This is the second report in an annual series that reviews current developments and long-term trends in the media, internet and telecoms industries in Canada. Two common analytical tools — concentration ratios (CR) and the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) – are used to judge if markets are concentrated or competitive, and to chart the trends one way or another over time.
To some, studying media concentration in an age of the internet and information abundance is anachronistic. These views are shared by Canada’s largest telecom and media companies as a matter of course. This rhetoric of futility, perversity and jeopardy, however, also sounds a lot like the “rhetoric of reaction . On the other hand, critics of media concentration such as Robert McChesney (2014) argue that, although there is no doubt that the digital revolution is radically changing the world, it is also becoming clear that core elements of the internet are no less prone to concentration than traditional media.
Moreover, the internet, critics argue, is draining dollars away from newspaper advertising and exposing a fundamental reality of news: most people don’t want to pay for it. A third school aims to detect the influence of changes of media ownership and consolidation by quantitatively analyzing reams of media content. Such findings, however, proceed as if ‘impact on content’ is the only concern, or as Todd Gitlin put it, as if ‘no effect’ might not be better interpreted as preserving the status quo and thus a significant problem in its own right.
A fourth school of thought, and one that I largely subscribe to, agrees that the shift from the industrial media of the 19th and 20th centuries to the digital, internet-centric media ecology of the 21st century does entail enormous changes. From this perspective, the history of human communication is one of recurring ‘monopolies of knowledge” (Innis, 1951) and oscillations between consolidation and competition (John, 2010; Babe, 1990). This approach shares some similarities with the critical school in its insistence that core elements of the digital media ecology and internet are no less prone to concentration than previous media. From this perspective, the core elements of the networked digital media may actually be more prone to concentration because digitization magnifies economies of scale and network effects in many areas: mobile wireless (Rogers, BCE, Telus), search engines (Google, Bing, Yahoo, DuckDuckGo), Internet access (ISPs), music and book retailing (Apple and Amazon), social media (Facebook), browsers, operating systems, and access devices (Apple, Google, Nokia, Samsung). Reflecting on the results of a thirty-country study, Noam (2013) finds that media concentration levels around the world are “astonishingly high” (p.
These issues matter because the more core elements of the networked media are concentrated, the easier it is for dominant players to exercise market power, coordinate their behaviour, use tactics that aim to preserve their entrenched stakes in ‘legacy’ media sectors (e.g.
Large consolidated telecom, media and internet giants also make juicy targets for those who would turn them into proxies working on behalf of the copyright industries, cultural policy, efforts to block adult content, and as part of the machinery of law enforcement and national security (see here, here, here, here and here). Whilst we must adjust our analysis to new realities, long-standing concerns also remain alive. The owners of the Postmedia Group, for example, directed the ten dailies that comprise its national chain of papers, and the six major Sun dailies in London, Toronto, Ottawa, Winnipeg, Calgary and Edmonton that it acquired earlier this year, to publish an editorial endorsement of Steven Harper for Prime Minister against the opposition of some of the chain’s journalists and editors (55% of expressed editorial opinion).
As this discussion suggests, ultimately, talk about media concentration is a proxy for larger conversations about the shape of the mediated technological environments through which we communicate, consumer choice, freedom of the press, citizens’ communication rights and democracy.
Measuring media concentration begins by setting out the media industries to be studied, as done at the outset of this post. The CR method adds the shares of each firm in a market and makes judgments based on widely accepted standards, with four firms (CR4) having more than 50 percent market share and 8 firms (CR8) more than 75 percent considered to be indicators of media concentration (see Albarran, p. The HHI method squares the market share of each firm in a given market and then totals them up to arrive at a measure of concentration.
At first blush, these higher thresholds seem to dilute the earlier standards that had been set back in 1992.
This is because they give more emphasis to the degree of change in market power when ownership changes take place.
Second, markets are defined more precisely based on geography and the details of the good or service at hand versus loose amalgamations of things based on superficial similarities.
Third, the new guidelines turn a circumspect eye on claims that enhanced market power will be good for consumers and citizens because they will benefit from the increased efficiencies that result.
These assumptions overturn three decades of Chicago School economic orthodoxy and its grip on thinking about market concentration (see Stucke & Grunes, 2012 and Posner, 2011).
Until recently, this toughening up of the stance on concentration issues had largely passed Canadian regulators by.
The CRTC’s threshold is based on a single snapshot of a single company’s share of one broadly defined market – the total TV market –“before” and “after” a single transaction. The CRTC began to tiptoe in a different direction in 2012 and has continued to do so ever since. A key point is the CRTC’s recognition that the “incumbent carriers continu[e] to dominate the retail Internet access services market” (CRTC, 2015-326, para 125). The upshot of this recent turn of events is two-fold: first, questions of market concentration and market power are not just conjecture but legal findings of fact. In 1910, for example, early concerns with vertical integration were registered when the Board of Railway Commissioners (BRC) – the distant cousin of today’s CRTC — broke up a three-way alliance between the countries’ two biggest telegraph companies — the Canadian Pacific Telegraph Company and the Great Northwestern Telegraph Co. It did this for much the same reasons that the CRTC chose to do as it did in the Mobile TV decision discussed a moment ago. In this historical case, and in the face of much corporate bluster, the regulator was emphatic that while allowing the dominant telegraph companies to give away the AP news service for free to the leading newspaper in one city after another across Canada might be a good way for the companies to attract subscribers to their vastly more lucrative telegraph business it would effectively “put out of business every news-gathering agency that dared to enter the field of competition with them” (1910, p. In a conscious effort to use telecommunications (railway) regulation to foster competing news agencies and newspapers, Canada’s first regulator, the BRC, forced Western Union and CP Telegraphs to unbundle the AP news wire service from their telegraph service. Throughout the 20th century similar questions arose and were dealt with as the situation demanded.
A general concern also hung in the air in government, business, broadcasting and reformist circles that those who made communications equipment, or operated transmission networks, should not operate broadcast stations, make movies or publish newspapers, books, software, etc.
The consolidation of broadcasting under the CBC in the 1930s brought private broadcasters into the core of the Canadian ‘broadcasting system’ from the get-go. The separation of transmission and carriage from message creation and control was another principle that was worked out in a myriad of different ways. Bell’s charter, for instance, prohibited it from entering into ‘content and information publishing services’, from radio to cable TV and ‘electronic publishing’, until the early 1980s, when more and more exceptions to the general rule were adopted. Things lay dormant for more than two decades before springing to life again after a wave of consolidation in the late-1990s and at the turn-of-the-21st century thrust concerns with media concentration back into the spotlight. The early years of that period (the decade between 1984 and 1996), was characterized by the emergence of new players across the media landscape and the growth of broadcast as well as pay and subscription television channels. During this period, television and radio broadcasters were often owned by companies whose interests lay in other, unallied areas, such as real estate, as with the BC TV and radio group Okanagan Skeena, or Molson’s Brewery, one of the founders of Netstar early in that entity’s history. When consolidation did take place in the 1980s and 1990s it was mostly among individual players in single media markets. While weighty in their own right, these amalgamations did not have a big impact across the media. Media conglomerates were not unknown (Maclean-Hunter was a good example), but they were not the norm.
Gradual policy reforms characterized the 1980s and early-1990s, before a more concerted shift took place with the introduction of long distance competition in 1992, two new national competitors in wireless in 1995 (Clearnet and Microcell) and local telephone competition in 1997. In general, telecoms competition moved slowly from the ends of the network into services and then deeper into the network infrastructure, as it had done in one country after another around the world, aided and abetted by strong government interventions that used interconnection and network unbundling rules, access to spectrum, wholesale pricing regulation, and market liberalization to actively spur on competition. Whereas gradual change defined the 1980s and early-1990s, things shifted abruptly by the mid-1990s and into the 21st century when three waves of consolidation swept across the media, telecom and internet industries. The massive wave of capital investment that drove consolidation across the telecom, media and Internet industries during these different phases is illustrated in Figure 1 below.
Consolidation in the telecoms industry has been low for the past half-decade but a significant uptick has taken place since Telus bought Public Mobile in 2013, Bell’s acquired the stake in Bell Aliant that it did not already own last year and Rogers acquired (and then dismantled) Mobilicity in 2015. As Figures 2 and 3 illustrate, in the span of six years, the share of overall network media economy revenue held by vertically integrated entities in Canada more than doubled. Second, these five companies’ control over communications infrastructure (content delivery) is the fulcrum of their business.
Content media have largely become but ornaments on the carriers’ organizational structures. The CRTC has already determined in the Mobile TV case that Bell was using its control over the means of delivering television programming to confer an undue preference on its services at the expense of subscribers, rivals and independent sources of content available over the internet.
Other cases like Mobile TV, however, are emerging one after another in what appears to be a never ending game of regulatory whack-a-mole: see, for example, the complaint initiated by J. Vertical integration is not just high by historical standards in Canada, it is high relative to the United States and by international standards. Figure 6 below uses the most recent data available for the twenty-eight countries covered by the International Media Concentration Research Project (2009) and for Canada for the years covered by that project and 2013 in order to take account of Shaw’s acquisition of Global TV in 2010 as well as Bell’s acquisition of CTV and Astral Media in 2011 and 2013, respectively. Sources: see the “Top 20 w Telecoms” sheet in the Google Docs Workbook and International Media Concentration Research Project. While it is possible that similar processes took place in other countries after 2009, I am unaware of similar processes of such magnitude anywhere else.
Indeed, as scholars from across the political spectrum have chronicled, while popular within the industry and amongst the mergers and acquisition crowd in the late-1990s, the tide toward vertical integration has by-and-large turned since the early-2000s.
The main trend, as Dal Yong Jin observes, since the mid-2000s has been toward vertical dis-integration and de-convergence. At the end, I combine these again one last time to complete the analysis and gain a bird’s eye view of the network media industries as whole. All sectors of the platform media industries are highly concentrated or at the high-end of the moderately concentrated scale, although Internet Access continues to be a partial exception. CR4 and HHI measures for wireline telecoms scores fell in the late-1990s as competition gained traction, sped along by the introduction of long distance competition in 1992 and local telephone competition five years after that. Competition waned thereafter until 2008, but has risen slightly since, albeit with a slight uptick in concentration last year.
Some recent studies argue “that there is not a competition problem in mobile wireless services in Canada” (see here, here, here).[1] They also claim that, relative to international standards, concentration levels in mobile wireless services in Canada are at the low end of the range, and have fallen in recent years.
CR and HHI scores have drifted downwards since 2008 when the Conservative government began to use spectrum policy and a series of new rules to more aggressively encourage new entrants to enter the market. Videotron, by contrast, appears to have fared quite well; it has struck network sharing agreements with Rogers in its home province of Quebec, and in 2014 it purchased licenses for the desirable 700MHz spectrum in BC, Alberta, and Ontario, fuelling speculation that the company was preparing for a national expansion. By 2014, the combined national marketshare of the remaining new entrants had crept upward to 3.1%. Moreover, national measures of concentration understate conditions in specific provinces, regions and cities. For instance, both Sasktel and MTS offer mobile plans that include unlimited voice calling and unlimited mobile broadband usage on their province-wide networks, whereas ‘unlimited data’ is not to be found elsewhere in Canada, save within Wind Mobile’s footprint, which is largely limited to urban areas and does not yet feature LTE speeds.
The limits to competition are also illustrated by the fact that two of the new entrants have failed: Public Mobile and Mobilicity. With a staggering triple-digit growth rate for the second consecutive year Mobile is driving the Internet’s overall expansion hitting nearly $1 billion in revenue in 2014. Double digit growth in advertising on the internet is anticipated to continue for the foreseeable future.
Almost 50% of Ad revenue is being generated by 4 Categories in the following order: CPG, Auto, Retail and Financial. French language Internet revenue represents 18% of total Canada and in 2014 grew overall by 4% to $679 Million, with Mobile growth driving lifts in Search and Video. This chapter deals with five subjects: the changing retail market structure in Canada, the increasing use of technology in stores, the effect of the Internet on how consumers get information about and buy goods and services, the manner in which technology has changed how people access and spend their money, and the growing presence of marketing in Canadian society. A number of positive characteristics are associated with small and medium-sized businesses, such as the capacity to respond quickly to changing consumer needs given flat management structures and flexibility and more personalized service for customers. Public opinion data suggest that Canadians have mixed feelings about the increased presence of U.S.
Most observers agree that at no time in history has retail marketing been evolving as rapidly as it is now, and that the most significant development of the last few decades has been the emergence of big box stores.Footnote 44 In the first study on this issue by Statistics Canada, Genest-Laplante identified three unique categories of big box stores in Canada and quantified the growth (in market share) of these new formats.
The big box store concept has resulted in changes all along the retail industry's supply chain, from manufacturers, subcontractors, and distributors, to related sectors such as packaging.Footnote 47 Given the scale of the contracts offered by big box retailers, the latter have been in a position to put significant pressure on suppliers to innovate as a means to remain competitive.
In summary, while large retailers' buying power can lower prices, it may also influence what products find their way to store shelves and, therefore, may have longer-term impacts on consumer choice. Canadians clearly enjoy many of the features of big box stores, including added convenience, longer hours of operation, one-stop shopping, and free and ample parking. But there are disadvantages to big box stores, including crowds, traffic congestion and, particularly for older consumers, very large spaces that can be exhausting and disorienting to navigate. While data about store closures nationwide do not exist, the impact of selected big box stores on the retail structure in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) has been analyzed. An earlier study in the GTA found that in the first years of competition, the closure rate in a retail category was high as the weakest street retailers were forced out of business,Footnote 53 and that even retailers several kilometres away experienced small losses ins ales in some sectors (Jones and Doucet 1999, 23, 36). The CSCA also notes that power centres (and power nodes), which are becoming more common in suburban areas, are less community-oriented than traditional shopping centres, many of which are located in older urban or suburban areas and are struggling to compete with the new formats.
Small businesses are particularly worried about the market dominance of large retail competitors and their potential ability to dictate terms in the supply chain. To date, evidence suggests that the current level of concentration has not harmed consumers in any significant way.
Analyzing the long-term effects on consumers of increased concentration in the retail sector is complex, currently subject to different views, and certainly difficult for individual consumers to assess.
Foreign and large retailers have brought about a number of significant changes in consumer shopping. Other research could include the effect of the homogenization of the shopping experience on regional cultural identities (including a review of the impact of the increasing number of franchise store operations), the effect of the growing non-Canadian retail presence on Canadian identity, the impact of the demise of local independent stores on access to culturally specific goods and services for a diverse population, the effect of innovative retail formats on security (e.g. The development of various kinds of in-store technology in recent decades has led to new in-store services.
The new in-store technology undoubtedly provides a number of benefits to consumers in the form of greater efficiency and cost savings in the distribution system.
UPC-related technology has also led to the increasing use of price scanners at the checkout, and right from the early days of their use, customers recognized the benefits in terms of time savings. Shortly after, the new national Scanner Price Accuracy Voluntary Code was developed by major retail associations, working in cooperation with the federal Competition Bureau, to apply to retailers in all jurisdictions except those which, like Quebec, have specific legislation requiring individual price labelling (Wintrob 2002).
Interactive consumer information kiosks are another application of information-processing technology in stores. RFID tags are expected to shift the development of bar code applications from a largely supply-driven focus (e.g. New product information technology allows for more than just better inventory and accounting.
Canadians, however, do not appear to be entirely comfortable with the personalized marketing approach. The prospect of using RFID tags also raises a number of questions about the potentially pervasive nature of the two-way communication made possible with the tags. Loyalty programs represent another noteworthy retailing trend of the past two decades, in which product-scanning technologies (using chip-based cards)have played a key role in the development of the most popular programs.Footnote 67 These programs offer free items, discounts and various forms of benefits to consumers. As retailers increasingly adopt self-service technologies (such as self-checkout counters in grocery stores), customers who are less comfortable with these options may face substandard service. While bar codes are now in common use in retailing, the ongoing evolution of scanning technologies will require further consumer-focused analysis of how they are likely to either facilitate or challenge consumers' self-checking of prices.
A growing number of Canadians are using the Internet for a variety of consumer-related functions.
While Canadians' primary online activity continues to be the use of e-mail, an increasing proportion of those online have been using it for consumer activities.
The Internet provides instant access to product information (description, price, availability) and can facilitate rapid and extensive searches that would otherwise not be possible.Footnote 71 Economies of scale justify higher investments in time spent researching product and retailer information for expensive products.


Compared to looking through a catalogue or visiting a retail store, the Internet offers consumers a number of advantages.
For centuries, bartering was the mode of pricing used in transactions, but with the industrial revolution and mass production, fixed prices became necessary to manage the enormous increase in both volume and variety of products sold over far larger geographic regions (Gressens and Brousseau 1999). While consumers have accepted less traditional forms of pricing in some instances, at least one assessment of the Internet's general impact on prices is ambiguous.
The review of the literature tends to indicate that the Internet has had a major impact on business practices, but there is no convincing evidence that prices are considerably cheaper on the Internet even for commodity products. Nevertheless, some research suggests that the Internet has led to lower prices in the United States for certain types of goods and services.
Im Jahr 2011 waren zum ersten Mal mehr als 250.000 auslandische Studierende an deutschen Hochschulen eingeschrieben – das sind 11,4 Prozent aller Studierenden in Deutschland.
Ein Grund fur die gestiegene Zahl liegt auch in den mittlerweile 750 Kooperationen zwischen deutschen und chinesischen Hochschulen.
Insgesamt haben sich hierzulande noch nie so viele auslandische Studienanfanger eingeschrieben wie 2010, als sich 66.400 dazu entschieden.
Deutschland ist – nach den USA, Gro?britannien und Australien – das viertwichtigste Gastland fur internationale Studierende. MiGAZIN NewsletterUm unseren Newsletter zu abonnieren, tragen Sie bitte Ihre E-Mail-Adresse ein. Ziel und Zweck von MiGAZIN ist die Förderung der politischen, gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Partizipation von Migrant(inn)en in der Aufnahmegesellschaft. The pharmaceutical industry consists of companies involved in the research, development and marketing of drugs and biologics. The pharmaceutical market was driven by a rise in healthcare spending and high growth in both emerging markets and the biologics segment. Novartis was the pharmaceutical market leader in 2013 (thanks to a state-of-the-art drug discovery and development department) with revenues of $51 billion and a market share of 5%. The top ten players are forecast to collectively lose share from 35% in 2013 to 30% in 2017, according to IMS. Pharmaceutical industry trends show that the global market is set to show steady growth in the next five years at a CAGR of 4-5%.
The differing nature of the policies means pharmaceutical companies must adapt their marketing strategies for each region or country.
Improving healthcare provision, increased incidence of chronic diseases, the appearance of safer drug delivery systems and medical tourism are driving pharmaceutical markets in emerging markets.
Key companies of the drug and medication industry should target life-saving drugs because the high prices and increasing adoption of these drugs are expected to provide sustained revenue streams in the future.
Competitors should look to consolidation as a means to improve their product portfolios, share risks and retain their competitive edge. ReportLinker simplifies how Analysts and Decision Makers get industry data for their business.
The analysis then moves upwards to analyze the carriage, content and internet industries, and then upwards one last time to get a birds’ eye view across the whole of the telecoms, media and internet landscape. Please use it as freely as you like for non-commercial and educational purposes in line with the Creative Commons license.
On the demand side, Canadians are very extensive users of all kinds of information and communications technologies.
MIT media economics professor, Ben Compaine (2005) has a terse one-word retort for anyone who thinks otherwise: Internet. As BCE said in 2013, critics allege that media concentration in Canada is high, but the evidence “regardless of the metric employed – proves otherwise” (Bell, para 46). Again, Bell underscores the point in its most recent Annual Report: “digital advertising revenues . The incoming government needs to stand aside and let the telecoms, media and internet giants compete amongst themselves for whatever temporary dominance they might gain, a C.D. Ben Bagdikian also argues that when we look at the latter, the number of media firms in the US that account for the majority of revenues plunged from fifty in 1984 to just five in the early days of the 21st Century.
Consequently, the number of newspapers and full-time journalists in the US and parts of Europe are in free fall, while under-employed journalists are turning to public relations in droves (McChesney, 2014).
To my mind, reducing the range of questions at hand to a focus on content is akin to trying to draw a camel through the eye of a needle.
However, it also argues that these changes entail an equally momentous “battle over the institutional ecology of the digital environment” (Benkler, 2006, ch. However, it breaks ranks on the grounds that while concentration is possible, it is not inevitable, and there are cross-cutting trends across media, over time and between countries. At the same time, however, digitization and the internet reduce barriers to entry in others areas, thereby allowing many small players to flourish. The extent to which Google’s position at the centre of the internet has been leveraged by copyright interests and governments around the world to disable links to materials claimed to be infringing copyright, remove content, and to disclose information about its users is astounding, as its Transparency Report reveals. Consider, for example, the fact that in the 2011 Canadian federal election every newspaper, except the Toronto Star, that editorially endorsed a candidate for Prime Minister touted Harper. Of the ninety-two paid daily newspapers in Canada, twenty-three marshaled the energy to publish an editorial at all. The Globe and Mail took the peculiar stance of endorsing the Conservatives but not Harper (15.6% of expressed editorial opinion). Torstar’s Toronto Star, Hamilton Spectator and Guelph Mercury (21% of expressed editorial opinion), for example, endorsed the Liberals, as did La Presse (Power Corp) (8% of expressed editorial opinion) and the Charlottetown Guardian (Transcontinental) (1% of expressed editorial opinion). Of course, such discussions must adapt to changes in the techno-economic environment of the media, but the advent of digital media does not render them irrelevant. Revenue data for each of these sectors, and for each of the firms within them with over a one percent market share, is then collected and analyzed. If there are 100 firms, each with 1% market share, then markets are thought to be highly competitive (shown by an HHI score of 100), whereas a monopoly prevails when one firm has 100% market share (with an HHI score of 10,000).
While this may be true, the new guidelines can also be seen as being even more sensitive to reality and tougher than the ones they supersede.
For instance, “mergers resulting in highly concentrated markets that involve an increase in the HHI of more than 200 points will be presumed to be likely to enhance market power”, observes the DOJ (emphasis added, p. Freed from such orthodoxy, and the subordination of policy and politics to conservative economists, think tanks and judges, the new guidelines set a tough hurdle for those with the urge to merge.
It is a static measure that has no sense of trends over time or capacity to analyze the drift of events across media and the network media ecology as a whole. While it does not use the HHI thresholds, it does focus on “the relative change in concentration before and after a merger” (emphasis added, p.
The wholesale mobile wireless decision arrives at the same conclusion (CRTC, 2015-177, paras 35, 72-74, 86-88).
Second, in the face of such realities, the regulator has stiffened its spine and acted in a manner that marks a clear break from the “regulatory hesitation” that has defined so much of the regulatory culture in Canada in the past (Berkman, 2010, p. As a matter of fact, there has long been a keen interest in the subject in Canada and the world over since the late-19th and early-20th centuries, even if it such interest ebbs and wanes over time. That is, because carriers should not be editors who use their control over the wires (or spectrum) to decide who gets to speak to whom on what terms. It was a huge victory for the Winnipeg-based Western Associated Press that pressed the case, and other ‘new entrants’ into the newspaper business as well. One guiding rule of thumb of communications policy, however, was that of the “separations principle”, whereby telecoms carriers – usually two of them, e.g.
The creation of the CBC also wiped out important local, foreign and educational voices, and even a small theatrical radio club in Winnipeg who were taking live theatre from the state to the airwaves. Aside from keeping the telegraph companies out of the news business, and telephone companies out of broadcasting and the movie business, most of the time such issues were considered tedious, boring, and tucked away in obscurity in parliamentary papers, legislation and corporate charters.
The same was true for other telcos, private and public, across the country, even though Manitoba and Saskatchewan began to lay fibre rings in a few key provincial cities and offer modest cable TV services in the 1970s (Babe, 1990; Winseck, 1998). While these proceedings did not mount to much, they left a valuable historical and public record.
Indeed, they have been on a high boil in recent years, with a non-stop series of reviews at the CRTC that will go a long way to shaping the emergent internet-centric media ecology for decades, including, for instance: (1) Bell’s take-over of Astral Media, (2) the regulated wholesale access decisions affecting both the mobile wireless and wireline telecoms markets, respectively, (3) the Mobile TV decision and (4) a series of cases now underway (or recently concluded) that test the extent to which vertically-integrated telecom-media giants such as Rogers, Bell and Videotron’s can leverage their control over networks to influence the content made available over those networks (see, for example, Videotron’s Music Unlimited case or the Rogers GamePlus and Hybrid Video-on-Demand decisions). In terms of ownership, existing players and a few newcomers, such as Allarcom and Netstar, cultivated the field. These companies share of the market grew steadily until they were taken over by the larger players of their time, however, the generation direction of events was towards more players and, thus, toward more diversity in television ownership. Conrad Black’s take-over of Southam newspapers in 1996 symbolized the times as did the amalgamation of local and regional television ownership groups at the end of the 1990s to create several national commercial television networks under common ownership: CTV, Global, TVA, CHUM, TQS.
The CBC remained prominent, but public television was being eclipsed by commercial television as the CBC’s share of all resources in the television ‘system’ slid from 44 percent in 1984 to less than half that amount today (19.6%). Bell was a diversified communications colossus, to be sure, but it was not in the media business proper, and was prevented by its charter and by law from being so.
Bell Canada, Telus, MTS, Sastel) received licenses to provide competing services in their respective operating territories (Klass, 2015, pp. The Chretien Liberals also gave the green light for the telephone and cable companies to compete in one another’s respective areas of dominance in 1996. Consolidation regained steam between 2004 and 2007, then plunged with the onset of the Global Financial Crisis (2007ff), before rising significantly in four of the past six years.
Their stakes in content media, while extensive, are modest; Telus is not in the content business at all beyond buying rights for its Optik IPTV and mobile TV services. They are strategically important but subordinate to the fact that their real purpose seems to be to drive the take-up of the companies’ wireless, broadband internet, and cable, satellite and IPTV services. Yet, Bell has appealed that ruling to the Federal Court of Appeal, demonstrating the lengths to which the vertically integrated companies are willing to go to protect their ability to offer services as they please.
It does so to illuminate the extent of vertical integration in Canada relative to international standards.
For one, it shows that Canada has long been closer to the high end of the scale when it comes to vertical integration and cross media ownership than to the low end. There has been a significant increase in vertical integration in the United States on account of Comcast’s acquisition of NBCUniversal in 2011, and this year’s acquisition of DirecTV by AT&T, but even after these transactions are accounted for, conditions in the US are still nowhere near what they are in Canada. Following the 2008 auction of “advanced wireless services” (AWS) spectrum, in which Industry Canada reserved spectrum exclusively for new firms, four “new entrants” joined the field: Wind, Videotron (Quebecor), Public Mobile and Mobilicity. Although Videotron has since announced that it has no such plans, its market share within Quebec continues to rise, suggesting that it has found a viable space in the wireless business. The HHI score for mobile wireless in 2014 rose slightly to 2855 — far above the 2500 threshold that marks a highly concentrated market (see “Wireless” sheet in the Google Docs Workbook). The figures were in the 73-77% range in Alberta, Ontario and British Columbia in contrast, and much higher yet in Saskatchewan (81%), New Brunswick (83%), Manitoba (84%), Nova Scotia (86%), PEI (88%) and finally Newfoundland, Labrador and the Far North (99%) (CRTC, 2015).[2] The geography of competition is limited. An example of this can be found by examining the mobile wireless markets in Manitoba and Saskatchewan. Additionally, the national carriers offer prairie customers plans that are similar to those popular in other provinces, but at deep discounts. According to the report, Canadian Internet advertising revenue saw 11% YoY growth reaching $3.79 billion in 2014. IAB Canada’s Annual Internet Advertising Revenue Report underscores the importance of this new reality with clear shifts towards Mobile and Video formats. Non-professional services, such as auto repair and contractors, also target consumer business and are heavily represented within the small business sector (TD Canada Trust, 2003).
In recent years, Wal-Mart in particular has been credited with spurring several retail innovations in Canada, such as technologically advanced distribution centres with efficient cross-docking (merchandise received at a warehouse or distribution centre is not put away, but instead is readied for shipment to retail stores) and electronic scanning and sorting technologies.
If the rapid ascension of Wal-Mart to the top of the Canadian discount retailer market is any indication, Canadians are willing to put aside nationalist worries if the price is right (Millward Brown Goldfarb 2003, pp.
The first category is supermarkets, with groceries as the main products, and a minimum store size of 50 000 sq. Big box retailers, however, have squeezed the inefficiencies out of the system by occupying the leading edge of supply-chain automation.
Perhaps the greatest perceived shortcoming of big box stores is a lack of personal service. While comparative statistics are hard to find, there is some evidence to indicate that parts of Canada's retail sector are more concentrated than comparable sub-sectors in some of our closest trading partners. A case can be made that big box stores may result in a less community-oriented retail sector. In general, shopping centres traditionally offer a wide range of community-oriented services, such as medical clinics, post offices, licensing offices and libraries, and local events, such as art fairs and antique shows. While they are aware of the demise of local independent stores, as noted above, the same public opinion research reveals that Canadians believe there is more choice of grocery stores than there was five years ago, even though the market in reality has become more concentrated. While many academic studies in the last decade have focused on the business perspective of the Canadian retail landscape, more research on the effects on consumers of the increasing number of foreign and large retailers would be useful, including quantitative research on prices, product selection and choice of suppliers.
These technological innovations include the widespread use of bar codes and point-of-service price scanning, related tools such as interactive kiosks, as well as emerging applications based on radio frequency identification (RFID) tags.
It also potentially enhances consumers' control over the way they shop, and particularly how product information can be obtained in the store. Ongoing improvements in this technology have further cut waiting times at the cash register, which is especially important when shopping at large high-volume retailers. As with the Quebec initiative, this voluntary code sets the terms whereby a consumer is compensated when a scanner price error occurs for a non-priced item. Kiosks are self-standing structures that often include a computer and touch screen for capturing and displaying information and, in some cases, processing orders. This technology will permit the storage of detailed information about individual products and allow that information to be looked up as needed via the Internet (The Economist 2003).
It gives retailers a powerful marketing tool for analyzing sales based on variables such as location, season, hour, price and promotions (Nantel 2003). For instance, concerns have been voiced about the extent of information on customers' behaviour that RFID tags could communicate even after the consumer has left the retailer's premises. Furthermore, it would be useful to pursue analysis of the impact of these emerging technologies, particularly to better understand how they change retail competition and the ways in which some of the savings might be passed on to consumers. The Internet provides many potential benefits, including added convenience and greater access to information as well as goods and services.
Not surprisingly, then, a number of high-cost consumer retail sectors have been adjusting to consumers'newfound information edge, even though final transactions still occur mainly in the merchant's bricks-and-mortar site (see text box).
For one thing, the online marketplace is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week, which is very convenient for today's generally time-constrained households.
As the Internet develops, however, dynamic pricing that varies by transaction is expected to become more pervasive.Footnote 74 Consumers are already exposed to some forms of dynamic pricing, for example, of airline tickets, for which prices of otherwise identical tickets may vary depending on when a consumer buys them. Industry profits have suffered, originally due to Napster, and more recently as a result of other peer-to-peer file-swapping services.
The legal action that resulted in the shutdown of Napster has not slowed the increase in file swapping in recent years. Die meisten von ihnen kommen aus China, mit Abstand folgen Russland, Bulgarien, Polen und Osterreich. Etwa ein Drittel der auslandischen Studierenden kommt aus Asien, etwa die Halfte aus Europa. In 2013, cancer was the largest segment, accounting for 7% ($67 billion) of the global industry.


Increase in spending in these countries will be driven by rising incidence of disease, favorable government policies and improving healthcare infrastructure (and the multiplication of drug stores and pharmacies in large cities. Patent expiries over the next few years will eat into the revenues of most companies during this period. China has increased its healthcare spending to $116 billion as part of its latest 12 year plan. For example, Gleevec, Novartis’ key revenue driver, can cost $90,000 annually per patient. Companies arepreferring to obtain new drugs, drug pipelines and licenses via acquisition rather than investing in a lengthy and risky research process.
The public policy record groans under the weight of “expert reports” typically bought and paid for by vested interests. Canadian critics decry what they see as similar trends, and the debasement of news and the political culture of the country that has ensued as a result (here and here). Similar trends apply to Canada, but have lagged behind the US by a couple of years (see the last report on this point).
Moreover, outcomes turn on the specific configuration of technology, markets and politics that prevails in any given time and place. A two-tiered digital media system is emerging, with many small niche players revolving around a few enormous “integrator firms” at the centre (Noam, 2009; Wu, 2010).
Insight into whether Canada ranks high, low or in between by international standards can be seen in Noam’s study, and in the discussion that follows, especially around the issue of vertical integration (also see Noam 2015). In other words, 95% of editorial opinion expressed plunked for Steven Harper – roughly three times his standing in opinion polls at the time and the results of the prior election. Of those, seventeen newspapers representing 71% of the editorial opinion expressed lined up behind the ruling Conservatives.
No major daily endorsed the NDP, while Le Devoir cast its lot with the Bloc Quebecois (representing 2% of expressed editorial opinion) (for a fuller treatment of this issue, see here).
Two common tools — Concentration Ratios (CR) and the Herfindhahl – Hirschman Index (HHI) – are then used to depict and assess concentration levels and trends within each sector, the just mentioned three categories and the whole of the network media ecology.
The Competition Bureau uses a more relaxed standard, with a CR4 of 65% or more possibly leading to a deal being reviewed to see if it “would likely . The US Department of Justice embraced a revised set of HHI guidelines in 2010 for determining when concentration is likely to exist. It distinguishes those who would define the media universe so broadly as to put photocopiers and chip makers alongside ISPs, newspapers, film and TV and call the whole thing “the media” (e.g.
Moreover, there is “limited rivalrous behaviour” between the incumbents (CRTC, 2015-326, para 123). It was also the decisive moment when the principle of common carriage was born in Canada (Babe, 1990). Again, trends in the network media economy swiveled on those evident in the economy at large. The latter set of deals transformed Bell into the biggest TV and radio broadcaster in the country, with a suite of thirty broadcast TV stations, forty-four specialty and pay TV channels and 106 radio stations in fifty-four cities nationwide. Centre stage is currently occupied by a handful of vertically-integrated telecoms, media and internet giants with a reach across the network media ecology, or five if we include Telus on account of its fast growing role in television distribution.
For Quebecor, Shaw, Bell and Rogers, 70-90% percent of their revenues flows from their control over bandwidth and connectivity rather than from content creation and exhibition.
Mezei and the Public Interest Advocacy Centre against Videotron’s Music Unlimited now before the CRTC, or the Commission’s Hybrid Video-on-Demand decision, or Bell’s appeal of the wholesale vertical integration code, to name just a few. Moreover, in most countries, the trend over the time period examined was in the opposite direction.
Eastlink, a subsidiary of diversified conglomerate Bragg, won spectrum in the 2008 auction, technically making it a fifth “new entrant,” but for reasons unknown it waited until 2013 to launch service in its home territories in the Maritimes. Similarly, Mobilicity was acquired by Rogers in 2015 following nearly two years spent under creditor protection. Each of those provinces’ wireless markets are dominated by the incumbent local exchange carriers (ILECs), MTS and Sasktel, who controlled 50% and 66% of total subscribers in their respective territories at the end of 2014 (see unpublished CRTC data here). Although CR4 scores are broadly similar across provinces, and HHI scores all fall within the “highly concentrated” range, competitive dynamics nevertheless differ from place to place, and understanding the facts behind the figures often benefits from this kind of analysis. Forecasts for 2015 point towards a lessening gap between consumer behavior and brand marketing expenditures for mobile and video.” Said Sonia Carreno, President IAB Canada.
Several Canadian retailers are transforming themselves to compete successfully with these large newcomers, while in some sectors, local independent retailers have disappeared altogether. They often require a dramatic restructuring of the way manufacturers supply products to market (Schwalm and Hardling 2000, 30).
But most of these large players are aggressively competing in terms of what they carry, the prices they charge, the hours of business, etc. Generally, this opinion holds true after controlling for age, community size, household income and other socio-demographic variables. With these technologies, retailers can manage stock in a more efficient and effective manner and, at the same time, allow customers to conduct transactions or obtain product information and service with minimal assistance from store employees. This, in turn, has meant significant costs savings that can be passed on to consumers in the form of lower prices. In such a case, the item is either offered without charge or with a discount, depending on its price.Footnote 61 However, relying on consumers to track the prices of individual items and subsequently verify these prices at the cash register may be problematic in certain circumstances. Combined with consumer information profiles (available, for example, through loyalty card programs), data gleaned from bar code systems tell retailers what types of consumers are buying certain products and in what circumstances. Such privacy concerns have been heightened by some recent reports of RFID tests planned or conducted by businesses.
It has also had an important impact on traditional pricing methods, although there is limited evidence currently available regarding its overall impact on prices. Dynamic pricing on the Internet may offer consumers benefits when they plan their online purchases in order to obtain the optimal price, and they can do so from home.
The ability of the music industry to package and sell sets of songs in albums (when consumers are interested in only one of the songs), and to control the post-purchase reproduction of those songs, has been put to the test by technologies associated with the Internet.
This was closely followed by the pain and diabetes segments with shares of 6% and 5% respectively, according to IMS. India has created a $5 billion policy aimed at providing health services to government hospitals and clinics, especially in the rural areas. Consequently, as McMaster University Professor Philip Savage notes, debates over media concentration in Canada “largely occur in a vacuum, lacking evidence to ground arguments or potential policy creation either way”. At the outset the reasons as to why any of this matters are presented, and some history offered to show how these concerns have manifested themselves in different times and places. Old laws need to be dismantled, a few new rules should be adopted to match the new technological conditions at hand, and matters would be best dealt with mainly through competition law and by having the CRTC’s sails trimmed, urges the report. There is also more attention to empirical evidence as well as the details of specific media companies and markets in the thinking that informs this report, relative to most critical approaches and those who suggest that things are just fine. Lastly, whatever “competition that does exist today is largely, if not entirely, a result of regulatory intervention”, states the Commission (CRTC, 2015-326, para 123). Vertical integration has soared and is now very high relative to the past and to conditions in the United States and internationally. Zero in on just telecoms and broadcasting, and the ‘big 5’ accounted for roughly two-thirds of all revenue in 2010.
40%) of the roster of Bell’s Mobile TV service, for example, is filled with channels it owns illustrates the point: CTV, CTV News Channel, CTV Two, Business News Network, Comedy Network, Comedy Time, MTV, NBA TV, NHL Centre Ice, E!, RDS, RDS2 and TSN, TSN2. The thread connecting them all is the extent to which content is being tied to carriage in ways that raise crucial questions about the future of common carriage (“network neutrality”) and ‘the open internet’. By 2009, however, it had moved much closer to the top of the scale, with the third highest levels of vertical integration, after Finland and Sweden. The CRTC’s decision was overturned by the Conservative Cabinet in 2009, with the net effect being a major delay for the young wireless competitor. Compared to Ontario, Alberta, and BC, the competitive scene in Quebec appears to have resulted in price relief for certain service tiers — between 15 and 30% for high-usage plans, according to providers’ online sites — although it is worth noting that entry-level tiers across the provinces just mentioned remain similarly priced.
Although Sasktel and MTS are the two most dominant wireless providers by provincial market share, the competitive situation in the prairies evinces lower prices and a greater degree of choice amongst service offerings than found elsewhere in Canada, not just from the ILECs but from the competing national carriers as well. In addition, Email advertising grew slightly (8%) after a year of preparation for CASL, which went into effect in July 2014.
In the short term, Canadian consumers have benefited from the lower prices and added convenience associated with the changed retail market structure, but, at the same time, the retail environment has become more homogenous and concentrated. Given their significant presence in the Canadian marketplace and their unique characteristics compared to larger stores, small businesses are key when developing consumer protection policy options and legislative proposals, which can present different challenges for small businesses to interpret and apply.
The retailers with bargaining power are also likely to impose vertical restraints on manufacturers. While the situation might be mitigated somewhat by a shift to restaurants, high-end coffee shops, and personal and business services outlets, independent clothing and hardware stores generally made way for low-end dollar stores and doughnut shops (Jones and Doucet 1999). These developments also raise significant concerns, however, particularly concerning the ability of retailers to collect, process and track the purchasing habits of consumers. Kiosks have appeared in a number of retail environments in various forms and have facilitated consumers' shopping experience.
The scope off unctions offered by this new labelling technology could significantly increase inventory management efficiency (with potential savings passed on to consumers)Footnote 64 and create a number of other indirect benefits. Information that a retailer obtains through a customer loyalty card program can be very extensive (see text box on loyalty cards). Some concerns have arisen about the accuracy of information on the Internet, the security of transmission of personal and financial information and other consumer protection issues, such as cross-border redress in the context of electronic commerce. However, the convenient access and anonymity of the Internet can prove to be a dangerous combination for young Canadians. The main advantage of the Internet to consumers is readily available information to compare vehicles and prices.Footnote 73 Before negotiating with a dealer, customers now use online information to determine a reasonable trade-in value for their used car or to negotiate a better price for a new vehicle. For example, consumer scan often examine far larger inventories than are available at store locations. This has prompted the music industry to adopt different packaging and selling strategies (see text box). The industry has also attempted to adapt with significant price cuts on CDs in an effort to boost traditional sales (Hamilton 2003). Eigenschaften der deutschen Wissenschaftskultur wie Selbststandigkeit, eine kritische Haltung, systematische Vorgehensweise sowie Grundlichkeit hinterlie?en einen tiefen Eindruck, so Professor Chen.
Allerdings nimmt die Zahl westeuropaischer Studierender an deutschen Hochschulen weiter zu.
Diese Ergebnisse stammen aus der aktuellen Ausgabe des Datenreports „Wissenschaft weltoffen“, den der Deutsche Akademische Austauschdienst (DAAD) jahrlich gemeinsam mit dem HIS-Institut fur Hochschulforschung (HIS-HF) herausgibt. Hier bieten wir allen Interessierten die Möglichkeit, MiGAZIN als Autor, Pate oder Jungautor mitzugestalten. Pfizer was close behind Novartis with a 4% shareof the global market according to IMS.
In other words, we answer the why question, and why we think you should care about this issue too. Otherwise, the incumbents’ attempts to invest will be futile, the results of government intervention perverse, and short-term gains for consumers offset as the development of next generation broadband internet capabilities are put in jeopardy. In contrast, the scaffolding approach we use analyzes each sector before moving to higher levels of generality until reaching a birds-eye perspective on the network media as a whole. Figures 2 and 3, below, illustrate the steep increase in vertical integration occurred between 2008 and 2013.
These cases are the crux over which the “battle over the institutional ecology of the digital environment” is being waged, as Yochai Benkler once put it (pp.
In 2013, and after Shaw and BCE acquired Global TV, CTV and Astral Media, respectively, Canada had the highest levels of vertical integration and cross-media ownership out of the 28 countries studied. By the end of 2014, Wind had around 800,000 subscribers, and has recently received much needed investment from American sources, made possible by a 2012 amendment to the Telecommunications Act allowing small telecommunications companies to be completely foreign-owned. Eastlink launched its own mobile wireless service in the Maritime Provinces in 2013 but it is still too early to see the results — an outcome made all the more difficult by the company’s tight-fisted approach to the public release of information.
Examples of these restraints include slotting allowances, listing fees, up front payments, exclusive supply, refusal to stock (or delisting), minimum supply levels, and minimum advertising requirements. Furthermore, not all consumers share equally in the benefits of the Internet, since some are unfamiliar with, or do not have access to, computer technology.
Nonetheless, the success of companies such as Dell, which has a retail presence but is primarily known for its original business model of selling customized computers directly to consumers via the Internet, shows the potential for an Internet business model for selling expensive products.
And given Canada's geography, by using a Web site, consumers can easily interact with specialized non-chain sellers across Canada, or internationally.
In practice this means the goal is to nip potential problems in the bud before they happen. Bar code technology improves the management of voluminous supplies and gives consumers a wider range of products in a store.Footnote 59 Furthermore, with the enhanced sales information provided by bar codes, suppliers and retailers have explored advanced planning and forecasting tools.
A number of emerging technological developments may also prove challenging in this respect.
Fast food restaurants are also experimenting with automated ordering stations (Harmon 2003). This helps consumers looking for hard-to-find items that are unavailable in their immediate vicinity. It also means that experience, the best available evidence, contemporary and historical analogies as well as reasonable economic theories form the basis of judgment, not deference to impossible (and implacable) demands for infallible proof (p. Canwest, with Goldman Sachs, buys Alliance Atlantis (2007) (Showcase, HGTV, BBC Canada and biggest film distributor in Canada).
With checkout scanners capable of reading multiple bar codes simultaneously (NCR Corporation 2003), it could become even more difficult for people at checkout lines to verify that all items have been scanned at the correct price. With these practical applications, kiosks offer consumers convenient and faster value-added interactive services.
Furthermore, certain online business models have emerged to facilitate consumer-to-consumer transactions well beyond what was once feasible. Automated self-checkouts, which have been introduced in some Canadian stores over the past couple of years, may present similar challenges. Kiosk terminals have also been used in retail stores to give consumers a greater range of choices than can be physically made available in the store.
Another retailer was boycotted when it revealed that it was considering placing millions of RFID devices in its clothing products to help track inventory (Chai and Shim 2003). Since 1989, these three categories have steadily taken a greater share of Canadian consumer sales in their respective markets. The end result is that it appears Canadian consumers are benefiting from consistently lower prices due to the introduction and widespread use of everyday low pricing in the retail marketplace.
This has led advocates to demand the mandatory labelling of products containing RFID chips, for example (CASPIAN 2003). Such in-store technology is a great boon to customers who, for one reason or another, do not have access to the Internet.



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