexandria was the author of the accompanying map(s). It is no less difficult, also, to determine when the maps of the two versions (A and B) were made. The meridians in the southern hemisphere are extended from the equator at the same angle as those above it, but instead of converging at the South Pole they terminated at the parallel 8A° 25a€™ below the equator.
The concept of the division of the earth into zones began as early as the sixth century B.C.
While Ptolemya€™s map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination. More specifically, Ptolemya€™s knowledge concerning the fringes of the habitable world and civilization was broader than earlier writers, such as Strabo (#115), but in some respects it was a little confused. With Thule as the northern limit of Ptolemya€™s habitable world, he thus extended the breadth of this world from less than 60A° (Eratosthenes and Strabo) to nearly 80A°. The silk trade with China had produced rumors of vast regions east of the Pamir and Tian Shan, hitherto the Greek limits of Asia. These distortions represented an actual extension of geographical knowledge and are doubtless based on exaggerated reports of distances traveled.
80) containing sailing directions from the Red Sea to the Indus and Malabar, indicated that the coast from Barygaza [Baroch] had a general southerly trend down to and far beyond Cape Korami [Comorin], and suggested a peninsula in southern India. While Ptolemy's map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination. To be sure, there are other geographical fragments, individual maps and charts, isolated examples of the best in Greek, Roman, and Arabic cartography, but Ptolemya€™s Geographia is the only extant geographical atlas which has come down to us from the ancients. His map projections, the conical and modified spherical, as well as the orthographic and stereographic systems developed in the Almagest, are still in use. This particular copy has not been recovered, however another copy attributed to Planudes is preserved, in part, in the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos. It was also during this time, the 14th century, that the twenty-six maps of the A-version were divided up into sixty-four. This oldest Latin translation of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (confusingly and arbitrarily titled Cosmographia by Angelus) was at first disseminated in numerous, often splendidly decorated manuscript copies. A re-issue of the preceding, but with a new title-page, an account of the New World by Marcus Beneventanus, and a new map of the world by Ruysch, Nova Tabula. The most important edition of Ptolemy, containing the 27 maps of the ancient world and 20 maps based on contemporary knowledge, under the superintendence of Martin WaldseemA?ller. Maps, with the exception of Asia V, printed from the same blocks as 1522 edition, and like them almost unaltered copies on a reduced scale of the maps of the 1513 edition. There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no authora€™s name or date.
And (to begin with our own continent) in the middle of Europe we have placed the eagles of the Roman Empire (which rule the Kings of Europe) and with the key (which is the symbol of the Holy Father), we have enclosed almost the whole of Europe, which acknowledges the Roman Church. In that letter, Vespucci proposed that the new lands ought to be called a a€?New World, because none of those countries were known to our ancestors .
In the western hemisphere inset the two Americas are shown as a continuous landmass firmly joined together by an isthmus, unlike the representation in the world map where the two continents are inexplicably separated by a strait.
Die that he prepared the treatise Cosmographia Introductio, which presented this description of itself: An Introduction to Cosmography, together with some principles of Geometry necessary to the purpose. Both the inset and the world map illustrate another important feature, the representation of a great ocean even broader than the Atlantic, between the New World and Asia. However, this view is not supported on the WaldseemA?ller map either by the place-names found in the area of the new discoveries, or by the overall visual image presented by the placement of the new discoveries as totally separated by some distance from Asia. One difference being that the WaldseemA?ller map is basically a a€?land mapa€™ and the interiors are somewhat filled-in, whereas the Caveri chart is basically a portolano, or nautical chart, with little or no interior detail. This Ptolemaic basis results in giving the map an extremely exaggerated representation of the eastern extension of Asia; in fact, the landmass of the Old World, alone, extends through some 230 degrees of longitude. All these we have added to the earlier known places, so that those who are fond of things of this sort may gaze upon all that is known to us of the present day, and may approve of out painstaking labors. In 1512 appeared, far away in Cracow, Poland, in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, the inset hemispheres of the 1507 map, copied and reprinted by the Polish scholar without reference to their source (#319). From it evolved, indeed, today's concept of the geographical divisions of the continents and islands, and of the great waters that form our earth.
A black African discovery of America, it has been argued, took place around 3,000 years ago, and influenced the development of Mayan, Aztec, and Inca civilizations. The naming of America, then, becomes essential to a full understanding of our history and cultural values a€” ourselves a€” especially when considered in terms of the range of theories about the origin of the name. Subsequently, according to Marcou's account, Vespucci changed his Christian name from Alberico to Amerigo. Amalrich, which literally meant work ruler, or designator of tasks, might be freely translated as master workman.
Moreover, as a reflection of national pride, a theory native to Hungary argues that the European explorers of the New World (or their priests) named it after this popular saint, in the old tradition of bestowing place names in honor of saints. He also had to prepare the official map of newly discovered lands and of the routes to them (for the royal survey), interpreting and coordinating all data that the captains were obliged to furnish. Harriet de OnA­s) are among the best efforts that dispel the shadows to which he was relegated by those who maligned his fame. In the voyage of 1499a€“1500, Vespucci would seem to have left Hojeda after reaching the coast of what is now Guyana (Carew's homeland). His published letters had fallen into the hands of these German scholars, among whom was the young cartographer Martin WaldseemA?ller.
WaldseemA?ller's 1507 map, lost to scholars until 1901 when it was found in a German castle, is now reckoned to be the first to show the name, and the earliest record of its use.
Moreover, to read the passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio as explanation lends credence to the theory, argued by Carew, Marcou, and others, that the early European explorers called the new continent Amerrique or, perhaps, another name with a similar pronunciation. Their ignoring it, Rea claims, further supports the idea that they were trying to force an explanation and that the only one they could think of was a Latinization of Vespucci's first name.
Columbus, who met the Indians of this coast, presumably heard the name Amerrique from them: he was looking for gold and the Indians gave him some, telling him he could get more to the west in the mountains there.
Amerrique, therefore, must derive from a Carib word, possibly one of the Carib culture words a€” not a word in the Mayan language, which was not spoken in Nicaragua, though it almost resembles in sound the Quiche Mayan iq' amaq'el meaning perpetual wind. The purchase of the map concluded a nearly century long effort to secure for the Library of Congress that very special cartographic document revealing new European thinking about the world nearly 500 years ago. Waldseemullera€™s 1507 map was a bold statement that rationalized the modern world in light of the exciting news arriving in Europe as a result of explorations sponsored by Spain, Portugal, and othersa€”not only across the Atlantic Ocean, but around the African coast and into the Indian Ocean. Because of Vespucci's recognition of that startling revelation, he was thus honored by the use of his name for the newly discovered continent. Sometime later in history, the family of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg acquired and retained Schoner's portfolio in their castle in Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany, where it remained unknown to scholars until the beginning of the twentieth century when its extraordinary contents were revealed.
Having obtained this license, which allowed this German national treasure to come to the Library of Congress, the Prince pursued an agreement to sell the 1507 map to the Library. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?marquettea€™ of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. They were provided with at least six printed editions and certainly several manuscript versions of the Geographia.
The notoriety and mystery that has surrounded both the globe, map and large wall-map has often concentrated on the naming of America, but in truth, given that they named South America after Vespucci, who had sailed furthest around it, it is not unreasonable.
Vera Sack found a third example of the gores inserted into a copy of Aristotle published in Freiburg in 1541.
For example, if you watch a band play, and the drummer plays a loud drum fill, the rest of the music is unaffected. The dating of the Palatinus is more complicated a€” the large autobiographical calendar on fol.
The Vaticanus was often mentioned by earlier authors, but had never been the object of extensive study, perhaps because its visual material is smaller and less elaborate than the large Palatinus folios. These and other claims are refuted by Whittington with a basic statistical analysis of the manuscriptsa€™ subject matter. Their enigmatic forms, expressions, and arrangements have the power to arrest the attention of modern viewers, reversing expectations about what sorts of imagery were possible in the early 14th century.
The a€?world,a€? in Opicinusa€™ drawings, is always represented using these charts; they form the drawingsa€™ structural basis and frame their meanings. Still, crucially, this does not make the drawings, in their inception, a€?abouta€? Opicinus. The large size of the Palatinus folios suggests a more public function, given their physical similarity to large medieval wall maps and portolan charts.
Here one sees before a map of the Mediterranean world a€” Europe, North Africa, Anatolia and part of the Near East are left the white color of the paper, and the seas around them are tinted with a reddish-brown wash. The incredibly diverse drawings that he created in the years that followed were his way of exploring the meaning of this vision and experimenting with different strategies for representing its shape and scope, searching for the arrangements and combinations that would lead him to the deepest meaning. Opicinusa€™ maps were based on the most modern and technically accomplished cartography of his day a€” marinersa€™ sea-charts, which we call portolan charts. Several folios depict only the western portion of the standard Mediterranean portolan chart, limiting their view to the area between Gibraltar and the boot of Italy. The geographic range of the depicted portolan outline is narrow - we see Gibraltar, Tunisia, France, Spain, and Italy, but none of the eastern Mediterranean, which is cut off by the drawinga€™s lower edge. Little is visible of her lower body, but she wears some kind of cloth wrapped around her waist.
However, the most prominent indicator of the figurea€™s identity is the large rota around the face in the Iberian peninsula, which seems to label the figure as Christ.
The drawing thus suggests a combination of male and female elements: a pregnant female personification of Christendom, with Christ at the head and heart. In this first example, where the contrast between the two figures is simple and direct, we can more easily explore two ways that the form of the drawing a€” its geographical frame a€”may change the meaning of these figures. For example, the Mediterranean figure appears to have two sexual organs a€” one massive penis that seems to be ejaculating onto the southern coast of Spain, and another that he clutches in his fist (presumably in an act of masturbation) near Venice.
84v, numerous captions explore the moral, theological, quotidian, and incidental correspondences created by the overlay of the city grid on the portolan chart. In addition, the monastery with which they were both associated fell near Rome on the portolan chart.
The revelation and the experiment were meant to be used by anyone a€” Opicinus is using himself as a test case, taking examples from his own life, family history, and childhood, and using them to interpret the correspondence between the two charts. These are all examples of Akbaria€™s horizontal allegory, or of allegory as a primarily interpretive act; Opicinus creates the structure (which may or may not have an intrinsic meaning a€” in this case, it seems not to), but the primary work is put into interpretation, play, and the creative exploration of his visual construction. Opicinus created, an over-determined world because of its opportunities and flexibility, not to build a burdensome system that would collapse on top of him. This basic format is repeated on at least eight other pages in the Vaticanus; again, there are variations in the size and placement of the two maps, but all of these examples include two portolan charts that are laid on top of one another. In the smaller, lower image, the negative space of the chart a€” the sea a€” is tinted with a light brown wash, delineating the body of the so-called a€?Mediterranean Man,a€? often labeled a€?Lucifera€? His head and beard occupy the eastern Mediterranean (his ear tucked against the Nile delta and curving beard shaping the coast of the Anatolian peninsula), his arms gesture near Italy (one fist plunging violently east of Italy, forming the Adriatic), and his feet poke out near Gibraltar, between the faces of Europe and Africa. On this page he connects the two representations of the Adriatic with a diagonal line that slices through the center of the image, running from Venice on one chart to Venice on the other. Morse also points out that different renderings of the sea in the two charts likely correspond to their content; the embodied a€?devil seaa€? lies between the natural worlds, while the a€?spiritual seaa€? is left empty, perhaps to indicate its purity.
Small lines connect the first four concepts to the eyes, ears, nose, and mouth of the Africa-figure, indicating the complicity of the exterior senses in this pathway to sin. 74v how Opicinus, by framing his allegories within the portolan charts, solidified their meaning into measured form, aligning the worlda€™s shapes with the truths and figures they revealed. The meaning of such lines remains ambiguous, but they do suggest points of contact and interconnection between elements that are otherwise set in opposition to one another. All four of these portolan charts are embodied, creating eight distinct characters: four male figures of Europe, and four figures of Africa (two angels and two male figures). Rather than containing the figure of the diabolical sea, the spaces of the Mediterranean and Black Seas on these two charts are left as windows through which the viewer can see the other maps in the drawing.
The colored worlds below are not labeled, but the figures seem to be a precise mirror of those on top, in both gender and physical appearance. Opicinusa€™ statement about the generation of meaning seems to apply both to this drawing and to many others that depict multiple levels of reality (usually through multiple iterations of the body-worlds).


82r becomes overwhelming, Opicinus provides the viewer with visual cues to make sense of the drawinga€™s disorienting forms. This drawing contrasts two complete sets of body-worlds, one overlapping and partially obscuring the other, and two very different depictions of genitalia are found in the area around Venice on both depictions of Europe. In a passage early in the Vaticanus, Opicinus describes how the a€?diabolical seaa€? inseminates an already-pregnant Europe, splitting the child unnaturally into two figures a€” Europe and Africa.
Victoria Morse shows the way that Opicinus read meaning even into the precise position of these two tiny body-worlds over Lombardy below, determining which local cities fell under Africa and Europe. 90 to 168 (during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius) and that he lived in, or near, Alexandria Egypt.
This he did through his second great treatise, Geographike Syntaxis, called by him, a€?the geographical guide to the making of mapsa€?, and, in later centuries, shortened to simply Geographia, or (incorrectly) Cosmographia.
Geography, he said, differs from chorography in that it deals with a€?a representation in picture of the whole known world together with the phenomena that are contained thereina€?. Otherwise how can one determine the length of its days and nights, the stars which are fixed overhead, the stars which appear nightly over the horizon and the stars which never rise above the horizon at all.
This a€?tutora€™ of Ptolemy had read nearly all of the historians before him and had corrected many of their errors (presumable errors relating to the location of places as contained in travelersa€™ itineraries). Ptolemy was well aware that it would be desirable to retain a semblance of spherical proportions on his flat map, but at the same time he decided to be practical about it. With one exception (an Italian translation by Berlinghieri), every editor of Ptolemya€™s Geographia has published, not the original maps, but a modification of them by Nicolaus Germanus (Donis), who, with praiseworthy exactness and without any further alterations, reproduced the originals, on a projection with rectilinear, equidistant parallels and meridians converging towards the poles. It is an exception when geographical or descriptive remarks are added to this bare enumeration of names.
Therefore if a geographer were obliged to fall back on the reports of travelers, he should exercise some discrimination in his choice of authorities. What could be found to the north of Thule, or to the south of Agysimba and Cape Prasum: Where would you arrive if you sailed westward from the Fortunate Islands? And some cartographers surround the earth on all sides with an ocean that, according to Ptolemy are a€?making a fallacious description, and an unfinished and foolish picturea€?. But, as is also usual in modern atlases, these neighboring areas of the map are only roughly sketched, while the principle area is shown in full detail. From these same manuscripts it is stated that a€?he drew them according to the instructions in the eight books of Claudius Ptolemya€?. Certain indications point to the Byzantine period, with the exception of AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map. And it is highly probable that Ptolemy the astronomer, who is usually discredited by later geographers because of his methods and the kinds of information he compiled, had no more standing among some of his influential contemporaries than he would today in the most approved geographical circles of the civilized world. The only good reason for discussing a few of the glaring faults of the Geographia is that it was the canonical work on the subject for more than 1400 years. In the northern regions, for example, he had been ill-advised with regard to Ireland, and positioned it further north than any part of Wales; likewise, Scotland was twisted around so that its length ran nearly east and west. Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times. All such information was of doubtful origin, and in laying down the coastline of Eastern Asia, Ptolemy ran the line roughly north and south. Ptolemy, apparently following Marinus, ignored this document, or else never saw it because the shape of his India is unduly broadened and foreshortened. Leaving the habitable world from the Strait at the Pillars of Hercules to the Gulf of Issus, it passed through Caralis in Sardinia and Lilybaeum in Sicily (30A° 12a€™ and 37A° 50a€™ N). Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception, or any later one until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times.
There is nothing in the literature to indicate that any other such systematic collection of maps was ever compiled, with the exception of the maps of Marinus, about which almost nothing is known, save what Ptolemy has mentioned. The listing of place-names, either in geographical or alphabetical order, with the latitude and longitude of each place to guide the search, is not so different from the modern system of letters and numerals employed to help the reader, a little convenience that is standard on modern maps and Ptolemaic in origin.
Four new mapsa€”France, Italy, Spain and Palestinea€”being based on contemporary knowledge. The map of the world is the first to show contemporary discoveries, and the first map to bear the name of its engraver, Johannes Schnitzer de Armssheim.
The other 6 mapsa€”northern Europe, Spain, France, Poland, Italy and the Holy Landa€”are based on contemporary knowledge.
Includes the Tabula Terra Nova, the first map specifically devoted to the delineation of the New World. The greater part of Africa and a part of Asia we have distinguished by crescents, which are the emblems of the Sultan of Babylonia, the Lord of all Egypt, and of a part of Asia. To the east of the continent in the inset is the Atlantic, to the west is another great sea with the island Zipangri [Japan, Marco Poloa€™s Zipangu] nearly in the middle of it but closer to the American continent than to the Asian.
Mundus Novus [New World] and Terra Incognita [Unknown Land] were less real names than descriptions, though for many years these last two terms were quite prevalent on maps showing new discoveries.
The duke and several professors in the college used this press in their geographical project. The decision to display a large expanse of ocean west of the New World discoveries was, of course, pure conjecture on the part of WaldseemA?ller since, in 1507, the discoveries of Balboa and Magellan were still a few years off in the future. On the other hand, navigators unknown to modern historians, may have sailed along the coast of Florida at this time. This lack of any substantive modification, of the Far East especially, is understandable in light of the scarcity of verifiable reports from this region and the focus of popular attention on both Africa and the New World.
This one request we have to make, that those who are inexperienced and unacquainted with cosmography shall not condemn all this before they have learned that it will surely be clearer to them later on, when they have come to understand it.
To question the origin of America's name is to question the nature of not only our history lessons but our very identity as Americans.
The records of Scandinavian expeditions to America are found in sagas a€” their historic cores encrusted with additions made by every storyteller who had ever repeated them. The two men eventually became friends; Columbus later wrote that he trusted Vespucci and held him in high esteem. Vespucci, who obtained Spanish citizenship, held this position until his death in Seville in 1512. Nonetheless, both biographers disagree about the authenticity of his two published letters, key documents in a dramatic controversy: Arciniegas accepts them as genuine, whereas Pohl rejects them as forgeries. In the first series of documents, four voyages by Vespucci are described; in the second, only two.
Turning south, he is believed to have discovered the mouth of the Amazon River and explored the coast of present-day Brazil.
This voyage is of fundamental importance in the history of geography in that Vespucci himself became convinced that the lands he had explored were not part of Asia but a New World. Inspired to publish a new geography that would embrace the New World, the group collectively authored a revision of Ptolemy, which included a Latin translation of Vespucci's purported letter to Soderini, as well as a new map of the world drawn by WaldseemA?ller. Hudd opens with a reference to Bristol's 1897 celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of North America by John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto), the Italian navigator and explorer who had sailed for England, laying the groundwork for the later British claim to Canada. The map must have created quite a stir in Europe, since its findings departed considerably from the accepted knowledge of the world at that time, which was based on the second century A.D. It is remarkable that our entire Western Hemisphere was thus named for a living person; Vespucci died in 1512. Yet, cartographic contributions by Johannes Schoner in 1515 and by Peter Apian in 1520 adopted the name America for the Western Hemisphere, and that name became part of accepted usage. The uncovering of the 1507 map in the Wolfegg Castle early last century is thought by many to have been one of the most extraordinary episodes in the history of cartographic scholarship. In late June 2001, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the Library of Congress reached a final agreement on the sale of the map at the price of $10,000,000. Waldseemuller recognized the transition taking place, as the title of his map notes and his placement prominently of images of Ptolemy and Vespucci, next to their worlds, at the top portion of the 1507 world map denotes. In 1949, the Liechtenstein map collection was bought en bloc by the famous New York dealer H.P. The Aristotle formed part of the Grimmelshausen-Gymnasium library given to the Stadtbucherei Offenburg. Analog tape thus acts a bit like a compressor, but unlike any rack-mount or plugin compressor. The first 48 contain little visual material besides a few marginalia, while the second half of the book includes some text-only pages, some full-page drawings, and some smaller drawings with extensive text on or around them.
11r, which provides the most complete information about his life, ends with June 1336, suggesting that this drawing was finished by that date. In contrast, Morse demonstrated that the Vaticanus holds the key to understanding Opicinusa€™ thought: its drawings are more intimate and revealing, and it contains over a hundred pages of text. Portolan charts were modern, cutting-edge diagrammatic maps of the Mediterranean region, and Opicinusa€™ use of them transforms what would otherwise have been old-fashioned, theoretical, and primarily textual drawings into a completely new type of representation.
Interpreting the vision with relation to his own body and life was only one of the tactics that he used.
The drawings in both manuscripts could have been preparatory studies for some larger-scale project or commission that was never carried out. According to Whittington, to explain what the body-worlds a€?mean,a€? one must explore how and why Opicinus harnessed these maritime maps to a completely different purpose from that for which they were created.
Others include the entire range of the chart, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Black Sea and the Holy Land. Small captions and rotae are positioned at various points on the map; some of these are placed to comment specifically on a geographical feature, while others remark more generally on the drawing and its characters.
A worm or snake emerges from an otherwise empty circle on her stomach, twisting along the North African coast, its mouth gnawing on the figurea€™s thumb near Carthage.
Large red capital letters spell out C-R-I-S-T-U-S, with each letter also being the first letter of one of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit.
Opicinus uses the portolan chart to construct a binary system in which values can be opposed, and also to place these allegories or personifications within a space that is, in the broadest sense, real. On the southern coast of France, a basket-woven pattern is explained in a caption as a basket to catch the excrement of the sea-figure. For example, in a short passage in the upper left corner of the page, Opicinus mentions that the body of the sea-devil extends beyond the inner city wall of the Pavian map, which he interprets as a sign that malice and mischief are spread out in the city; beyond the old city walls. An over-determined world allowed him to make visible to himself and his potential readers the primary concerns, impulses, histories, and spaces of his world and his body in a way that led to potentially productive connections and revelations.
In contrast, the sea of the larger top map is not embodied, and retains the color of the paper. This line could help the viewer perceive the imagea€™s orientation, by providing a reference point for the location of the same city on each map at this crucial juncture at the center. The sea-figure takes control of the pagea€™s center, superimposing his twisting body over the eastern half of the upper, spiritual chart a€” his a€?negativea€? space dominates the positive space of the other chart.
In contrast, a caption on the rota for Affrica spiritualis points to the interior senses (sensus interiores) that indicate spiritual progress: meditation, contemplation, discernment, and rumination (meditatio, contemplatio, discretio, degustatio).
They also establish that the body-worldsa€™ identities as both bodies and maps remain significant on their own; because connections rely on their status as both maps and bodies, one is not emphasized over the other. This window or outline a€” the negative space of the upper drawing a€” provides a view onto a world of color. The mirror of any of his creations, which he acknowledges are fabrications (in the sense that they are imaginary and exploratory), will always contain some new level of meaning.
The two red lines indicate the precise point where worlds are mirrored, and the differentiation in color a€” white, brown, and red a€” brings the forms of the body-worlds into a near-sculptural relief. In the overlapped body-worlds, which are tinted with red and brown wash, we see a small penis depicted inside the figure of Europe, just past the fist of the Mediterranean figure.
It must be acknowledged that both figures are shaped like small penises, but it is also true that in medieval anatomical texts the female genitalia are often described as an interiorized mirror image of a male penis, so perhaps we should not be surprised that the two are a€?personified,a€? if we want to use that term, in similar ways. According to Victoria Morse, Europea€™s pregnancy was also related to local political situations, visualizing the (sexual) corruption of Lombardy within an otherwise holy European body.
She then contrasts this a€?violenta€? delivery of the figures with the small baby depicted on fol. In 1537 the Tirolese cartographer Johann Putsch celebrated the Hapsburg rule over Europe by presenting a placid a€?Europa Reginaa€? wearing Charles Va€™s Spain as a crown and Ferdinanda€™s Austria as a medal at her waist, representing the triumph of the Hapsburgs. During the second century, Alexandria was not only the richest city in the world, with regard to learned institutions and treasures of scholarship, but also the wealthiest commercial place on the earth. This work is actually the first general atlas of the world to have survived, rather than a a€?Geographya€? with a long textual introduction to the subject of cartography. As he proceeds to elaborate his definition of geography, it becomes apparent that Ptolemy conceived that the primary function of geography was a€?mapmakinga€?, and that, to him, geography was synonymous with cartography.
He had, moreover, edited and revised his own geographic maps, of which at least two editions had been published before Ptolemy saw them. Finally, Ptolemy thought, about all one could do was to locate unfamiliar places as accurately as possible with reference to well-known places, in as much as it is advisable on a map of the entire world to assign a definite position to every known place, regardless of how little is known about it.
The longitudes would be determined from the meridian of Alexandria, either at sunrise or sunset, calculating the difference in equinoctial hours between Alexandria and point two, whatever it might be. As mentioned earlier, the original text called for twenty-six regional or special maps, which in all extant manuscript copies bear a strong family resemblance and are laid down on the projection apparently used by Marinus in the form of isosceles trapezoids. However, this statement has never been dated and, confusingly, AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map employs a projection unlike any proposed by Ptolemya€™s text. But, again, when they were constructed - totally and faithfully copied from the originals, or constructed from Ptolemya€™s instructions but without benefit of original models - is significant in trying to determine the degree of similarity to their a€?prototypea€™ and the possibility of additions or corrections based upon more contemporary knowledge. Different from what is now accepted as the meaning, this word in ancient maps had a purely geographical, not a meteorological significance, although they also perceived that the climate of a region was somewhat related to its distance from the equator. Similarly he showed the length of the Mediterranean as 62A°, whereas, in reality it is only 42A°.
Geographers of the 15th and 16th centuries relied on it so heavily, while ignoring the new discoveries of maritime explorers, that it actually exerted a powerful retarding influence on the progress of cartography. Instead of continuing it to the Land of the LinA¦ [seacoast of China] he curved it around to the east and south, forming a great bay, Sinus Magnus [roughly the Gulf of Siam]. Carthage is positioned 1A° 20a€™ south of the parallel of Rhodes; actually it is one degree north of it.
Corrected and amended by a succession of editors, this version also formed the basis upon which all of the editions of the 15th century are built. The text is a metrical paraphrase by Francesco Berlinghieri, and is the first edition in Italian. The greatly increased number of a€?modern mapsa€? makes this in effect the first modern atlas.
The part of Asia called Asia Minor we have surrounded with a saffron-colored cross joined to a branding iron, which is the symbol of the Sultans of the Turks, who rules Scythia this side of the Imaus, the highest mountains of Asia and Sarmatian Scythia. Westward from that island is to be recognized the eastern coast of Asia, showing Catay, or Cathay, and other identifiable names. But now the fact that there was a new continent beyond the western ocean had become nearly common knowledge throughout Europe, and there was everywhere a subconscious demand for an adequate name, a universally acceptable name. In all its forms the underlying meaning was that of work; as for example, the word for work in Hebrew is amal, and in old Norse aml, the consonant sounds of which were retained in the verb moil. In this respect, WaldseemA?ller may have been led by the maps of La Cosa, Caveri, and Cantino to believe that this was at least a possibility, for he depicts a small portion of the northern mainland extending from the narrow strait in Central America to just north of Terra Ulteria€? Incognita [Florida].
Not many interior details are shown to speak of, but a large group of natives is shown at the Cape, and above them, a large vignette of an elephant. As can be seen, Terra Incognita replaces America and it is placed up against a frame that avoids any speculation as to the size or shape of the new continent(s).
It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia and Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Emeric, and Emery.
In the face of the spurious charges that he was an ignorant usurper of the merits of others, the fact that Spain entrusted him, a foreigner, with the office of pilot major certainly bolsters his defense.
Until the 1930s the documents of the first series were considered from the point of view of the order of the four voyages. On the way back, he reached Trinidad, sighting en route the mouth of the Orinoco River, and then made for Haiti.
Unlike Columbus, who, to his death, clung to the idea that he had found the shores of Asia, Vespucci defined what had indeed been found a€” and for this he has been rightfully honored. He clearly never tried to have the New World named after him or to belittle his friend Columbus.
Very different spellings for the same Carib word reflect variants that sound little like each other; thus, the variants of the name Carib are Canibe, Galibi, Caniba, Canibal and Caliban. For his achievement Cabot received a handsome pension conferred upon him by the King, from the hands of the Collectors of Customs of the Port of Bristol. In 1479, four Bristol merchants received a royal charter to find another source of fish and trade. The map sheets have been maintained separated (not joined, with each of the large maps comprised of twelve separate sheets) and that is the probable reason why they survived. In late May 2003, the Library completed a successful campaign to purchase Waldseemullera€™s 1507 world map, after receiving substantial Congressional and private support to achieve the terms of the contract. 37 (1985), 30-53, is an extensive airing of the date of the printing of the 1507 world map and other Waldseemuller contributions.
But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world you will hereafter find out and read.a€? Harrisse thinks it probable that a real globe accompanied and was sold with this little volume.
Ringmann, a supporter of Vespucci, had already published in 1505 an edition of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus, a vivid description of the New World which became a bestseller around Europe. The mystery of the globe map, its definition of Florida (before it was discovered by the Spanish), the Pacific (before any man had officially seen it), the coast of South America (before anyone had officially sailed along it) and the use of the name The Western Ocean in the Pacific, all suggest that the Portuguese may have been more active west of the Tordesillas Treaty Line before 1505.
Kraus, however the globe map was retained and offered by the Prince at a special auction at Parke-Bernet in New York on 24 May 1950. A typical compressor will compress the whole mix at once, meaning that a loud bass drum hit will ultimately yank down the vocals (and everything else) along with it. The representation and interpretation of this divine image of the earth would occupy much of the rest of his life.
Other dates in the manuscript are scarce; most scholars agree that the bulk of the drawings were completed between February 1335 and June 1336, with later additions stretching all the way to 1350. Opicinus was working during a crucial moment in the history of cartography, when numerous artists and mapmakers sought to combine old and new forms. Most of the drawings suggest other interpretive avenues, through personifications, allegorical confrontations, or superimposition; one does not have to turn to Opicinusa€™ biography to explain them. It is also possible that these works were intended, like several of Opicinusa€™ earlier treatises, for the Pope.
In this example, Europe is embodied as a man a€” his head occupies the Iberian Peninsula, his chest and stomach lie in France (where some kind of beast in the ocean tries to bite at his shoulder), his arm arches up through the lowlands and Germany, and his legs occupy the Italian peninsula and the Dalmatian coast. He used this technical, practical, scientific cartography to probe deeper into the nature of God and the created world. But all of the drawings in this category share a single feature: they include only one map, one level of cartographic reality on the page.
The two figures that constitute, lie within, or coexist with Africa and Europe are classic examples of Opicinusa€™ body-worlds (the third figure that often appears in the Mediterranean is not included, in this particular drawing).
In two outer concentric rings Opicinus places the names of the seven planets and the days of the week.
Yet their placement within a map, particularly an empirical one which was actually used for travelling, emphasizes the tenuousness of such binary oppositions. Despite these and other details on the figures, the actual bodies seem less important to Opicinus in these three drawings; the commentary focuses more on the physical interplay and connections between the two overlapping maps.
It is not that he thinks that this image of the two maps placed in this particular arrangement is necessarily a€?correcta€? or a€?truea€? a€” on fol. 84v offers further evidence that Opicinus viewed the portolan charts as empirical representations. At the centre of the page the embodied eastern Mediterranean of the lower map (including the Black Sea) overlaps both the land and the sea of the upper map, so that its eastern half (part of Italy and all of Greece, Egypt, and Turkey) is obscured.
Or, given the opposing genders of the two Europes in the maps, and the fact that the area at the top of the Adriatic was understood as the erogenous zone of the European body, the line could suggest a sexual point of contact a€” even intercourse a€” between the two figures.
It is necessary first to describe and explain the drawinga€™s complex structure, before discussing its content in relation to several captions that surround it.
In the space below, the continents are shaded a brick red, while the seas are painted a soft brown-grey. The interpretive paradigm for this drawing must be one of experimentation; it is the only image in the manuscript with this particular arrangement of forms, and through it Opicinus only seems to have arrived at fragments of meaning. The small caption nearby simply reads Venetie [Venice] and without further explanation it is unclear whether the penis belongs to the European body, depicted lying back against his stomach, or whether he is somehow being penetrated by a small penis belonging to the sea-figure. Here, reproductive sexuality is a sign of corruption; elsewhere, as we will see, it is a marker of generative spirituality. 74v, which is positioned for a normal delivery through Venice, with its head down and its arms folded peacefully in prayer. The queena€™s crown (Spain), orb (Sicily), and heart (Bohemia) from a triangle that directs the viewera€™s eye away from Eastern Europe toward the West. It was a place where seafaring people and caravans from all parts of the known world would use to congregate, thereby providing the opportunity to collect knowledge of far away lands and seas. Here for the first time are documented the duties and responsibilities of the mapmaker, his limitations, and the nature of the materials he was to work with. The final drafts were nearly free from defects and his text, which we know of only through Ptolemy, was so reliable in Ptolemya€™s estimation that a€?it would seem to be enough for us to describe the earth on which we dwell from his commentaries alone, without other investigations.a€? According to Ptolemy, the most significant feature of the maps of Marinus was the growth of the habitable world and the changed attitude toward the uninhabited parts. When such a conical surface is extended on a plane, a network with circular parallels and rectilinear, converging meridians arise.
Unlike Marinus who listed longitude on one page and latitude on another, Ptolemy began the tradition of listing the positional coordinates together and in a usable system that was practical to follow. Some of the other conspicuously modern conventions include the previously noted lack of ornamentation, his method of differentiating land and water, rivers and towns, by means of either hachures or different colors, and his use of a€?standardizeda€™ symbols all of which is accepted at first glance without a thought being given to the origin of the technique.
This particular world map is usually found at the end of Book VII, preceded by three chapters containing some practical advice, a general description of all known areas of the world and the three principle seas (the Mediterranean, the Caspian and the Indian Ocean), with their bays and islands, and instructions for drawing a sphere and maps on a plane surface.
It is noteworthy here to point out that, regardless of when these existing manuscript reproductions were made, they somehow escaped the pictorial fancies such as sketches of animals, monsters, savages, ships, kings, etc.
The eastward extension of Asia is also exaggerated, measuring about 110A° from the coast of Syria to the outermost limits of China, instead of the true distance of about 85A°. The Geographia was both a keystone and a millstone, a pioneering effort that outlived its usefulness.
The northern coast of Germany beyond Denmark, Cimbrica Chersonese, is shown as the margin of the Northern Ocean, and running in a general east-west direction.
Continuing it around to the south until it joined Terra Incognita at the southern limit of the habitable world, he made a lake of the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean].
For the most part, the lands beyond the Ganges were not well known until a thousand years later when the brothers Polo first acquainted western Europe with the existence of a number of large islands in that part of the world. Byzantium is placed in the same latitude as Massilia, which made it more than two degrees north of its true position. It is also the only edition with maps printed on the original projection with equidistant parallels or meridians. There was no question whatever in the mapmaker's mind, therefore, as to the separate identities of the American and Asian continents.
Here the northern coast terminates abruptly with open sea beyond approximately 50 degrees, with Newfoundland being shown as an island far to the east. While the shape his Africa resembles reality more so than Martellusa€™, WaldseemA?ller extends the continent to beyond its actual 34 degrees South in a similarly misguided manner as Martellus with WaldseemA?llera€™s Africa reaching an inexplicable 50 degrees plus. Gone, however, is that mysterious strait that had separated North and South America on the 1507 map.
But the question concerning the authenticity of these historic letters remains fundamental to the evaluation of Vespucci's achievement. According to the conflicting theory to which Pohl and other modern scholars subscribe, these documents should be regarded as the result of skillful, unauthorized manipulations by entrepreneurs, and the sole authentic papers would be the private letters, so that the verified voyages would be reduced to two. Vespucci thought he had sailed along the coast of the extreme easterly peninsula of Asia, where Ptolemy, the 2nd-century Greek geographer, believed the market of Cattigara to be; so he looked for the tip of this peninsula, calling it Cape Cattigara. Nonetheless, the name America spread throughout Europe and quickly established itself through sheer force of usage.
One of these officials, the senior of the two, who was probably the person who handed over the money to the explorer, was named Richard Ameryk (also written Ap Meryke [Welsh] on one deed, and elsewhere written Amerycke) who seems to have been a leading citizen of Bristol at the time. Not until 1960 did someone find bills of trading records indicating that Richard Amerike was involved in this business.
To us, the 1507 map appears remarkably accurate; but to the world of the early sixteenth century it represented a considerable departure from accepted views regarding the composition of the world. The portfolio with its great treasure was uncovered and revealed to the world in 1901 by the Jesuit priest Josef Fischer, who was conducting research in the Waldburg collection.
And from that fragile first glimpse of the world, so adequately described by WaldseemuI?ller in 1507, the Library of Congressa€™ cartographic resources provide the historical breadth and cartographic depth to fill in the geographic blanks left by those early cosmographers. Works that have increased our knowledge about WaldseemuI?ller and the group in Saint-DieI? include: Joseph Fischer and Franz R.
They exhibit the Old World, in the main, in accord with the Ptolemaic idea, and the New World with a close resemblance to the Caveri map record (#307), and that of WaldseemA?llera€™s world map of 1507. By April 1507, WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann had completed the booklet, Cosmographiae Introductio, to accompany the globe and wall-map. Such information would have been kept secret by the Portuguese, and it is perhaps here in this globe that the secrets were first drawn up for a wider audience, particularly since Vespuccia€™s allegiance to Portugal changed when he became a Spanish citizen. The catalogue published a reserve of $50,000, but it failed to sell and was sold privately in 1954 to James Ford Bell for approximately $45,000. They were offered for sale in 1991, and purchased by the Bavarian State library in Munich for approximately 2 million DM (in excess of $1million). In over eighty surviving drawings, now kept in the Vatican Library and referred to by scholars as the Vaticanus and Palatinus manuscripts, he experimented with how he could uncover the meaning that he was sure God had planted in the vision he saw, in the hope that his drawings would help to renew the faith of all Christians.
Far more drawings in the Vaticanus portray body-worlds (23), while few in the Palatinus do so (6).
This encounter between the scientific and the spiritual is best explored by looking at the structures that Opicinus used to create the drawings. Another rota lies inside France, near the location that Opicinus usually associates with the a€?hearta€? of the Europe figure a€” Avignon.
On a map you can literally sail by sea from one a€?placea€? or a€?bodya€? to the other a€” each place is accessible to the other. Here, the grid structures the space of the local map, but also shapes the way we view the portolan below. It looks like a kind of symbolic twin to the spatio-indexical rhumb lines of the original portolan charts. 61r demonstrates that Opicinus was also aware of the dangers of aligning appearance with truth; appearances could just as easily deceive as reveal. The arrangement of these colored maps beneath the surface of the white ones is the most complicated aspect of the drawing.
The angels are labeled angelus lucis and angelus tenebrarum a€” an angel of light and an angel of darkness.
Given the penises in this region that we discussed above, this latter proposition is not without basis, but it seems more likely that it belongs to the European figure, since it is tinted the same color. In spite of such scant personal knowledge, Claudius Ptolemya€™s writings have had a greater influence on cartography, and on geography in general, than that of any other single figure in history. 141), a composition dealing with astronomy and mathematics, more commonly known by its hybrid Greco-Arabic title, the Almagest, in which he lays down the foundation of trigonometry and sets forth his view of the universe. This single treatise remained the standard work on geographical theory throughout the Middle Ages, was not superseded as such with the 16th century, and constitutes one of the fundamental tenants of modern geodesy.
Cartography is not an artistic endeavor according to the Greek scholar, but should be concerned with the relation of distance and direction, and with the important features of the eartha€™s surface that can be indicated by plain lines and simple notations (enough to indicate general features and fix positions).
Marinus was a good man in Ptolemya€™s estimation but he lacked the critical eye and allowed himself to be led astray in his scientific investigations.
Lest the proportions of certain parts of the mapped territory should be too much deformed, only the northern or the southern hemispheres should be laid down on the same map by this projection, which is consequently inconvenient for maps embracing the whole earth. This particular projection shown of the general map of the habitable world, the one believed to be employed by Ptolemy in his original general map, is laid down in the lazy mana€™s projection he talked about, the modified conic instead of the spherical projection that he recommended for a faithful delineation of the eartha€™s surface.
Many scholars ascribe these three chapters to AgathodA¦mon, as the descriptive text for his map. As can be seen from these world maps, Ptolemy divided the northern hemisphere into twenty-one parallels, noted, again, in the margin of this maps.
To judge, therefore, from the map, Ptolemy discarded both the older Greek belief that the earth was surrounded by water, and Herodotusa€™ description of the Phoeniciana€™s circumnavigation of Africa. And there were no good maps of the East Indian Archipelago until after the Portuguese voyages to the Indies. This particular error threw the whole Euxine Pontus [Black Sea], whose general form and dimensions were fairly well known, too far north by the same amount, over 100 miles. A red cross symbolizes Prester John (who rules both eastern and southern India and who resides in Biberith); and finally on the fourth division of the earth, discovered by the kings of Castile and Portugal, we have placed the emblems of those sovereigns. This interpretation is similar to both Cantino and Caveri and helped keep alive the possibility of a northern access to the as yet unnamed Pacific and, of course, the riches of far Cathay. Over to the left, on Tabula Terra Nove, apparently referring to the Pearl Coast and perhaps to Honduras, we read the surprising inscription: Hec terra cum adiacentib insulis inuenta est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castellae [This land with the adjacent islands was discovered by Columbus of Genoa by order of the King of Castile]. Its appearance undoubtedly ignited a debate in Europe regarding its portrayal of an unknown continent (unknown to Europe and others in the Eastern Hemisphere) between two huge bodies of water, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and separated from the classical world of Ptolemy, which had been confined to the continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia. Shortly after the appearance of the 1507 world map by Waldseemuller, Vespucci was appointed the first Pilot Major in the Spanish House of Trade (the Casa de la ContratacioI?n) in Seville, and in that capacity was responsible for navigational issues and concerns of Spanish shipping to the new western possessions, across the Atlantic. In 1903 an elaborate set of facsimiles of the 1507 and the 1516 maps accompanied by a scholarly study by Josef Fischer and Franz von Wieser appeared. The North American region is nameless, but the South American region bears conspicuously the name America. Nearly all of the drawings in the Palatinus feature what Whittington calls an a€?overarching containing structurea€? a€” a geometrical framework that contains all of the drawinga€™s content.
Her face is to the west, shown in profile as she seems to whisper into the ear of the European figure across the Straits of Gibraltar. She seems to speak directly into the ear of the European figure, depicted partly in profile and partly from the front.
At the center of the roundel is a seated figure of Christ showing his wounds; around this are the names of seven episcopal seats, and the seven planets and their positions. In these simplest drawings, though, such a possibility is only hinted at; a much fuller manipulation of the metaphor of travel and movement between binaries, and indeed a subversion of the very concept of binary opposition, is found in Opicinusa€™ more complicated images, discussed below. This grid, eight squares by ten, is oriented in the same way as the map below, with east at the top of the page (the street grid of Pavia was, and still is, slightly off-axis from the cardinal points because of its alignment with the river, which is reflected in its positioning at a slight angle on the page). Opicinus just seems to be testing each possible arrangement on either side of the folio, turning it back and forth to see which parts of it align with things he believes to be true. Any resident or visitor familiar with the city would recognize that the local map of Pavia was a measured, accurate representation, and the fundamental hypothesis of this image and its interpretation is that correspondences can be deduced through the alignment of one measured map with another.
One complete map lies below the upper white map, and one complete map lies below the lower white map, but each is placed in a different relation to its chart above. The angel of light in the surface map whispers into the ear of the upper male Europe, labeled homo spiritualis, while the angel of darkness whispers to homo carnalis. 61v, where two tiny figures with the same labels hold between them a baby, its head positioned downward, pointing toward the area near Venice through which we presume it would be born. Here he explains his belief that the earth is a stationary sphere, at the center of the universe, which revolves about it daily. According to Ptolemy, even Marinus had made mistakes, either because he had consulted a€?too many conflicting volumes, all disagreeing,a€? or because he had never completed the final revision of his map.
However, Ptolemy rigorously applies the conical projection only to the northern part of his map of the world.
The parallel bounding the southern limit of the habitable world is equidistant from the equator in a southerly direction as the parallel through Meroe is distant in a northerly direction.
Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310 in Book IV) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean.
Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean.
And what is to be borne in mind, we have marked with crosses shallow places in the sea where shipwreck may be feared. Gemma Frisius and Sebastian Munster edited versions of the latter, so that the WaldseemA?ller type, or Lusitano-Germanic Group, held the field until the advent of Mercator, Ortelius, and the Dutch school of the mid-16th century.
A statement that is in obvious conflict with the thrust of both the graphic productions of 1507 (map and globe) and the text of Introductio CosmographiA¦ referred to earlier - both prepared more or less as a testimony to Amerigo Vespucci. As soon as he was back in Spain, he equipped a fresh expedition with the aim of reaching Asia. The danger of any study of Opicinus is that in seeking out the contexts in which one may understand Opicinusa€™ work as logical and coherent, one risks losing sight of what makes them so exceptional. But he also used this idea in order to create images unrivalled in their complexity and interpretive difficulty, multiplying maps and figures across the page in kaleidoscopic networks.
The local grid is filled in with detail; the numerous small labels in brown indicate churches, city gates, bridges, and monasteries in Pavia, while the few red captions refer to cities or regions on the portolan below (here, like elsewhere, Opicinus uses color to clarify his content for the reader).
Once again, a grid serves two functions, measuring the space of one reality and indicating the measurability of another. On the top half of the page, the tinted map below is a precise mirror image of the upper map, reflected from it along a red horizontal line that bisects the upper, white body-worlds. The arrangement recalls nothing so much as the angel and devil of the human conscience that perch on the shoulders of cartoon figures in modern movies and comics, offering advice and urging the character towards good or bad decisions; in the drawing, the heads of the angels seem to rest directly on the shoulders of the figures below them.
Here, the two a€?personificationsa€? of the penis and the womb have produced a tiny child and are preparing it for birth. Later editions of Europe as a queen were issued by Sebastian Munster, Heinrich Bunting and Matthias Quad.
While his proofs of the sphericity of the earth are still accepted today as valid, Ptolemy rejected the theory of the rotation of the earth about its axis as being absurd.
To represent the known parts of the southern hemisphere on the same sheet, he describes an arc of a circle parallel to the equator, and at the same distance to the south of it, as Meroe [MA¦roe] is to the north, and then divides this arc in parts of the same number and size, as on the Parallel of Meroe. That paradox notwithstanding, though, Ptolemya€™s depiction of a southern Afro-Asian continent and a land-locked Indian Ocean provided little comfort during the intervening 1,300 years to those early explorers, and later the Portuguese, in their attempts to find an all water route to India. But the Spanish government did not welcome his proposals, and at the end of 1500 Vespucci went into the service of Portugal.
This a€?manuscripta€? is a collection of 27 huge unbound parchment sheets, averaging about two by three feet, although some are significantly larger.
This observation prompts the next a€” that the Palatinus drawings almost always include calendars (usually as part of the overarching containing structure), while few of the Vaticanus drawings do.
Looking at the drawings as a whole, there can be no doubt that there are distinct threads running through them a€” themes, problems, and possibilities that Opicinus set out to explore.
And just as the drawingsa€™ forms combine simplicity and complexity, their content also veers from the straightforward to the impenetrable. The relationship between these human figures and the landforms is, as is always the case in Opicinusa€™ drawings, very difficult to describe. The huge green swath at the right of the page indicates the Ticino River, which is coextensive with the long veil or cloak worn by the Africa woman. The white body-worlds in the top layer always overlap the lower, colored ones, which are only visible in the negative space of the sea.
These personificationsa€™ sexuality is normative and non-transgressive a€” male and female members come together inside of the female body. However, Marinusa€™ treatise on geography, with its maps, should still be ranked among the most important of the lost documents of the ancients, if for no other reason than that it was the foundation upon which Claudius Ptolemy built.
The network is then obtained by joining the intersections to corresponding points on the equator. The twenty-one parallels are spaced at equal lineal intervals and each one is designated by (1) the number of equinoctial hours and fractional hours of daylight on the longest day of the year and (2) the number of degrees and minutes of arc north of the equator.
The Cosmographiae provided an introduction to the new geography of the world as laid out in the globe and wall-map, and included a Latin translation of Vespuccia€™s four voyages.
Depending on the individual viewera€™s perception, the figures can seem to be lying on top of the land, growing out of it, or somehow placed under it a€” as if the landforms are windows through which we are looking.
The green lines at the top and bottom of the page show the path of several Pavian canals, and the three concentric red boundaries drawn around the page indicate the city walls. The same system is repeated in the lower half of the drawing, except that the lower tinted map is reflected along a vertical line, also colored red.
For example, the first parallel of latitude north of the equator was distant from it a€?the fourth part of an houra€? and a€?distant from it geometrically about 4A°15a€™a€?. And in a far more transparent way than can be achieved with rackmount compressors or plugins. From these observations, Whittington generalizes some of the basic differences between the two manuscripts. Most of all, however, these enigmatic forms seem to depict the earth and the bodies as coextensive, and of the same material a€” bodies made out of the earth. The two maps on the bottom half of the page are also mirror images of one another, but along a different axis. One other parallel is added south of the equator, identified with the Rhaptum promontory and Cattigara and about 8A° 25a€™ distant from a€?The Linea€?. The Vaticanus seems to be more of a personal manuscript, perhaps never intended for a wider audience.
The more one looks at these body-worlds, the more one sees the human figures as figures a€” the stranger parts of their bodies, where the landforms do not align so easily with a normative human shape, become less and less noticeable. The two red axes are thus crucial to understanding the drawing: they must have been used to construct it and also intended to aid in its decoding. All of the parallels north of the equator are located theoretically with the exception of three: Meroe, Syene and Rhodes. Its drawings are less structured and presentational, contain more sexual imagery, and include more personal themes, all of which we might associate with a private, rather than public function (although such distinctions were perhaps more fluid in 14th century Italy than they are today). The first one, Clima I per Meroe, (so called because it passes through Meroe, near modern Shendi, a city of Africa at 17A° N latitude) was established traditionally as 1,000 miles below Alexandria and 300 miles from the torrid zone; it was also known as the royal seat and principal metropolis of Ethiopia [Africa]. Secondly, the drawings in the Vaticanus and Palatinus have very different structures; the Vaticanus uses the form of the portolan [nautical] chart to structure meaning and representations of bodies, while the Palatinus drawings use larger geometric, ecclesiastical, and temporal frames, which in turn often contain representations of the earth.
Finally, the Palatinus drawings contain a temporal, cyclical element (numerous calendars and representations of the zodiac) that the Vaticanus drawings usually lack.



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