Today I'd like to look at one of the most understood doctrines of the Catholic Faith: Purgatory.
The doctrine of purgatory is something that a lot of non-Catholics struggle with, yet in a somewhat odd twist, it was actually one of the first Catholic doctrines I came to believe in during my journey back to the Catholic Church. Unfortunately, purgatory is also one of those doctrines which also appears to be very poorly understood. The root of this doctrine lies in the fact that although we have been washed clean in baptism, we still sin. A lot of this is tied up with the reformed understandings of justification and sanctification.
Note here that it says these men were a€?justa€?, but they were afterwards a€?made perfecta€?. From this we establish that, at judgment, people may a€?suffer lossa€? through fire, even though they will ultimately be saved.A  Whata€™s being described here doesna€™t sound like either heaven or hell a€“ it must be something else, a third option. I think this is particularly important to me because there is a rather bitter feud between two members of my family, both of whom are believers. There is much more to be said about purgatory, but I will instead just touch upon praying for the dead.
Prayers are not needed for those who are in heaven and cannot help those who are in hell, so one can only conclude that these prayers must help those in a place other than those first two options. Now, most non-Catholics will not accept this as evidence since at the Reformation 2nd Maccabees and several other books were taken out of the Bible by the reformers (that's a blog entry for another time).
The document then traces the story of Salvation History and how God revealed Himself to our first parents, Abraham, Moses and the prophets. Then, quoting the Epistle to the Hebrews, it says "now at last in these days God has spoken to us in His Son" (Heb 1:1-12). This revelation was the final, definitive revelation and covenant and, despite what Mormanism and Isalm teach, "we now await no further new public revelation before the glorious manifestation of our Lord Jesus Christ". The next chapter examines specially how God's revelation of Himself has and is transmitted to mankind.
This Sunday's Gospel comes from Matthew, Chapter 5, the section from the Sermon on the Mount known as "The Beatitudes". Here Jesus gives us hope - hope that injustices of this world will eventually be made right by God.
Jesus spent much of his ministry years speaking about the Kingdom of God and in the beatitudes we see the difference between the Kingdom of this world and the Kingdom of God is the difference between night and day. Today I would like to look at a word that is generally considered to be something of a dirty word in much of the Christian world: "Tradition". Even in the secular world, particularly in "young" countries such as the United States, the very word "Tradition" seems to conjure up for many people images of things antiquated, outmoded, out-of-date and out-of-touch. When this mindset is brought into Christianity, it naturally assumes that "Christian tradition" is superfluous baggageA which has beenA accidentally accumulated over the course of Christian history. I have regularly heard the whole concept of "tradition" immediately and completely dismissed with this passage cited as justification. In fact, the production of the New Testament doesn't really seem to have been particularly high priority for the Early Church.
So this leaves us with the question: if you had lived during those early years, how would you have known the truth about God and Jesus Christ?
So, the book of Acts tells the story of this oral transmission from the Apostles and A Paula€™s letters also describe how this Tradition was a€?preacheda€? and a€?hearda€?. The English word a€?traditiona€? comes from the Latin which literally means a€?to pass ona€?. Sacred Tradition would not have been a new concept to the first Christians as the idea has strong roots in Judaism.A  Rabbi Jacob Neusner has much to say about the oral Torah in his books about the Mishnah and the Talmud. You would expect the custodians of this living Tradition to be those whom the Apostles taught and to whom they entrusted their ministry. As you'll see from the categorization of this entry, this is an "apologetics" post since I am defending the use of the writings of the Early Church Fathers in demonstrating the historicity and veracity of the Catholic Faith.
The problem with writing a defence of anything is that, even with the best will in the world, it's easy to still come across as though you're attacking those to whom you are responding. So, if you're reading this post and you feel that it comes across as Protestant-bashing then I'm truly sorry. On the occasions when I've been engaged in apologetics with non-Catholic Christians I've often mentioned the Early Fathers. There is another interesting map of this kind in the Hosyoin temple in the Siba Park at Tokyo, reproduced as frontispiece in the second volume of the travels of Yu-ho Den, in the collection of Buddhist books, 1917, and entitled Sei-eki Zu [Map of the Western Regions].
According to these documents Hiuen-tchoang, while on his travels in the Indies, found the original of the map, and, after having marked on it in vermilion ink the route he had followed, he placed it in the Ta€™sing-loung-tseu [Blue Dragon Temple] at Tcha€™ang-ngan, then the capital of China. These editors made history by quoting many Chinese books on the title of the map, which was originally Go Tenjuku Zu [Map of the Five Indiesa€?] and which, in their opinion, was not correct, since it dealt not only with the Indies but with the western regions also.
From the point of view of date alone the Hosyoin copy is not interesting, for we know of many other similar specimens much older. In 1710 (Hoei 7th year) this large (1 m 45 cm x 1 m 15 cm) woodcut map, supplied with a detailed explanatory text in Chinese, was published at Kyoto by a priest named Rokashi Hotan, under the pseudonym of Zuda Rokwa Si (died in 1738 at age 85). This map is a great example for Japanese world maps representing Buddhist cosmology with real world cartography.
On the other hand, this map is much more than a world map and the main concept by the author was to celebrate a historically very important event. This all was based on the Japanese version of Hsuan-Tsanga€™s Chinese narrative, the Si-yu-ki, printed as late as 1653.
In the preface, in the upper margin of the sheet, are listed the titles of no less than 102 works, Buddhist writings, Chinese annals, etc., both religious and profane, which the author consulted when making his map. In the Buddhist world maps or Shumi world, the space for the regions called Nan-sen-bu and Nan-en-budai, etc. This map can be described as a characteristic specimen of the type of early East Asiatic maps whose main distinctive feature is their completely unscientific character. From every point of view, however, the map preserved among the precious objects in the North Pavilion of the Horyuzi Temple at Nara is the most interesting. The nomenclature of this map, as well as that of the Hosyoin map, is taken from the Si-yA?-ki. There must certainly have been formerly in China some examples of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary, now long lost, while that taken from China to Japan must have been preserved there through long centuries. From Nakamuraa€™s examination of a many manuscript and printed Korean mappaemundi he has come to the conclusion that they cannot in themselves be dated earlier than the 16th century. A hybrid map, forming a link between the Korean mappamundi and Hiuent-choanga€™s itinerary, which dates from the eighth century, causes one to seek further the connection between these two groups of maps to establish the parentage of the Korean mappamundi.
The first portions of this monograph conveys the results of Nakamuraa€™s researches into the nomenclature of these maps from the historical point of view, and into their dates, but it is absolutely necessary to carry out alongside these examinations an investigation of their relationships in configuration, that is to say, to study their morphology.
We do not know if Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary map was known from the commencement as The Map of the Five Indies, although it may commonly have been so called.
But by whatever title it may be called, its content is always that of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary. Rokashi Hotan [Zuda Rokwa Si]a€™s Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu, 1710, a€?woodblock print, 118 x 1456 cm, Kobe City Museum, Japan.
Contains a list of Buddhist sutras, Chinese histories and other literary classics on the left side of the map title.
Even as far back as the Tcheou Dynasty, Chinese cartography was well established where the court then had regular officials whose duties were concerned with the production and preservation of maps. Therefore, so far from the area described in Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels being the whole of the world known to the Chinese at the Thang period, the world they actually did know was very much greater. The map covers almost the whole of Asia, from the extreme east to Persia and the Byzantine Empire in the west, from the countries of the Uigours, the Kirghis and the Turks in the north to the Indies in the south, an area incomparably wider than that covered by Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels. This alone is sufficient to prove that the Chinese at this period well knew that the Map of the Five Indies was not of the whole world, but that it extended into the west and north beyond the areas indicated by the Si-yA?-ki. The fact that the Chinese represented the geographical content of the Si-yA?-ki in world form, without taking the slightest trouble to show the true shape of countries they knew well, not even China itself shows that, at the period of the Thang Dynasty, seventh to eighth century, they had a mappamundi of the Tchien-ha-tchong-do type in common use that they adopted it just as it was, without modifying it at all, and entered on it the Si-yA?-ki nomenclature. Therefore it may be said that the Korean mappamundi had its beginnings at a period rather earlier that than of the Thang Dynasty; that a map very like it in form was introduced into Korea from China at a certain period and, thanks to the development of printing in the 16th century. There is no doubt that the map by JA?n-cha€™ao, which also represented Jambu-dvipa as India-centric continent, utilized the Map of the Five Indies for reference, as we can see from the method of drawing both the boundary lines of the Five Indies and the courses of the four big rivers. The map, however, has a distinctive feature of its own, namely, the outline of the continent in the center and a number of islands lying scattered around it. Professor Nakamura treats this map in detail in his paper and states that the Ta€™u- chu-pien map is a hybrid between the Korean mappamundi of Tchien-ha-tchong-do type and the map of Jambu-dvipa. But neither JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s map nor this Ta€™u-shu-pien map could not go beyond Asia in their representation. Chang-huang, the compiler of the Ta€™u-shu-pien, who was rather critical of Buddhist teachings, dared to insert this map in his book saying that a€?although this map is not altogether believable, it shows that this earth of ours extends infinitelya€?. Among the maps made by Japanese we find none which regard China as the center of the world. There is another interesting map of this kind in the Hosyoin temple in the Siba Park at Tokyo, reproduced as frontispiece in the second volume of the travels of Yu-ho Den, in the collection of Buddhist books, 1917, and entitled Sei-eki Zu [Map of the Western Regions].A  It is accompanied by two documents, also reproduced in the book. This information is not easy to accept, since it often confuses the copy and the original.A  Moreover it is impossible that the map should have been of Indian origin, and it is doubtful that it was constructed by Hiuen-tchoang, seeing that it shows an area greater even than the Indies.
From the point of view of date alone the Hosyoin copy is not interesting, for we know of many other similar specimens much older.A  An example of Japanese world maps representing Buddhist cosmology can be seen in the earliest map of this type, the Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu [Outline Map of All the Countries of the Jambu-dvipa].
In 1710 (Hoei 7th year) this large (1 m 45 cm x 1 m 15 cm) woodcut map, supplied with a detailed explanatory text in Chinese, was published at Kyoto by a priest named Rokashi Hotan, under the pseudonym of Zuda Rokwa Si (died in 1738 at age 85).A  It is not a faithful copy of the preceding, but has many corrections and additions. The nomenclature of this map, as well as that of the Hosyoin map, is taken from the Si-yA?-ki.A  They are just the itineraries of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels. There must certainly have been formerly in China some examples of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary, now long lost, while that taken from China to Japan must have been preserved there through long centuries.A  This very precious geographical relic, though it may have undergone some slight alteration, remains nevertheless to shed much light on the development of the Korean mappamundi. The first portions of this monograph conveys the results of Nakamuraa€™s researches into the nomenclature of these maps from the historical point of view, and into their dates, but it is absolutely necessary to carry out alongside these examinations an investigation of their relationships in configuration, that is to say, to study their morphology.A A  That is what is proposed for this final portion. But by whatever title it may be called, its content is always that of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary.A  Moreover, its central continent being always entirely surrounded by an immense ocean, it would seem that for its draughtsman this continent represented the whole of the then known world. Rokashi Hotan [Zuda Rokwa Si]a€™s Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu, 1710, woodblock print, 118 x 1456 cm, Kobe City Museum, Japan.
Even as far back as the Tcheou Dynasty, Chinese cartography was well established where the court then had regular officials whose duties were concerned with the production and preservation of maps.A  Nevertheless certain scholars are doubtful about the positive knowledge of scientific cartography possessed by the Chinese of that period. A  We cannot suppose, however, that JA?n-cha€™ao was the first to produce a map of this type. Chang-huang, the compiler of the Ta€™u-shu-pien, who was rather critical of Buddhist teachings, dared to insert this map in his book saying that a€?although this map is not altogether believable, it shows that this earth of ours extends infinitelya€?.A  But so long as it remains a Buddhist map, dogmatism stands in the way of reality. The principal types of regional and local maps in the Middle Ages were itinerary maps, maps of regions like England or Palestine, city plans, and, especially from the very late Middle Ages, maps of disputed lands or boundaries of properties.
Written itineraries were well known in the Middle Ages and were apparently used both as travelersa€™ aids and for armchair travel, often for the purpose of either actual or mental pilgrimage.
The other significant extant example of an itinerary map is the one that appears in various redactions in manuscripts of Parisa€™s Chronica majora. In addition to these surviving examples of itinerary maps, the significance of the itinerary a€” especially the written or narrated itinerarya€”is demonstrated by the frequency with which itineraries served as at least one source for other types of maps. Paris created a number of regional maps of England and Palestine, as well as two historical maps representing features of early Britain. Matthewa€™s so-called Itinerary from London to the Holy Land, which has been reckoned with his map of Palestine, is not really a connected whole; it is the result of combining two different works, a pictorial representation of the route between London and Apulia (in southern Italy), and a sketch of the Holy Land. Matthew Parisa€™s maps of Palestine are best described as maps not so much of the Holy Land as of the Crusader kingdom, especially since a plan of the city of Acre, the principal port of the kingdom, dominates the coastline.
The Itinerary to Apulia is not, therefore, part of a pilgrima€™s guide to the Holy Land; but rather appears to be a political sketch, with the following history (from Beazley). The text of this map of Palestine is, in fact, closely related to various Intineraries of the period of Latin domination in Syria, such as Les pelerinages pour aller en Jerusalem, Les chemins et les pelerinages de la Terre Sainte, or La deuice des chemins de Babiloine (viz. Itinerary Map from London to Bouveis, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, MS 26, f.ir. Matthewa€™s little red lines become roads, inches become miles, vignettes become cities to be traversed by the viewers of his manuscripts. With the actual city lost to travelers, labyrinths created a space for virtual travel, much in the same way as Matthewa€™s maps do. The maps Matthewa€™s manuscripts contain, even the a€?lineara€? itinerary pages like the one that opens CCCC 26, are not as straightforward as they at first appear. These labyrinthine maps of Matthew Paris are quite different from those of his contemporaries in important respects. On the Psalter Map, beginning at the top and proceeding clockwise, we encounter the Garden of Eden, the Red Sea, a band of monstrous peoples, Britain, and the gates in the Caucus Mountains, retaining the hordes of Gog and Magog. Matthew was not immune to the common medieval interest a€“ monastic and secular a€“ in marvels like the monstrous peoples of Africa and Asia, reflected not only by their presence on the Psalter, Hereford and Ebstorf maps, but also by their near ubiquity in texts and images of all types. Just as audiences flocked to see Henry IIIa€™s elephant, they may also flocked to see some of the world maps, such as the Hereford Map, likely displayed in Hereford Cathedral as part of a pilgrimage route dedicated to Bishop Thomas Cantilupe, who died in 1283. Matthew also chooses not to dwell in his maps on the horrifying hordes of Gog and Magog, lurking behind the Caspian Mountains, which is surprising, given his millennialism.
Matthewa€™s maps a€“ from the first legs of the itinerary, branching out from London along two paths, to the (nearly) pathless tracts of the Holy Land a€“ present a range of spatial options to the ocular traveler moving through them. But again, this invites a question: If these maps, which were likely made just after 1250, are millennial, why not populate them with prodigies, with monstrous births heralding doom, with monsters of the sorts found on the Psalter Map, or with images of the people of Gog and Magog, who appear three times on the Hereford Map, once behind their wall and twice already outside of it, released into and upon the world? Not only is the Holy Land to be inexorably lost, despite the valiant efforts of these last Crusaders, but the invasion of Europe itself is threatened by the apocalyptic Mongol hordes, believed to be Gog and Magog unleashed beyond the frontiers of civilization as harbingers of the end of the world.
This is, indeed, the moment of production for the maps, but this is not the moment (or moments) depicted on the maps, themselves. Connolly translates jurnee, the repeated inscription on the paths throughout the itineraries, as a€?one day,a€? rather than the customary a€?daya€™s journey,a€? perhaps unintentionally conjuring a sense of longing for travel by a cloistered monk a€“ one day, one day a€“ but also for the reclamation of the Holy Land a€“ one day, one day a€“ and, of course, ultimately, the return of Jesus, the end of time, the Last Judgment, and the creation of the Heavenly Jerusalem a€“ one day, one day. Connolly characterizes the performative experience of walking a labyrinth as a€?a prolonged, sometimes frustrating process,a€? but, after all its disorienting divagations, a€?[a]t the very end of the labyrinth, a straight line appears to lead you directly to the center, to arrive, metaphorically, at the holy city of Jerusalem.a€? Returning to Matthewa€™s map of the Holy Land, (CCCC 16) we find that there is a pathway charted on its largely pathless surface, a road marked out like those of the itinerary pages that precede it. Matthewa€™s maps seem to present a maze of pathways, but like the labyrinths, present a unitary destination.
Itinerary from London to Jerusalem with a description in French, similar to one in the Royal MS. Matthew Parisa€™ Itinerary from Pontremoli to Rome with images of towns, their names, and descriptions of places, with attached pieces, including the city of Rome to the right; from Matthew Parisa€™ a€?Historia Anglorum, Chronica majoraa€?, Royal 14 C. Mascun to the Alps in Matthew Parisa€™ a€?Chronica Maioraa€?, a€?Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fol. A A A  The principal types of regional and local maps in the Middle Ages were itinerary maps, maps of regions like England or Palestine, city plans, and, especially from the very late Middle Ages, maps of disputed lands or boundaries of properties.
While monsters and marvels played an important role on mappaemundi like the Psalter, Hereford and Ebstorf, their role on Matthewa€™s maps is strongly curtailed. A For example, I have often come across Catholics and ex-Catholics that seem to believe that hell is still possible for those in purgatory.
Indeed, it's true - the word "purgatory" does not exist in the Bible, but then again, neither does "Trinity" or "Hypostatic Union", yet non-Catholics believe in both of those doctrines. A Although we have been infused with the Holy Spirit we still find sin attractive and have disordered desires ("concupiscence") and continue, at least to some degree, to place created things ahead of the Creator. A Indeed, the concept of there only being two options (heaven and hell) isn't compatible with Scripture itself ( 1 Peter 3:19). A I am sure that a particular work of God's grace is going to have to take place within both of them before they will be ready to worship in front of the same throne (Rev 21:27). A However, even if one were to degrade their status to "Apocrypha" then it at least demonstrates the Jewish practice of praying for the dead. Partly from tradition; partly because most real good that has been done me in this life has involved it.
A As God reveals Himself, He does this in both words and deeds, the deeds "manifest[ing] and confirm[ing] the teaching and realities signified by the words, while the words proclaim the deeds and clarify the mystery contained in them".
A This hope of future freedom gives slaves and prisoners new strength and, as Pope Benedict wrote, "The one who has hope lives differently" (Spe Salve #2).
Those outside of Catholic and Orthodox worlds seem to generally consider "tradition" to be, at best, superfluous and, at very worst, "unbiblical". Relying on earthly wisdom rather than on the Lord, they lived according to the world's standards, rendering their worship of God meaningless, simply lip-service and devoid of real faith. A During Jesus' ministry years, if you had wanted to know the truth about God where would you have gone?
A The first Pauline Epistle didn't appear for about 20 years; the first Gospel for about another 15 years after that, the last book another 35 years after that and it's hundreds of years before the canon is officially ratified by the Church. Paul who lived in Ephesus forA three years preaching and teaching, yet in the record of Sacred Scripture we just get one letter to that community of just six chapters. A So when Jesus told them toA a€?preach the Gospela€¦teach all I have told youa€¦be my witnessesa€?they were commands to pass on Tradition. A The Fathers were theologians (very early ones too) and as such, had personal opinions and made mistakes.
The entries in the boxes in the sea part of the manuscript are extracts from the Da Tang xiyu ji.


This traditional Buddhist depiction of the civilized world (mainly India and the Himalayan regions, with a token nod to China) divides India into five regions: north, east, south, west and central India.
Huei-kuo (746- 805), chief priest of the temple, presented it to Kukai (774-835), his best Japanese disciple, when he returned to his own country.
Here numerous details are given, including the interesting feature of the so-called a€?iron-gatea€?, shown as a strongly over-sized square, and the path taken by the monk whilst crossing the forbidden mountain systems after leaving Samarkand. Japan itself appears as a series of islands in the upper right and, like India, is one of the few recognizable elements a€“ at least i??from a cartographic perspective. They are based not on objective geographical knowledge or surveys but only on the more or less legendary statements in the Buddhist literature and Chinese works of the most diverse types, which are moreover represented in an anachronistic mixture. Prior to this map America had rarely if ever been depicted on Japanese maps, so Rokashi Hotan turned to the Chinese map Daimin Kyuhen Zu [Map of China under the Ming Dynasty and its surrounding Countries], from which he copied both the small island-like form of South America (just south of Japan), and the curious land bridge (the Aelutian Islands?) connecting Asia to what the Japanese historians Nobuo Muroga and Kazutaka Unno conclude a€?must undoubtedly be a reflection of North Americaa€?. The map has been reproduced in Mototsugu Kuritaa€™s atlas Nihon Kohan Chizu Shusei, Tokyo and Osaka, 1932 and in color in Hugh Cortazzia€™s Isle of Gold, 1992. Their content however, their nomenclature, being for the most part that of the Han period, and taking into consideration the periods at which the few additions to that nomenclature have been made, is of a date not latter than the 11th century.
The editors of the map preserved in the Hosyoin temple insisted that such a title was wrong and renamed it The Map of the Western Regions.
A land bridge connects China to an unnamed continent in the upper right corner, and the island of Ezo [Japan] with its fief of Matsumae is located slightly to the south of the mystery continent. Kia Tana€™s map is perhaps not a proof of this, since it no longer exists, and was always, in any case, kept secret at the Imperial Court, and so was not easily consulted even by those of the generation in which it was produced. It proves finally, therefore, that Hiuen-tchoanga€™s map does not represent the whole of the world known to the Chinese at the time of the Thang Dynasty.
Why, then, should the area described by Hiuen-tchoang have been represented in the form of a shield surrounded by an immense ocean?
But the distinctive feature of the map is that China, which had till then occupied a purely notional situation, was represented as a vast country in the eastern part of the continent with place-names of the period of the Ming Dynasty. When we note that his map is not free from errors and omissions due to repeated transcription, and that almost contemporaneously there were maps of closely analogous type, such as the Ta€™u-shu-pien map mentioned below, there is little doubt that maps of this kind had already been produced before by somebody. This is the Ssu-hai-hua-i-tsung-ta€™u [Map of the Civilized World and its Outlying Barbarous Regions within the Four Seas] contained in the Ta€™u-shu-pien, a Chinese encyclopedia compiled by Chang-huang and published in 1613.
The continent as a whole is wide in the north and pointed in the south, and still shows the traditional shape of Jambu-dvipa.
He rests this statement on the ground that a map closely resembling the Ta€™u-shu-pien map is to be found among the maps of the Tchien-ha-tchong- do type that were widely circulated in Korea.
Chan, Old Maps of Korea, The Korean Library Science Research Institute, Seoul, Korea, 1977, 249 pp.
According to Nakamura, it was drawn by someone else, after his return, to illustrate the story of his travels, and that the map given to Kukai by his master was a copy, and not the original. Nansen Bushu is a Buddhist word derived from the Sanskrit, Jambu-dvipa, or the southern continent.
The most striking innovation is an indication of Europe to the northwest of the central continent, and of the New World in an island to the southeast. Japan itself appears as a series of islands in the upper right and, like India, is one of the few recognizable elements a€“ at least from a cartographic perspective.
Among several maps of this kind that of Horyuzi is certainly the oldest and the most authentic in existence, though even it is not quite free from alterations.A  The others are very far from being in their original condition. The editors of the map preserved in the Hosyoin temple insisted that such a title was wrong and renamed it The Map of the Western Regions.A  Which is, in Nakamuraa€™s opinion, still not correct, for it contains not only the Western Regions but India and China also, so that Terazima is right in calling it The Map of the Western Regions and of the Indies, the title he gives to his small reproduction of part of Hiuen-thoanga€™s map. This idea does not arise simply from the imagination, for the Hindus and the Chinese, like the Greeks, believed that an immense, unnavigable ocean entirely surrounded the habitable world. Yet in face of the number of early references to maps it cannot be doubted that they had, under the Tsa€™in Dynasty, maps sufficiently exact for their own purposes. This is the Ssu-hai-hua-i-tsung-ta€™u [Map of the Civilized World and its Outlying Barbarous Regions within the Four Seas] contained in the Ta€™u-shu-pien, a Chinese encyclopedia compiled by Chang-huang and published in 1613.A  With the exception of many quaint islands lying scattered in the surrounding seas, this map has much in common with JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s, the central continent consisting of India, with the place-names from the Si-yA?-ki, and of China under the Ming Dynasty. In the Ta€™u-shu-pien map the eastern coastline of the continent is represented with approximate accuracy, yet Fu-lin is drawn on the western side, is a fictitious peninsula similar to Korea on the east, so as to keep the symmetrical figure of the continent of Jambu-dvipa. Albans in England possessed what may be called an historical school, or institute, which was then the chief center of English narrative history or chronicle, and with a different environment might have become the nucleus of a great university. Most of these maps appear to have belonged to separate traditions, although the extensive corpus of maps in Matthew Parisa€™s chronicles, combining as it does multiple map types, suggests the degree to which a graphically inclined author might be familiar with and able to deploy images from all the known categories of maps, in addition to other types of drawings and diagrams. Only two maps structured as itineraries survive, the more elaborate of which is the Peutinger map (Book I, #120).
The map shows the route from England to Apulia, marking each daya€™s journey and prominent topographic features like mountains and rivers. For example, some of the information on the Hereford world map (#226) was based on an itinerary that may show a route familiar to English traders in France. In many ways they continue the itinerary from England to Sicily (Otranto in Apulia was a common point of embarkation for Acre).
CCCC 26 contains the annals from creation to 1188, CCCC 16 from 1189 to 1253, and Royal 14 C.viii from 1254 to 1259, when Matthew died.
These contain images of cities, connected by clearly marked roads inscribed journee [a daya€™s journey]. This mode of associating travela€™s a€?microa€? with its a€?macro,a€? as it were, was of increasing significance in the 13th century, when pavement labyrinths were either first used in European churches or were newly popular.
And by presenting its audiences with a richly meaningful image of the city of Jerusalem a€“ one whose centrality in the nave mimicked that citya€™s centrality in the world and whose fundamental geometry signaled a cosmic architecture a€“ this pavement triggered associations with the city, both in its earthly and historic instance and with its future, heavenly instantiation, and it did so as it invited its audiences to perform an imagined pilgrimage to this sacred center.
Labyrinths allowed church visitors to travel short distances in the densely confined knots of their paths, while simultaneously travelling to the very a€?centera€? of the world, emphatically emphasized by their symmetrical forms. Perhaps unsurprisingly, they are filled with problems, and become a€?very muddled and confusing,a€? with cities that are a€?misplaceda€? or appear twice. The well-known Psalter Map, for example, is a typical mappamundi, displaying the entire ecumene, that is, the inhabitable world, as known to 13th century English cartographers (#223).
Wonders of this sort are not incidental to the function of medieval maps like the Psalter; rather, they are essential components thereof, supplying a necessary antipode to a central Jerusalem, rooted in biblical and patristic texts. Matthew represented marvels known from monster cycles like the Marvels of the East and the Liber monstrorum, and from contemporary narratives about cultural others like the a€?Tartarsa€? a€“ a medieval Christian term for the Mongols a€“ but also from personal observation, such as the elephant given by Louis IX to Henry III, which appears as one of the prefatory images appended to CCCC 16. As Dan Terkla writes in a€?The Original Placement of the Hereford Mappa Mundi,a€? Imago Mundi, vol. They are wholly absent from the itinerary maps, and appear in a limited scope on the Holy Land maps a€“ CCCC 16).
Roughly centered, on either side of the gutter and just above the wall of Acre, are two large blocks of text.
These are not, to my observation, a common feature of the maps, and of course I cannot speculate on the date of this erasure. In contrast, the Ebstorf map, for example, gives us a gory presentation of these cannibal hordes.
For Matthew and his contemporaries, there existed only one future, and its expected arrival was nearly coincident with his creation of the maps. One response might be that the sorts of monsters found on the Psalter Map and other mappaemundi were seen as normal elements of creation, rather than as portents of the apocalypse.
Returning to Matthewa€™s off-center image of Jerusalem, we find that the three structures it contains are not as they were at the time of the mapa€™s creation.
The journey may be long a€“ at least 46 days in Lewisa€™s reckoning a€“ and the path may not be singular or even, further out on the journey, marked at all, but one day, one day, one day, for Matthew anda€?his monastic audience, one day the reader would at last arrive. Their path from town to town has the appearance of being perpetually straight and direct, but in fact would twist and turn. Just beneath Jerusalem, inscribed in red and oriented ninety degrees counter-clockwise to the rest of the map, again following our orientation from our bodies, forward, we read le chemin de Iafes a Ierusalem [a€?the road from Jaffa to Jerusalema€?]. Here we seem to see movements in space as we traverse the paths a€“ initially forking for Matthew, but ultimately as singular on his maps as on the labyrinths. This is surely the case, more often than not, but medieval maps are frequently anagogic, pointed a spiritual meaning only to be realized in a heavenly future.
The extension of its city walls to the left show the fortifications constructed by St Louis during his crusade in 1252-4. Babylon of Egypt).A  The first of these is of 1231, the second of 1265, the third of 1289-1291, but it is probable that earlier redactions of the last two already existed in Matthewa€™s time, and were used by him. The journey may be long a€“ at least 46 days in Lewisa€™s reckoning a€“ and the path may not be singular or even, further out on the journey, marked at all, but one day, one day, one day, for Matthew andhis monastic audience, one day the reader would at last arrive. A Clearly, some kind of perfection must take place in us before we enter heaven because a€?nothing unclean shall enter heavena€? (Revelation 21:27). A Moreover He confirmed with divine testimony what revelation proclaimed that God is with us to free us from the darkness of sin and death, and to raise us up to life eternal.
A This is particularly important for anyone to understand the the Catholic viewpoint - Christ's commission was to go and teach, not to write a book that would exhaustively record everything He said and did. A We are told "in order to keep the Gospel forever whole and alive within the Church, the Apostles left bishops as their successors, handing over to them the authority to teach in their place". I think most Christians, when they're reading any kind of commentary on Scripture, particularly if it's from the Gospels will skip over Scripture citations. Jesus promises rewards for the meek, satisfaction for those hungering forA righteousnessA and comfort for those who now mourn. A This is the same charge that Jesus brings against the Pharisees - they have just been going through the motions.
A "Apostle" literally means "sent" and this was what happened, they were sent to teach the world all that Jesus had taught them. A Jesus was the source of this sacred deposit and His Spirit would be the means (2 Tim 1:13-14).
A However, where the fathers speak of what theya€™ve been taught, where there is consensus and when the fathers speak with one voice *then* we can say that ita€™s Tradition. Each of these five regions is again divided into many kingdoms a€“ those current during the career of Buddha. They all represent a large, imaginary India, where Buddha was born, as the heart of the world, but also depictions of Europe and the New World.
The largest part of the map is dedicated to Jambudvipa with the sacred Lake of Anavatapta (Lake Manasarovar in the Himalayas, a whirlpool-like quadruple helix lake believed to be the center of the universe and, in Buddhist mythology, to be the legendary site where Queen Maya conceived the Buddha). Also, in the upper left corner there are 102 references from Buddhist holy writings and Chinese annals that are mentioned to increase the credibility of the map. China and Korea appear to the west of Japan and are vaguely identifiable geographically, which itself represents a significant advancement over the Gotenjikuzu map.
Thus, on this map we see, in addition to the mythical Anukodatchi-pond which represents the center of the universe and from which flow four rivers in the four cardinal directions, in the left-hand upper corner of the map a region designated as Euroba, around which are grouped, clockwise, the following named countries: Umukari (Hungary?), Oranda, Barantan, Komo (Holland, the country of the redhaired), Aruhaniya (Albania), Itaryia (Italy), Suransa (France) and Inkeresu (England). Whether this represents ancient knowledge from early Chinese navigations in this region, for which there is some literary if not historical evidence, or merely a printing error, we can only speculate.
Another, almost analogous edition of the same map, also dated 1710, but published by Chobei Nagata in Kyoto, is reproduced in George H. The names of the countries, written in the rectangles are in Chinese and Tibetan characters.
Both maps came from the same temple so that they must have been co-existent there, and moreover, there is reason to believe that both had their origin at almost the same period. Evidently the composition of this map owed much to the ideas of Chih-pa€™an and JA?n- cha€™aoa€™s book contains another map entitled Tun-chA?n-tan-kuo-ta€™u [Map of the Eastern Region or China], which followed Chih-pa€™ana€™s Topographical Map of the Eastern Region or China. Possibly one such prototype of JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s map, introduced into Japan and repeatedly copied, constituted the greatly transfigured SyA»gaisyA? map.
But instead of the geometrical figure, its coastline is drawn more realistically and is indented.
But with regard to their representation of both the central continent and outlying islands, these two maps have very little in common and there seems to be no need to seek any particular relation between them.
Certainly the map is full of inaccurate and even false information, but it gave the Chinese people a fresh conception of the world in contrast to their traditional view of their own country as the center of the world both culturally and geographically. There are not many of these Chinese world maps in Japan, but the remaining Daimin Kyuhen Bankoku Jinseki Rotei Zenzu, of various sizes, are common. The place names are derived from mythical places noted in Chinese classics and from known lands around China, which occupies the centre 'of the map. But whatever the authorship of the map there is no doubt that it was brought from China by a religious student, whether Kukai or another.
Jambudvipa is the Indian name for the great continent south of the cosmic Mount Meru, marked on this map by a central spiral. Even in those remote times, he says, there existed manuscript maps, named Go-Tenziku-Zu [Map of the Five Indies] in the most famous temples, but they were even worse than that of the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki. But these maps treat India as the heart of their world, and consequently we can say that they never recognized the European world maps. On the verso is the title, Go Tenjiku-Zu, but neither authora€™s name nor date.A  The inscriptions are only partly completed. Japan and Korea, northeast of the central continent, having no connection with the Si-yA?-ki, must be later additions. Under the Han Dynasty maps played a very important part in political and military affairs, and many of them covered a vast area.
As for the contents of the map, more respect was paid to the old classical authority than to the new geographical findings, so that many quaint, legendary place-names were mentioned to advertise the bigoted belief that the world of Buddhist teaching included even the farthest corners.
A 12th or early 13th century copy of a Late Antique original, the map has usually been studied for what it can tell us of ancient cartography or of the interest in the ancient world on the part of the 15th century German humanists who rediscovered it. Suited to its location in a chronicle, the map serves a historical purpose in demonstrating the route of a well-known contemporary diplomatic expedition, Richard of Cornwalla€™s expedition to Sicily in 1253 as the claimant to the crown, although the map contains information drawn from multiple journeys and routes. For example, the Hereford map incorporates an itinerary through France and possibly one in Germany. Of the historical maps, one is a sketch showing the location of four pre-Roman roads in Britain.
I will concentrate on the maps appended to the beginning of the first volume, though similar maps appear at the start of all three volumes, suggesting their great importance to Matthewa€™s conception of the Chronica, his major work. Each column, then, represents a segment of the voyage from London, at the base of the first column of folio i r, through Sienna, at the top of the final column of the itinerary on f.
It is worth mentioning that the Psalter Map is only a few inches tall, and that the whole codex fits comfortably in the hand, unlike Matthewa€™s larger, more cumbersome (and ever-expanding) volume. In essence, the center is presented as sacred and the margins as problematic, potent, and potentially monstrous, but also thereby seductive and attractive. This may result from the shift from counterpunctual arrangement of sacred center and monstrous margins on the Psalter, Ebstorf and Hereford maps, among others, to the less clearly structured arrangement of Matthewa€™s maps.
Both are of a somewhat marvelous vein: to the left of the gutter, we read of Bedouins, whose description is reminiscent of wonders texts like the Marvels of the East. In the Chronica and contemporary accounts, Gog and Magog are conflated with the two most prominent cultural Others perceived as threats to 13th century a€?Christendoma€™: Jews and Mongols. Second, and more importantly, the choice to include or exclude such images might have been predicated on chronology. If those mental wanderings took them to the right destination, they would realize the function of the labyrinths rather than contradict them. Very quickly however, the labyrinth focuses your concentration on the path, else you are likely to stray from it. In walking a labyrinth, virtual pilgrims orient themselves to its shifting orientation; in traversing the itinerary, the world is bent, reorienting itself constantly to our perspective, making the shift to the trackless conclusion, the map of the Holy Land, all the more powerful.
However, since the endpoints on Matthewa€™s maps and at the centers of the labyrinths are the Heavenly Jerusalem, the motion is as chronological as it is geographical. That is, while medieval maps are organized spatially, they are in a sense oriented temporally. The de-centered maps of Matthew, unlike the labyrinths or the Psalter Map and its cognates, do not announce their radial orientation toward Jerusalem. At the upper left is the enclosure in which Alexander confined Gog and Magog, but Matthew notes that they have now emerged in the form of Tartars.
Albans, a portion of the supposed Pilgrim-road, as far as southern Italy, is given in another shape, together with the Schema Britanniae. I can well believe that people neither much worse nor much better than I will suffer less than I or more. A This has happened every generation since, "and so the apostolic preaching, which is expressed in a special way in the inspired books, was to be preserved by an unending succession of preachers until the end of time.
In their zeal they had become so focussed on the external practices of their faith that they had lost the very heart of it.
A If one were trying to capture all that in written form, that's going to be a pretty big book!
A If it is just a lone voice and an opinion which is rejected by the rest, then it is not accepted by the Magisterium as Tradition.
Unfortunately, like Catholics, our separated brethren haven't read much of the Early Church Fathers either! The Himalayas are shown as snow-capped peaks in the center of the map, and Mount Sumeru, the mythical center of the cosmos, is depicted in the whirlpool-like form.
Much later a priest named Komatudani presented it to the 41st chief priest of the temple Zozyozi at Yedo.
During this time period Japan maintained an isolationist policy which began in 1603 with the Edo period under the military ruler Tokugawa Ieyasu, and lasting for nearly 270 years.


From the quadruple beast headed helix (heads of a horse, a lion, an elephant, and an ox) of Manasarovar or Lake Anavatapta radiate the four sacred rivers of the region: the Indus, the Ganges, the Bramaputra [Oxus], and the Sutlej [Tarim]. Strong impression, printed on several sheets of native paper, joined; colored fully in yellow and ochre, and a few marks in red.
Southeast Asia also makes one of its first appearances in a Japanese Buddhist map as an island cluster to the east of India. Europe, which had no place at all in earlier Buddhist world maps, makes this one of the first Japanese maps to depict Europe.
No one succeeded in deciphering these until Professor Teramoto did so, publishing his findings at the end of 1931 in an article entitled a€?Relations between Japan and Tibet in the history of Japana€? (#208).
It is not very probable that the originators of these two maps tried deliberately to represent the world in two different ways. Did the draughtsman of this Buddhist pilgrima€™s itinerary exaggerate, making these travels represent the whole world?
The forerunner of these maps can therefore be traced back far beyond the end of the Ming Dynasty. What attracts particular attention is that Fu-lin [the Byzantine Empire], west of the continent, is represented as a peninsula symmetrical with Korea in the east. It is true that among the Korean mappaemundi may be found one almost exactly like the Ta€™u-shuh-pien map. Much later a priest named Komatudani presented it to the 41st chief priest of the temple Zozyozi at Yedo.A  The latter, delighted with this wonderful Buddhist geographical treasure, and deeming it too rare and important to keep to himself, caused another copy of it to be made, for what he had received was only a rough sketch. In spite of this authora€™s boasting his map is, in reality, according to Nakamura nothing but a mutilated copy of the a€?Map of the Five Indies,a€? made up from a confusion of heterogeneous and anachronistic materials, and including topographic names from the time of the Chan-hai-king up to modern times, some betraying European influence. In their maps the Buddhists connected the Five Continents with the Spiritual World where the spirit of human beings must go after death. In the Horyuzi and Hoyuzi and Hosyoin maps the Japanese Archipelago is shown by a birda€™s eye view, in Hotana€™s map and in its reduced reproduction it is shown in plan, adopted from a modern map, and in the SyA»gaisyA? map Korea has been placed in a rectangle to the northeast of the central continent in place of Japan.
In putting forward the idea that the Chinese of the 7th and 8th centuries believed that the geographical knowledge acquired by Hiuen-tchoang in his travels was concerned with the whole of the then known world we are saying that their world had become smaller than that known in the Han period, which is impossible.
The invention of paper at the beginning of the second century, by the eunuch Tsa€™ai Louen, made possible a great step forward in cartography, thanks to its handiness, and its cheapness compared with wooden or bamboo tablets, or the linen or silk stuffs in use up to that time.
In the text of the Ta€™u-shu-pien is found a quotation from the prefatory note written by an unknown priest who drew this map. The problem now was to introduce heterogeneous information without conflict with the Buddhist teachings and to give the dogma some apparent plausibility. Countries like Korea, Japan and Ryuku are only described in the text and are not represented on the map. It is, however, extremely important to remember the commitment of time and resources involved in producing the medieval copy: the question then arises of what this map meant to the society that found the human and financial resources to copy it.
Parisa€™ map of Palestine draws on the kind of information about the length of the journey from city to city that would normally be found in an itinerary as an indication of scale for the map. Harvey has suggested that the maps of England and the Holy Land might be seen as enlargements of the end points of the itinerary. Daniel Connolly in his book The Maps of Matthew Paris: Medieval Journeys through Space, Time and Liturgy writes that Matthew began the Chronica majora a€?as a fairly strict copy up to about 1235, of Roger Wendovera€™s Flores historiarum [Flowers of History]. There is, though, a more substantive manner in which the itineraries break down their apparent linearity: they a€?forka€? from the very start, with two paths diverging from London. Still, the Psalter Map remains a strong point of comparison for two reasons: first, it was made within perhaps a dozen years of Matthewa€™s maps.
While Iain Macleod Higgins (Defining the Eartha€™s Center) is correct that a€?the viewer of a circular map can never quite lose sight of a well-marked center, since the very shape of the map keeps onea€™s gaze circling around it,a€? by the same logic, we cannot lose sight of the periphery for long, and the visual attention given to the monstrous peoples of the South, as well as the other peripheral points of interest, keep pulling the gaze back. Matthew managed through his texts, marginal illustrations and maps, to bring the whole of the world and its history, from Creation to the present, from sacred Jerusalem to the monstrous elephant, to himself and his monastic brethren.
In contrast, a€?[t]he main audience for [Matthewa€™s] maps doubtless was the brethren at St. Unlike these other maps, Matthewa€™s maps of the Holy Land de-center Jerusalem and, since it is not replaced with anything else, they do not have a clearly defined umbilicus. To the right, more promisingly, we find a passage that begins, in Lewisa€™s translation, a€?There are many marvels in the Holy Land, of which [only a few] shall be mentioned.a€? However, these marvels are, in comparison to the Wonders of the East and other such texts, somewhat anemic.
Indeed, these beasts a€“ fairly ordinary to modern eyes a€“ do appear just above the two- faced people in the Beowulf manuscripta€™s version of the Wonders of the East. Muslims occupied the Holy Sepulcher, as well as the Temple of Solomon a€“ home of the Knights Templar a€“ and the Temple of the Lord by 1250.
By tracing their routes on foot or on their knees, virtual pilgrims would hope to reap spiritual rewards akin to those gained on pilgrimage, effecting peregrinatio in stabilitate a€“ that is, pilgrimage without moving. There is a second pathway, also rubricated and turned ninety degrees, at the right edge of the map. Yes, they are oriented toward the east, but on several mappaemundi, beyond the east, it is Jesus who rises. Instead, they challenge the viewer to work though them slowly, meditatively, to explore and wander as we do in life.
A It then goes on to introduce Sacred Scripture, saying "The commission was fulfilled, too, by the Apostles and apostolic men who under the inspiration fo the same Holy Spirit committed the message of salvation to writing".
A Therefore the Apostles, handing on what they themselves had received, warn the faithful to hold fast to the traditions which they have learned either by word of mouth or by letter". A One of my hopes for this blog is that it will encourageA both groups to read the Fathers and learn more about our common heritage. A much reduced China (Changa€™an is visible on the plain at the upper right) is labeled a€?Great Tanga€?. Although knowing the world map by Matteo Ricci, published in Peking in 1602, Japanese maps mainly showed a purely Sino-centric view, or, with acknowledge-ment of Buddhist traditional teaching, the Buddhist habitable world with an identifiable Indian sub-continent. In essence this is a traditional Buddhist world-view in the Gotenjikuzu mold centered on the world-spanning continent of Jambudvipa. Africa appears as a small island in the western sea identified as the a€?Land of Western Women.a€? Hiroshi Nakamura regarded this map, therefore, simply a mutilated copy of the Map of the Five Indies which is said to have come to Japan about 835, and a copy of which, dating from the 14th century, is preserved in the Horyuji Temple of Nara, Japan. Moreover, the geometrical form of the Sino-Tibetan map was foreign to China, so that it must owe something to western influence.
Perhaps JA?n-cha€™ao, too, drew his map on the basis of a map of this type, simultaneously taking the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki and other new maps for reference.
Perhaps this indicates that people were no longer content with geographical representations in an unrealistic form, as the pilgrimage map of Holy India had been transformed into the map of the world, in which the intellectual interest requires a more objective and concrete image. But this can be explained on the supposition that the Koreans, happening to find a map of similar form in this widely circulated encyclopedia, adopted it as a substitute for their world map. Ninkai, Ryoseki and Dyogetu drew the map, while Ryogetu, Keigi and Zyunsin added the place-names, collating and correcting them according to the Si-yA?-ki and other works. Drawn by a Japanese Buddhist monk of the Kegon sect and published in Kyoto in 1710, this map is based on earlier Japanese Buddhist world maps that illustrate the pilgrimage to India of the Chinese monk Xuanzang (602a€“664). This map became the prototype of Buddhist world maps, the Nan-en-budai Shokoku Shuran no Zu (a world map), the date of which is still uncertain, and the Sekai Daiso Zu (a world map), En-bu-dai-Zu (a world map), Tenjuku Yochi Zu (a map of India), a trilogy by Sonto, a Buddhist, are derived from Hotana€™s world map. We shall presently see what really was the extent of geographical and cartographical knowledge in the Thang period.
At the same time the expansion of geographical knowledge under the Han Dynasty brought out the importance of the invention of paper. Perhaps JA?n-cha€™ao, too, drew his map on the basis of a map of this type, simultaneously taking the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki and other new maps for reference.A A  In this map the Han-hai [Large Sea] is represented as a desert and the River Huang rises in Lake Oden-tala. According to it, the map was newly compiled on the basis three maps in the Fo-tsu-ta€™ung-ki, as well as many other materials. But this can be explained on the supposition that the Koreans, happening to find a map of similar form in this widely circulated encyclopedia, adopted it as a substitute for their world map.A  Any close relationship, beyond this, can hardly be imagined between the Chinese Buddhist World Map and the Korean Tchien-ha-tchong-do.
So it was of course quite inconceivable that the compiler of this map should utilize the newly acquired information for the purpose of altering the dogmatic notion of the world.
The fact that such dogmatic world maps were widely favored in old Japan shows that some Japanese in the Age of National Isolation believed China to be the center of the world and all the other countries to be in subordination to her.A  The sheet under discussion is a reprint by the book dealer Yahaku Umemura in Kyoto, which is tentatively dated 1700 by Professor Kurita.
It has been plausibly explained in the context of the strong interest in the classical world that we have already seen influencing the toponyms of later medieval world maps; however, more research should be done to elucidate the importance and the influence of this map.
In 1240, or soon after, Matthew started writing, covering the material from 1235 and continuing to the middle of 1258, at which time another hand takes over.a€? These maps, along with the marginal images throughout the Chronica, have been securely attributed to Matthew himself and, according to Suzanne Lewis in her The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora a€?may be regarded in large part as original conceptions and inventions,a€? rather than derivatives of traditional models. Second, unlike some mappaemundi, including Hereford (#226) and Ebstorf (#224), the Psalter Map was not freestanding. Indeed, two of the three sites were originally Muslim structures a€“ the Temple of Solomon was a mosque and the Temple of the Lord was the Dome of the Rock a€“ and they had reverted to Muslim control by the time the maps were made.
The labyrinth is at first a challenge of some dexterity, and so it also foregrounds your sense of balance and of bodily position relative to it.
The maps echo and invoke the actual experience of pilgrimage, which a€“ like modern travel a€“ was surely bewildering, disorienting, but also amazing. The Hereford, Ebstorf, and the Psalter maps are all oriented not only toward Earthly Paradise at their eastern extreme, but beyond it to the creator of that paradise. They become all the more powerful, therefore, when their off-center, deemphasized Jerusalem turns out to be the only and inevitable end. Directly across from China, over the stormy seas, the islands of Kyushu and Shikoku and the form of Honshu can be detected. The map was drawn by the scholar-priest Zuda Rokashi, founder of Kegonji Temple in Kyoto, and illustrates the fusion of existing Buddhist and poorly known European cartography. For it is a historical fact that, under the Thangs, the Chinese, having conquered the eastern Turks, annexed an immense territory, stretching from Tarbagatai in the north to the Indus in the south, and their national prestige was then at its zenith. This could not have been so, for Hiuena€™s travels were not always mapped in the form of a shield.
And this growth of geographical consciousness led to a fresh demand for maps to comprise the whole of the known world. Hotan has not drawn the route of this famous pilgrim here, but the toponymy of India and Central Asia accords with Xuanzanga€™s account. The special features of these maps are the representation of an imaginary India, where Buddha was born, and the illustration of the religious world as expounded by Buddhists. All these heterogeneous elements, so different from the other parts of the map are clearly the result of retouching at a later date, so that, in its most authentic form, the map of Hiuen-tchonga€™s itinerary had doubtless the shape of a shield, with a few small, rocky islands near the south and southeast coasts of the central continent, but without showing either Japan or Korea. But it was not until the middle of the third century that the correct scientific principles for the production of a good map were enunciated. Therein lies the character and limitation of the Buddhist maps.A  The Ta€™u-shu-pien map was rough and small, but as it appeared in a popular encyclopedia, it attracted wide attention, which in time came to affect even the maps produced in Japan. These interconnections are especially striking in the rich cartographic production of Matthew Paris. On the peripheries of both maps, we see the Garden of Eden, the Red Sea, a plethora of monstrous peoples, and the hordes of Gog and Magog (feasting in bloody cannibalism, on the Ebstorf and also, perhaps, on the Hereford).
In CCCC 26, the center would be just east of (that is, above) the crenellated wall of Acre. In a sense, this follows the logic of the mappaemundi discussed above; we appear to have zoomed in on the center of these maps, to focus on the area around Jerusalem, which would necessitate cropping the worlda€™s monstrous fringe. Like medieval labyrinths, Matthew Parisa€™s maps were not mazes per se, in that there are not alternate routes leading to dead ends: both contain singular paths.
At the same time, there is a loss of your sense of a€?placea€? in the church as orientations are constantly shifting and revolving. So, too, while these maps are centered on Jerusalem, this umbilical point presses the viewer to consider the future. The first columns contain cities connected by clearly marked paths; these are followed by columns with cities still arranged in clearly linear fashion, but without the marked paths. The language is Chinese, except for a few Japanese characters on the illustrations of European countries. They were constantly in touch diplomatically and commercially with Tibet, Persia, Arabia, India and other countries both by land and sea. There is one map of his journeys, drawn as an itinerary, preserved in the Tongdosa Temple in the province of Kei-shodo (south) in Korea. The shape of the central continent is just the same as in the Korean mappamundi, as was demonstrated also by the hybrid map.
It was Pa€™ei Hsiu, 234-271, who formulated them so that he may rightly be called the father of Chinese cartography. To sum up, taking over Chih-pa€™ana€™s view of China as equal with India, and on the basis of the theory of four divisions of the world implicit in the Map of the Five Indies, JA?n-cha€™ao tried to reunify the world which had been disintegrated into three regional maps in the Fo-tsu- ta€™ung-ki, and he thus succeeded in offering an image of the whole of Jambu-dvipa anew.
CCCC 26 opens, following the flyleaves reused from a manuscript of canon law, with a series of linked maps running from folio i recto through iv recto (the lowercase Roman numerals indicate the status of these folios as prefatory). The Psalter Map is one of two that form a sort of series, like Matthewa€™s maps, with one more geographical and one more linear, text replacing itinerary but no less clearly directional and effacing of actual geographic arrangement. Jerusalem a€“ so ardently central on the Psalter Map a€“ is shunted off to the right by Matthew. However, if we assume some consistency of geographical space from map to map, Matthewa€™s expansive map, filling the complete manuscript opening and extending out onto added flaps of vellum, does reach to the margins of the world. Matthewa€™s paths seem to fork out from London, but ultimately all converge at one geo-chronological endpoint, at a place that is also a time: the Heavenly Jerusalem, at the center of the physical world and simultaneously the end of human history. Its movements to and fro, back and forth create a regular and somewhat wearying effect that combines with the hypnotic vision of the pavement receding beneath your alternating steps. Then, the linearity ends, and we are left with images that are more conventionally a€?map-likea€? in their appearance. Europe is shown at upper left as a group of islands, which can be identified from Iceland to England, Scandinavia, Poland, Hungary and Turkey, but deliberately deleting the Iberian Peninsula. Under the Thangs China had attained to a high degree of civilization, perhaps the highest it has ever reached, and cartography then made remarkable progress. We are able to choose our path to the Holy Land a€“ should we, leaving London, travel via the main route, Le Chemin a Rouescestre [the Road to Rochester] or the side route, le chemin ver la costere et la mer [the road toward the coast and the sea]? Indeed, before the late-13th century insertion of additional prefatory miniatures, it was positioned before its text as a sort of frontispiece, as are Matthewa€™s, and was also one of a series of maps. He adds an inscription referring to Jerusalem as a€?the midpoint of the world,a€? which seems visually contradicted by his map, whereas such an inscription would have been redundant on the Psalter Map.
At the upper left corner of the foldout flap along the folioa€™s left edge, as if to ensure the clarity of their separation from the Holy Land, are the peoples of Gog and Magog, visually implied by the wall of the Caspian Mountains, held there until the end of time, when they are to be released to rampage across the face of the earth. Instead, it presents the period before, but also simultaneously, the period after, the transient, lost glory of the Crusader Kingdom and the immutable glory of the Heavenly Kingdom to come.
Like the labyrinthsa€™ single paths, Matthewa€™s many roads can only guide the viewer toward one destination. Most images function spatially, not linearly, but the itinerary pages present a line or course of travel; a route, much as a text would.
At the lower right South America is featured as an island south of Japan with a small peninsula as part of Central America, carrying just a few place-names including four Chinese characters whose phonetic Japanese reading is a€?A-ME-RI-KAa€?. The scroll begins on the extreme right with the Touen-houang region and finishes with Ceylon. Once in the Holy Land (CCCC 16), we are free to choose any routes we desire, as the roads themselves disappear (up until the very end, as will be discussed below).
The Psalter Map, like medieval labyrinths, is emphatically centered on Jerusalem a€“ following a new 13th century trend a€“ and around its circumference, we find points of great interest. The Caspian Mountains, restraining the hordes of Gog and Magog, actually touch the very margins of the world on the Psalter and Ebstorf Maps, and nearly do so on the Hereford Map. They prepare and condition the viewer, raising an expectation that the maps will function in a linear fashion, and thereby convey motion in time as well as space. North of Japan, a land bridge joins Asia with an unnamed landmass, presumably North America. It is dated April 1652, lunar calendar, is roughly drawn and has no special interest from the geographical point of view, but it serves to prove that the map of the travels of Hiuen-tchoang was not always drawn in shield form. It may be because the Buddhist Holy Writings referred to some islands belonging to Jambu-dvipa that the compiler of this map arranged islands around the central continent so as to represent the various data obtained from sources other than the Si-yA?-ki or the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki.
To our great regret is has disappeared without any trace, but the author of the stela map at Si-gna-fou, engraved in 1137 (#217), of which the original drawing was made before the middle of the 11th century, said that he had consulted it, and that it contained many hundreds of kingdoms.
Upon hearing that the Mongols a€“ feared by Christians to be the apocalyptic hordes a€“ are making progress toward Europe, he imagines that continental Jews a€?assembled on a general summons in a secret place, where one of their number who seemed to be the wisest and most influential amongst thema€? instructs them to undertake a complex plot to smuggle arms to the Mongols, so that they can defeat the Christians.
The final segment of the path a€“ le chemin de Iafes a Ierusalem [the road from Jaffa to Jerusalea€?] a€“ realizes this expectation.
Matthewa€™s fantasy is not merely xenophobic, but outright eschatological, a vital distinction in the context of the maps of CCCC 26.
If the Mongols (or the Jews, or for that matter, the Mongols and Jews, or even the Jewish Mongols) are the hordes of Gog and Magog, then they have already broken out of the gate prophesied to contain them until the apocalypse. It reads, Le chemin de laphes a Alisandre.a€? This seems to be a vestige, a latent echo of the itinerarya€™s multiple paths.



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