DESCRIPTION: This is the largest map of its kind to have survived in tact and in good condition from such an early period of cartography. These place names are in Lincolnshire (Holdingham and Sleaford are the modern forms), and this Richard has been identified as one Richard de Bello, prebend of Lafford in Lincoln Cathedral about the year 1283, who later became an official of the Bishop of Hereford, and in 1305 was appointed prebend of Norton in Hereford Cathedral. While the map was compiled in England, names and descriptions were written in Latin, with the Norman dialect of old French used for special entries. Here, my dear Son, my bosom is whence you took flesh Here are my breasts from which you sought a Virgina€™s milk. The other three figures consist of a woman placing a crown on the Virgin Mary and two angels on their knees in supplication. Still within this decorative border, in the left-hand bottom corner, the Roman Emperor Caesar Augustus is enthroned and crowned with a papal triple tiara and delivers a mandate with his seal attached, to three named commissioners. In the right-hand bottom corner an unidentified rider parades with a following forester holding a pair of greyhounds on a leash. The geographical form and content of the Hereford map is derived from the writings of Pliny, Solinus, Augustine, Strabo, Jerome, the Antonine Itinerary, St. As is traditional with the T-O design, there is the tripartite division of the known world into three continents: Europe, Asia, and Africa.
EUROPE: When we turn to this area of the Hereford map we would expect to find some evidence of more contemporary 13th century knowledge and geographic accuracy than was seen in Africa or Asia, and, to some limited extent, this theory is true. France, with the bordering regions of Holland and Belgium is called Gallia, and includes all of the land between the Rhine and the Pyrenees.
Norway and Sweden are shown as a peninsula, divided by an arm of the sea, though their size and position are misrepresented. On the other side of Europe, Iceland, the Faeroes, and Ultima Tile are shown grouped together north of Norway, perhaps because the restricting circular limits of the map did not permit them to be shown at a more correct distance.
The British Isles are drawn on a larger scale than the neighboring parts of the continent, and this representation is of special interest on account of its early date. On the Hereford map, the areas retain their Latin names, Britannia insula and Hibernia, Scotia, Wallia, and Cornubia, and are neatly divided, usually by rivers, into compartments, North and South Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, England, and Scotland. THE MEDITERRANEAN: The Mediterranean, conveniently separating the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe, teems with islands associated with legends of Greece and Rome. Mythical fire-breathing creature with wings, scales and claws; malevolent in west, benevolent in east. 4.A A  For bibliographical information on these and other (including lost) cartographical exemplars, see Westrem, The Hereford Map, p. 10.A A  For bibliographical information for editions and translations of the source texts, see Westrem, The Hereford Map, p. 11.A A  More detailed analysis of these data can be found in my a€?Lessons from Legends on the Hereford Mappa Mundi,a€? Hereford Mappa Mundi Conference proceedings volume being edited by Barber and Harvey (see n. 16.A A  Danubius oritur ab orientali parte Reni fluminis sub quadam ecclesia, et progressus ad orientem, . 23.A A  The a€?standarda€? Latin forms of these place-names and the modern English equivalents are those recorded in the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, ed.
From the time when it was first mentioned as being in Hereford Cathedral in 1682, until a relatively short time ago, the Hereford Mappamundi was almost entirely the preserve of antiquaries, clergymen with an interest in the middle ages and some historians of cartography. FROM THE TIME when it was first mentioned as being in Hereford Cathedral in 1682, until a relatively short time ago, the Hereford Mappamundi was almost entirely the preserve of antiquaries, clergymen with an interest in the middle ages and some historians of cartography. Details from the Hereford map of the Blemyae and the Psilli.a€? Typical of the strange creatures or 'Wonders of the East' derived by Richard of Haldingham from classical sources and placed in Ethiopia.
Equally important work was also being done on medieval and Renaissance world maps as a genre, particularly by medievalists such as Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken and Jorg-Geerd Arentzen in Germany and by Juergen Schulz, primarily an art historian, and David Woodward, a leading historian of cartography, in the United States. The Hereford World Map is the only complete surviving English example of a type of map which was primarily a visualization of all branches of knowledge in a Christian framework and only secondly a geographical object.
After the fall of the Roman empire in the 5th century, monks and scholars struggled desperately to preserve from destruction by pagan barbarians the flotsam and jetsam of classical history and learning; to consolidate them and to reconcile them with Christian teaching and biblical history. There would have been several models to choose from, corresponding to the widely differing cartographic traditions inside the Roman Empire, but it seems that the commonest image descended from a large map of the known world that was created for a portico lining the Via Flaminia near the Capitol in Rome during Christ's lifetime. Recent writers such as Arentzen have suggested that, simply because of their sheer availability, from an early date different versions of this map may have been used to illustrate texts by scholars such as St. Eventually some of the information from the texts became incorporated into the maps themselves, though only sparingly at first. A broad similarity in coastlines with the Hereford map is clear in the Anglo-Saxon [Cottonian] World Map, c.1000 (#210), but there are no illustrations of animals other than the lion (top left). The resulting maps ranged widely in shape and appearance, some being circular, others square.
A few maps of the inhabited world were much more detailed, though keeping to the same broad structure and symbolism.
Most of these earlier maps were book illustrations, none were particularly big and the maps were always considered to need textual amplification. From about 1100, however, we know from contemporary descriptions in chronicles and from the few surviving inventories that larger world maps were produced on parchment, cloth and as wall paintings for the adornment of audience chambers in palaces and castles as well as, probably, of altars in the side chapels of religious buildings. A separate written text of an encyclopedic nature, probably written by the map's intellectual creator, however, was still intended to accompany many if not all these large maps and one may originally have accompanied the Hereford world map.
These maps seem largely to have been inspired by English scholars working at home or in Europe. The most striking novelty, however, was the vastly increased number of depictions of peoples, animals, and plants of the world copied from illustrations in contemporary handbooks on wildlife, commonly called bestiaries and herbals.
Mentions in contemporary records and chronicles, such as those of Matthew Paris, make it plain that these large world maps were once relatively common.
At about the same time that this map was being created, Henry III, perhaps after consultation with Gervase, who had visited him in 1229, commissioned wall maps to hang in the audience chambers of his palaces in Winchester and Westminster. The Hereford Mappamundi is the only full size survivor of these magnificent, encyclopedic English-inspired maps. An inscription in Norman-French at the bottom left attributes the map to Richard of Haldingham and Sleaford. DESCRIPTION: The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps.
Although copies of Agrippaa€™s map were taken to all of the great cities of the Roman Empire, not a single copy has survived.
Shown here are three continents in more or less symmetrical arrangements with Asia in the east at the top of the map (hence the term orientation).
Note that most scholars, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. The only reported Roman world map before Agrippaa€™s was the one that Julius Caesar commissioned but never lived to see completed. We may speculate whether this map was flat and circular, even though such a shape might have been considered a€?unscientifica€™ and poorly adapted to the shape of the known world. Augustus had a practical interest in sponsoring the new map of the inhabited world entrusted to Agrippa.
In point of fact Augustus may have delegated the detailed checking to one of his freedmen, such as his librarian C. We may treat as secondary sources Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos, and the Irish geographical writer Dicuil (AD 825). It is also claimed that Strabo (#115) obtained his figures for Italy, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily from Agrippa.
Although the term chorographia literally means a€?regional topographya€?, it seems to include fairly detailed cartography of the known world. For a more complete assessment of what Agrippa wrote or ordered to be put on his map, we may again turn to passages where Pliny quotes him specifically as reference. It is a pity that Pliny, who seems to be chiefly interested in measurements, gives us so little other information about Agrippaa€™s map. It is the sea above all which shapes and defines the land, fashioning gulfs, oceans and straits, and likewise isthmuses, peninsulas and promontories. A serious point of disagreement among scholars has been whether the commentarii of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny were published at the time of construction of the portico. Another element in this problem that demands some explanation is the origin of the two later works the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum which are both derived from Agrippa, probably through a common source.
Apart from the information supplied by Pliny, our chief evidence for the reconstruction of the map is provided by the two works already mentioned, the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum. Dicuil, in his preface, promises to give the measurement of the provinces made by the envoys of the Emperor Theodosius, and at the end of chapter five he quotes twelve verses of these envoys in which they describe their procedure. According to Tierney, Detlefsen regarded these two works as derived from small-scale copies of Agrippaa€™s map.
Tierney believes however, that the west to east movement supposed by Klotz is, in fact, correct, but not for his reasons.
Our idea of the detail of the map of Agrippa must be based on a study of the references in Strabo, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio. There are twenty-four sections in the Divisio and thirty in the Demensuratio, the difference being mainly due to the absence from the Divisio of the sections on the islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. These sections are largely identical with passages in Plinya€™s geographical books (Books III to VI), and show that many passages in Pliny are taken from Agrippa beyond those where he is actually named. The consensus of the views of modern scholars on Agrippaa€™s map, is that it represents a conscientious attempt to give a credible version of the geography of the known world.
But this consensus is not quite complete and therefore I now turn to consider the view of Agrippaa€™s map put forward by Professor Paul Schnabel in his article in Philologus of 1935.
Schnabel does not himself take up the general question of the use of Agrippa by Marinus and Ptolemy. Schnabel here refers to the last chapter of the geographical books of Plinya€™s Natural History, that is, Book VI, cap.
Schnabel continues with the negative argument that the Don parallel cannot belong to the school of Hipparchus.
We may speculate as to whether Plinya€™s phrase regarding the a€?careful later students,a€? does not refer to Nigidius himself. Schnabel next moves on to a more ambitious argument, making the assumption that Ptolemy has used some of Agrippaa€™s reckonings to establish points in his geography. It is sad to think that this elegant piece of reasoning must be thrown overboard, but Tierney believes it must be rejected on at least three different counts. In the second place Schnabela€™s statement that Agrippa reduced the itinerary figure of 745 miles to a straight line of 411 cannot be accepted. Thirdly, it may fairly be objected that the very method by which Schnabel obtains the figure of 411 miles is faulty. Tierney passes over Schnabela€™s reasons for thinking that Agrippa established lines of meridian in Spain and in the eastern Mediterranean, all of which Tierney finds quite unconvincing. Schnabela€™s attempt to present us with a scientific Agrippa and indeed to reconstruct a scientific Roman geography may be regarded a complete failure, and the older view of Detlefsen and Klotz must be regarded as correct. From another well-known passage in Strabo (V, 3, 8, C, 235-236) that contains a panegyric [a public speech or published text in praise of someone or something] on the fine buildings of Augustan Rome, we know that he was well acquainted with the dedications of Marcus Agrippa that he specifically mentions.
Strabo shows the contemporary Roman view of the purely practical purposes of geography and of cartography by everywhere insisting on restricting to a minimum the astronomical and mathematical element in geographical study.
This would mean then that Agrippaa€™s map was based on the general scheme of the Greek maps which had been current for upwards of 200 years, since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and that it presumably attempted to complete and rectify this scheme by using recent Roman route-books and the reports of soldiers, merchants and travelers.
Towards the end of the fourth century two important events greatly enlarged the scope of geography.
About a century later the famous astronomer Hipparchus subjected the geography of Eratosthenes to rather stringent criticisms. The next geographer whose views are well known us is Strabo (#115), who was writing at the time of the construction of Agrippaa€™s map or some years later. If, then, progress was no longer being made or to be expected from Greek geographers using various astronomical instruments, was anything to be expected from the other tradition, the Roman roads and their itineraries?
We must then approach the map of Agrippa on a purely factual basis realizing that it provides us merely a list of boundaries followed by a length and breadth, for the areas within the Empire and beyond it. Fundamentally, therefore, Agrippaa€™s figures allow us to construct a series of boxes or rectangle with which to deck out the shores of the Mediterranean and the eastern world and whose dimensions should be reduced by an uncertain amount.
Spain consists of three boxes, the square of Lusitania and the rectangle of the Hispania citerior [Roman province] east of it being placed over the rectangle of BA¦tica. In Gaul [France] a large rectangle lies over a small one, that is Gallia Comata over the province of Narbonensis. The islands of the Mediterranean are not forgotten, at least the major ones, just as Italy lies too far to the southeast, so do Corsica and Sardinia lie too far to the southwest. The eastern Mediterranean is faced by Syria whose longitude Pliny (V, 671 states as 470 miles between Cilicia and Arabia, and whose latitude is 175 miles from Seleucia Pieria on the coast to Zeugma on the Euphrates. We have now either reached or gone beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the north, south and east, as it was in Agrippaa€™s day. The most important achievement of the map, to Agrippaa€™s mind, consisted in its measurements, and it is possible that he spent very considerable pains in getting these exactly, although we cannot take the account given by Honorius (ca.
The exact correspondence between Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, in giving many of the boundaries of the sections, shows, according to Detlefsen, that these boundaries also were inscribed upon the map. Klotz, in his final review of Agrippaa€™s methods of work, has made some illuminating points that supplement Detlefsen.
Within the Empire he chiefly used the itineraries without the overt use of an astronomical backing, although astronomical data, of course, already formed the basis of the Greek maps that were the real foundation of his. Klotz, A., a€?Die geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Uberrestea€?, Klio 25, 1931, 35ff, 386ff. Note that most scholar, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. According to Fisher seeing that this is a Roman world map sharing many similarities with the mappaemundi, it is logical to assume that SchA¶nera€™s southern landmass is a copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, the Roman world map upon which the mappaemundi were based. Within the context of the early 16th century, it seems apparent that SchA¶ner found himself caught up in the perfect cartographic storm. All these parts were in place when an errant 1508 report of a strait at the tip of South America with a large southern continent lying beneath inspired SchA¶ner to unwittingly preserve the only copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum on the bottom of his 1515 world globe. When medieval Christians began creating the mappaemundi they borrowed heavily from Agrippaa€™s map as well as Greek designs. This design adjustment may also explain the Expositio mappemundi (EMM), manuscripts which are a collection of the data items appearing on the mappaemundi. It was reverse engineered from the mappaemundi, but plays it relatively safe in its assumptions. The new found design also provides for the first time insights into the inspiration for key design aspects on the mappaemundi such as the tribute to Jesus at the top of the map, the transition from a separate commentary requiring locative terminology to commentary overlain onto the mappaemundi no longer requiring spatial references, and the distribution of images from a consolidated arced matrix lying above Africa on SchA¶nera€™s design to areas throughout the mappaemundi.
In conclusion, Fisher believes that he has presented a solid logical case for the historic discovery of a long lost 2,000-year-old Roman world map at the bottom of the world, SchA¶nera€™s world that is. Mint officials perform a trial strike in order to test the dies, before the production run begins. Modern Chinese trial strikes are usually made on a metal blank similar to the one which will be used for the production coins.
Chinese trial strikes are unique in that they always have a trial stamp -- a two-character Chinese inscription (see photos above). Mintage figures are not available for the earlier, pre-1989, trial strikes, however there were possibly less than 100 produced for each coin type. Numismatists in China believe that many of the trial strike pieces ended up in general circulation, as the actual availability does not match the supposed supply. In my opinion, the collecting of high-grade examples could be a very interesting and worthwhile specialty for the adventuresome numismatist. Mintage figures are not available for the earlier, pre-1989, trial strikes, however there were possibly less than 100 produced for each coin type.A  From 1989 onwards, the Chinese mint began producing trial strikes in larger numbers, up to 18,000 pieces per design, for promotional purposes. PURPOSE OF THIS SITE: This site exists to catalog and to provide accurate information and to list buying prices paid for modern coinage of the Peoplea€™s Republic of China (PRC).
MINTAGE: Actual mintage figures, when known, are designated by an a€?aa€? after the mintage figure. COIN GRADES: Grades listed above refer to Uncirculated (equivalent to MS-65) and Proof (equivalent to PF-68).
CATALOG NUMBERS: Any KM numbers listed refer to the standard Krause catalog numbers for World Coins. Please email me if you notice any errors or have other information to contribute to this site. Bioremediation Technologies: Background Three main classes - Engineered in situ - Intrinsic in situ - Engineered ex situ Different purposes - Engineered. Intrinsic bioremediation Application Diverse microbial populations indigenous to subsurface environments can degrade important classes of organic contaminants.
In Situ Bioremediation - Hydrocarbons Application Successful method for treating soil and groundwater contaminated with certain types of hydrocarbons (mainly petroleum products and derivatives and others such as refinery wastes, crude oil, fuels, phenols, cresols, acetone and celluloisic wastes.) A specific microbial enhancement feasibility study and a general hydrogeologic site investigation are essential.
In Situ Bioremediation – Hydrocarbons (continued) Advantage over conventional pump-and-treat approach Completely degrading into non-toxic end products. 10 -3 c" title="Air Sparging Application Successful laboratory- and pilot-scale evaluations for volatile and biodegradable contaminants. Bioventing Application Successful method for treating petroleum hydrocarbons and some chlorinated solvents. In situ Bioremediation – Chlorinated Solvents Application Aerobic cometabolism of chlorinated hydrocarbons. In situ Bioremediation - Metals Application Manipulating bacteria to either dissolve the metals (cleanup) or immobilize the metals (containment). Treat the contaminant plume as it passes through permeable reactive zones or walls within the aquifer. In situ Reactive Barriers Application 1) A trench with reactive materials (shallow depth) 2) Slurry well (deeper and larger) 3) Modules to enable periodic replacement. Application Barriers: lower permeability than the aquifer (compacted clay, synthetic plastics, soil and bentonite mixtures, cement and bentonite mixtures, and sheet piling). Soil Flushing Limitations Geological conditions can limit the performance of soil flushing systems. The circle of the world is set in a somewhat rectangular frame background with a pointed top, and an ornamented border of a zig-zag pattern often found in psalter-maps of the period (#223).
Show pity, as you said you would, on all Who their devotion paid to me for you made me Savioress. Olympus and such cities as Athens and Corinth; the Delphic oracle, misnamed Delos, is represented by a hideous head. James (Roxburghe Club) 1929, with representations from manuscripts in the British Library and the Bodleian Library, and a€?Marvels of the Easta€?, by R. The upper-left corner of the Hereford Map, showing north and east Asia (compare to the contents on Chart 3). 1), however, call attention to a remarkable degree of accuracy in the relationship of toponymsa€”for cities, rivers, and mountainsa€”both in EMM and in Hereford Map legends.A  On the Asia Minor littoral, for example, one passage in EMM links 39 place-names in a running series, 23 of which are found in Chart 4 (and visible, in almost exactly parallel order, on Fig.
5, above).A  Treating islands separately from the eartha€™s three a€?partsa€? follows the organizational style adopted by Isidore of Seville, Honorius Augustodunensis, and other medieval geographical authorities. Note Lincoln on its hill and Snowdon ('Snawdon'), Caernarvon and Conway in Wales, referring to the castles Edward I was building there when the map was being created.
In England, a detailed study of its less obvious features, such as the sequences of its place names and some of its coastal outlines by G.
The Psilli reputedly tested the virtue of their wives by exposing their children to serpents. The cumulative effect has been to enable us at last to evaluate the map in terms of its actual (largely non-geographical and not exclusively religious) purpose, the age in which it was created and in the context of the general development of European cartography.
The Old and New Testaments contained few doctrinal implications for geography, other than a bias in favor of an inhabited world consisting of three interlinked continents containing descendants of Noah's three sons.
This now-lost map was referred to in some detail by a number of classical writers and it seems to have been created under the direction of Emperor Augustus's son-in-law, Vipsanius Agrippa (63-12 BC) for official purposes. As the centuries went by, more and more was included with references to places associated with events in classical history and legend (particularly fictionalized tales about Alexander the Great) and from biblical history with brief notes on and the very occasional illustration of natural history. Note also the Roman provincial boundaries, the relative accuracy of the British coastlines (lower left) and the attention paid to the Balkans and Denmark, with which Saxon England had close contacts. Some, often oriented to the north, attempted to show the whole world in zones, with the inhabited earth occupying the zone between the equator and the frozen north. They were never intended to convey purely geographical information or to stand alone without explanatory text.
Often a 'context' for them would have been provided by the other secular as well as religious surrounding decorations.
For many maps continued to be used primarily for educational, including theological, purposes. They reached their fullest development in the thirteenth century when Englishmen like Roger Bacon, John of Holywood (Sacrobosco), Robert Grosseteste and Matthew Paris were playing an inordinately large part in creative geographical thinking in Europe.
In most, if not all of these maps, the strange peoples or 'Marvels of the East' are shown occupying Ethiopia on the right (southern) edge, as on the Hereford map. Exposure to light, fire, water, and religious bigotry or indifference over the centuries has, however, led to the destruction of most of them. Both are now lost but it seems quite likely that the so-called 'Psalter Map', produced in London in the early 1260s and now owned by the British Library, is a much reduced copy of the map that hung in Westminster Palace.
Despite some broad similarities in arrangement and content, however, there are very considerable differences from the Ebstorf and the 'Westminster Palace' maps in details - like the precise location of wildlife, the portrayal of some coastlines and islands, or in the recent information incorporated. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections.
The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. The reconstructions shown here are based upon data in the medieval world maps that were, in turn, derived from Roman originals, plus textual descriptions by classical geographers such as Strabo, Pomponius Mela and Pliny. The emphasis upon Rome is reflected in the stubby form of Italy, which made it possible to show the Italian provinces on an enlarged scale.
We are told by late Roman and medieval sources that he employed four Greeks, who started work on the map in 44 B.C.
That is the form of the Hereford world map (Book IIB, #226), which seriously distorts the relative positions and sizes of areas of the world in a way we should not imagine Julius Caesar and his technicians would have. On the re-establishment of peace after the civil wars, he was determined on the one hand to found new colonies to provide land for discharged veterans, on the other hand to build up a new image of Rome as the benevolent head of a vast empire.
It was erected in Rome on the wall of a portico named after Agrippa, which extended along the east side of the Via Lata [modern Via del Corso].
Orosius seems to have read, and followed fairly closely both Agrippa and Pliny, as well as early writers from Eratosthenes onwards.
His source was clearly one commissioned by Romans, not Greeks, as his figures for those areas are in miles, not stades. The Agrippa map probably did not, in the absence of any mention, use any system of latitude and longitude. These include both land and sea measurements, though the most common are lengths and breadths of provinces or groups of provinces.
But on the credit side, Agrippaa€™s map, sponsored by Augustus, was obviously an improvement on that of Julius Caesar on which it is likely to have been based. The general history of ancient cartography and our knowledge of Roman buildings in the Augustan period would appear to be our surest guides. The German philologist and historian Detlev Detlefsen always clung steadfastly the view that there was no such publication and that the inscriptions on the map itself provided all the geographical information that was available to later times under the name of Agrippa.
Detlefsen had explained their origin by assuming the production of smaller hand-copies of Agrippaa€™s map, their smallness then making a written text desirable. Small discrepancies were to be explained by differences in the copies of the map used by each. Strabo used Agrippa only for Italy and the neighboring islands, so that our chief evidence comes from the other three sources. Detlefsen believed that the island sections were later added to the Demensuratio, but according to Tierney there can be little doubt that he is wrong in this and that Klotz is right in thinking that these sections have rather fallen out of the Divisio. It relies on the general scheme of the Greek maps that had been current since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and attempts to rectify them, particularly in Western Europe, with recent information derived from the Roman itineraries and route-books. We have to thank Professor Schnabel for providing in the same article a new critical text of both the Demensuratio and the Divisio.
He sets out, at first, to prove that Agrippaa€™s map possessed a network of lines of longitude and latitude.
39, sections 211-219, where Pliny mentions evidently as a work of supererogation, a€?the subtle Greek inventiona€? of parallels of latitude, showing the areas of equal shadows and the relationship of day and night Pliny then gives seven parallels, running at intervals between Alexandria and the mouth of the Dnieper, with longest days running from fourteen to fifteen hours. Hipparchus had made the Don parallel the seventeen-hour parallel, corresponding to 54A° N latitude, whereas Pliny here puts it at sixteen hours or 48A° 30" N latitude, which is nearly correct. 39, section 211, refers obviously to all that follows as far as the end of Book VI and shows that the complete passage is taken from Greek sources. In the first place, Schnabel has apparently overlooked Ptolemya€™s method of establishing the longitude and latitude of particular geographical points.


Pliny gives this itinerary as running at the base of the Alps, from the Varus through Turin, Como, Brecia, Verona and other towns on to Trieste, Pola and the Arsia. For the reduction, of longitude he uses, as I have said, the factor of forty-three sixtieths derived from Ptolemya€™s fifth map of Europe (Book VIII, cap.
Tierney turns to his last main argument in which lie tries to prove Agrippa to be the author of a new value of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia, Pliny (V, 59) gives the distance of the island of Elephantine from Syene as sixteen miles and its distance from Alexandria as 585 miles. If we accepted it we might as well accept that everyone in antiquity who either sailed or traveled in a north-south direction in the eastern Mediterranean was also engaged in establishing a new degree value. On the general question of Roman proficiency in geographical studies some light is thrown by a passage of Strabo (Book III, C 166) who says: a€?The Roman writers imitate the Greeks but they do not go very far. The phrase which he uses of Agrippaa€™s aqueducts is exactly echoed in Plinya€™s phrase tanta diligentia. Before entering into the details of Agrippaa€™s map it will be useful to examine briefly these two traditions, the Greek and the Roman, in order to grasp more clearly the problem which confronted Agrippa or whoever else might wish to construct a world map in the age of Augustus.
We are told that it was Democritus who first abandoned the older circular map and made a rectangular one whose east-west axis, the longitude, was half as long again as the north-south axis, the latitude. The campaigns of Alexander and the new Greek settlements pushed the Greek horizon far to the east while in the west the intrepid Pytheas of Massalia circumnavigated Britain and sailed along the European coast from Gibraltar at least as far as the Elbe, publishing his investigations in a work which included gnomonic observations at certain points, and remarks on the fauna and flora of these distant areas. He made devastating attacks on the eastern sections of the map, as being seriously incorrect, both on mathematical and on astronomical grounds. Sad to relate, the gradually accumulating mass of details concerning roads and areas did not add up to any great increase in geographical knowledge. Our three main authorities, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, have suffered a great deal in the transmission of these latter figures, the longitude and latitude, so-called. Klotz has argued that Agrippa did not use the word longitudo in the technical sense of the east-west measurement, nor the word latitudo in the technical sense of the north-south measurement, but rather in the more general sense of length and breadth. To evaluate the map we must take a glance at each of these boxes in turn, and the most convenient order would appear to be that of the Greek geographers and of Agrippa himself, if we can trust the order of the Divisio that has Europa, Asia, Lybia, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa. The internal line of division ran south from the estuary at NA“ca between the Astures and the Cantabri, down to Oretania and on to New Carthage. Off the coast of Gallia Comata lies an enormous Britain, 800 by 300 miles, and north of it an equally exaggerated Hibernia [Ireland]. Corsica, in fact forms the eastern boundary of Sardinia and this explains why the long axis of both islands is described as the longitude. Tierney believes that it is possible to remove the difficulties felt about Agrippaa€™s Syria by both Detlefsen and Klotz.
Only a few more boxes or rectangles are left to the east of the line, formed by Armenia, Syria and Egypt, but now they begin to grow portentously large.
Spain has three sections and Gaul two, while in the east of Europe Dacia and Sarmatia run off to the unknown northern ocean, and further east again the sections are quite enormous.
Natural features such as the mountains and rivers that divided provinces were shown also, but in what exact way is not clear. He points out that just as Eratosthenes had divided the inhabited earth into his famous a€?sealsa€?, so also Agrippa divided the earth into groups of countries without reference to their political or geographical conditions.
Any attempt to draw the map of Agrippa from the figures that have survived without some astronomical backing is entirely hopeless.
Wherever itineraries did not exist he made use of the estimated distances of the Greek geographers, and outside the Empire he had to rely on them altogether. Proceeding in our evaluation with this in mind we can gain insights into how the mappaemundi arrived at their final design. Fisher believes that the central zones on Agrippaa€™s map had to be eliminated when the Christians decided to adopt and adapt from Greek maps the concept of cartographic centricity by distorting the map to position the holy city of Jerusalem at the mapa€™s center. Some believe that these manuscripts were instruction sets used to construct a mappa mundi based on the fact that the text is spatially specific. The reconstruction acknowledges that the waterway originated on Agrippaa€™s map as it is common to most mappaemundi, but it assumes that the Roman original was far less imposing, whereas SchA¶nera€™s design suggests that the mappaemundi are far more accurate in their depiction of the waterway spanning most of the continent. All three adjustments were based on their Roman counterparts, but reflect necessary adjustments as the makers of the mappaemundi opted for a Christocentric design. His evaluation, however, is based on the fact that copies of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum did indeed exist and were at one time distributed throughout Europe becoming the model for the medieval mappaemundi. The coins obtained from these strikes are sometimes used for presentation purposes, or more often just recycled by the mint.
These uncirculated coins were distributed in small plastic display holders of various designs.
For a description of these grades, please refer to one of the two recognized grading and authentication services: Professional Coin Grading Service (PCGS) and the Numismatic Guaranty Corporation (NGC). The extent of intrinsic bioremediation depends on the biodegradability of the contaminant and on the site’s hydrogeologic and chemical characteristics.
Involves somewhat greater risk of failure than engineered bioremediation because active measures (thorough monitoring) are not used to control plume migration.
Then, it displaces pore water and rises through the saturated zone into the vadose zone) The air stream must be captured by a properly designed SVE system. Potential mechanisms in anaerobic microorganisms: (1) enzyme reduction of metal, (2) biochemical alteration of red-ox conditions, (3) biogenic chelate, (4) metal sequestration, (5) metal bioaccumulation.
Solidification in place -Mixing with cementing agents (lime-flyash pozzolan, and asphalt) -Heating (1600-2000 o C) it into a molten mass that solidifies upon cooling, a process known as in situ vitrification.
In Phrygia there is born an animal called bonnacon; it has a bulla€™s head, horsea€™s mane and curling horns, when chased it discharges dung over an extent of three acres which burns whatever it touches.
India also has the largest elephants, whose teeth are supposed to be of ivory; the Indians use them in war with turrets (howdahs) set on them. The linx sees through walls and produces a black stonea€” a valuable carbuncle in its secret parts. A tiger when it sees its cub has been stolen chases the thief at full speed; the thief in full flight on a fast horse drops a mirror in the track of the tiger and so escapes unharmed. Agriophani Ethiopes eat only the flesh of panthers and lions they have a king with only one eye in his forehead. Men with doga€™s heads in Norway; perhaps heads protected with furs made them resemble dogs. Essendones live in Scythia it is their custom to carry out the funeral of their parents with singing and collecting a company of friends to devour the actual corpses with their teeth and make a banquet mingled with the flesh of animals counting it more glorious to be consumed by them than by worms. Solinus: they occupy the source of the Ganges and live only on the scent of apples of the forest if they should perceive any smell they die instantly. Himantopodes; they creep with crawling legs rather than walk they try to proceed by sliding rather than by taking steps. The Monocoli in India are one-legged and swift when they want to be protected from the heat of the sun they are shaded by the size of their foot. Flint, a€?The Hereford Map:A  Its Author(s), Two Scenes and a Border,a€? Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser.
Nevertheless, it placed a somewhat misleading emphasis on the map's geographical 'inaccuracies', its depiction of fabulous creatures and supposedly religious purpose, all clothed in what for the layman must have seemed an air of wildly esoteric learning and near-impenetrable medieval mystery. Recent research suggests this is a reference to African traders in medicinal drugs who visited ancient Rome. Today, with the map in the headlines of the popular press, it may be time to give a brief resume of what is currently known about it and to attempt to explain some of its more important features in the light of recent research. In the eyes of some (but by no means all) theologians, a fourth inhabited continent, the Antipodes, would implicitly have denied the descent of mankind from Noah, and the depiction of such a continent was deemed to be heretical by them. It was based on survey and on military itineraries and reflected the political and administrative realities of the time. Where space allowed, reference was also made to important contemporary towns, regions, and geographical features such as freshly-opened mountain passes. Most of the maps, however, like the Hereford Mappamundi, depicted only that part of the world that was known in classical times to be inhabited and they were oriented with east at the top.
Traces of the maps' classical origins could regularly be seen in, for instance, the continued depiction of the provincial boundaries of the Roman Empire (which are partly visible on the Hereford map) and for many centuries by the island of Delos which had been sacred to the early Greeks being the centre of the inhabited world. They and the texts that they adorned continued to be copied by hand until late in the 15th century and are to be found in early printed books. God dominates the world and the 'Marvels of the East' occupy the lower right edge of the map, as they do on the Hereford map. Together they would have provided a propaganda backdrop for the public appearances of the ruler, ruling body, noble or cleric who had commissioned them, and some may have been able to stand alone as visual histories.
The Hereford map, as an inscription at the lower left corner tells us, was certainly intended for use as a visual encyclopedia, to be 'heard, read and seen' by onlookers. Because of the maps' size, they were able to include far more information and illustration than their predecessors. More space was also found for current political references and information derived from contemporary military, religious and commercial itineraries. Today, the earliest survivor, dating from the beginning of the thirteenth century, is a badly damaged example now in Vercelli Cathedral, probably having been brought to Italy in about 1219 by a papal legate returning from England.
We know from Matthew Paris that the Westminster map was copied by others, and it is likely to have had a lasting influence even though the original was destroyed in 1265. A Latin legend in the bottom right corner of the Hereford map refers to the 5th century Christian propagandist Orosius as the main source for the map, but as we have already seen, it incorporates information from numerous ancient and thirteenth century sources and adds its own interpretations of them.
The map is an outstanding example of a map type that had evolved over the preceding eight centuries.
This leads him on to the advantages of the northern half from the point of view of agriculture. The original was made at the command of Agrippaa€™s father-in-law, the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. These were no doubt freedmen, of whom there were large numbers in Rome, including many skilled artisans.
A late Roman geographical manual gives totals of geographical features in this lost map with recording names, but even the totals, on examination, turn out to be unreliable. Mapping enabled him to carry out these objectives and to perfect a task begun by Julius Caesar. This portico, of which fragments have been found near Via del Tritone, was usually called Porticus Vipsania, but may have been the same as the one that Martial calls Porticus EuropA¦, probably from a painting of Europa on its walls. Dicuil tells us that he followed Pliny except where he had reason to believe that Pliny was wrong. It is through such features that continents, nations, favorable sites of cities, and other refinements have been conceived, features of which a regional [chorographic] map is full; one also finds a quantity of islands scattered over the seas and along the coasts. The fact that such an insignificant and distant place as Charax was named on the map shows the detail that it embodied. His sister, Vipsania Polla, began the work, and we know from Dio Cassius that it was still unfinished in the year 7 B.C.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the map was a rectangular one with the east-west measurements running horizontally and the north-south measurements running vertically. Though Strabo does not mention Agrippaa€™s name here he is probably merely being tactful with regard to the Emperor who, presumably, took a large part in the completion of the portico with its map.
One must grant Detlefsen that in Plinya€™s main reference there is talk only of a map and the commentarii are merely the basis of the map. Partsch on the contrary, had assumed an original publication, contemporary with the original map, of a Tabellenwerk, that is, a series of tabulated lists. 1475, and, according to Paul Schnabel (Text und Karten des PtolemA?us, 1938) the thirteen manuscripts of the 15th and 16th centuries and a further manuscript of the 13th century all derive from the ninth-century codex in the library of Merton College, Oxford.
What they show is rather that on the orders of Theodosius two members of his household composed a map of the world, one written and the other a painting.
The classical scholar Alfred Klotz, however, in his articles on the map has shown that a number of correspondences between the two works as against Pliny point rather to a common source from which both works are derived.
Greek cartography, like Greek writing, ran from left to right and perhaps the former practice was promoted by the fact that the western boundary of Europe was well known, at least from the time of Pytheas (ca. The numerals are much more corrupt than those in Pliny, and there is usually a presumption, therefore, that Plinya€™s figures preserve a better version of Agrippa. Schnabel, while expressing appreciation of the earlier work of Alfred Klotz, yet criticizes Klotz severely on two grounds. For the sixth of these parallels he gives a slight correction due to the Publius Nigidius Figulus (ca. Therefore, Schnabel argues, the incorrect latitude of Hipparchus was corrected by Agrippa who had experience of the Black Sea in his later years. His proximate source, moreover, he names in section 217, according to his usual custom, as Nigidius Figulus. The parallels of Meroe and Thule were both equally useless in astrological geography although they may well have been mentioned by Nigidius, as they are by Strabo simply by way of clearing the decks. H, 10, 1.) for the mouth of the river Varus (the frontier of Gaul and Italy), that is, 27A° 30a€™ E longitude and 43A° N latitude, and again his position for Nesakton (Geog.
This method Ptolemy has described quite clearly and unambiguously in the fourth chapter of Book I of his Geography. It is difficult to see how Schnabel imagined that this line could be reduced to a straight line of 411 miles. What they have to say they translate from the Greeks but of themselves they provide very little impulse to learning, so that where the Greeks have left gaps the Romans provide little to fill the deficiency, especially since most of the well-known writers are Greek.a€? On a comparison of this passage with Straboa€™s usual sycophantic admiration of things Roman we can rate it as very severe criticism.
He was, therefore, well acquainted also with the map or Agrippa to which, or to whose content he refers no less than seven times in his Books II, V and VI.
In the fourth century the study of spherical geometry was pushed forward rapidly by Eudoxus in the Academy, and again by Callippus. This new knowledge was then exploited geographically by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (#112) in the latter half of the third century.
His delineation of the Near East, of Egypt, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was reasonably correct, and this was also true of his sketch of the Atlantic coast of Europe and the Brettanic islands in which area he followed Pytheas. Hipparchus further indicated the theoretic requirements for establishing the exact location of points on the eartha€™s surface. Despite his criticism of earlier geographers such as Pytheas, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it has long been recognized that he does not advance their work except in providing some details in regard to the map of Europe, while his general map of Europe has more faults than that of Eratosthenes. Without the stiffening of astronomical observation the Roman road systems were like a number of fingers probing blindly in the dark. The variation in the figures is aggravated by the fact that our later authorities do not entirely understand the Roman method of expressing large numbers as used by Agrippa and Pliny. This is, however, a serious error on the part of Klotz and to accept it would be a very retrograde step in our appreciation of the map. Therefore the word longitude could reasonably he used of its full length, and the measurements at right angles to this, that is, the latitudes, varied so much that Agrippa thought it necessary to give at least two, one in northern Italy and the second from Rome to the river Aternus.
Since the Pyrenees are supposed to run north and south the longitude of Hispania citerior is really the latitude, as was noted before. Over the Rhine lies a small Germany, only half the size of Gaul, and southeast of it an Illyricum and Pannonia of about the same size as Germany.
Cross measurements of the Mediterranean are given at three points, from the Italian coast by way of Corsica and Sardinia to Africa, from southern Greece through Sicily to the same place, and from Cape Malea in Greece to Crete and Cyrenaica. Mesopotamia measures a fairly modest 800 by 320 miles, but further east Media measures 1,320 by 840, Arabia to the south is 2,170 by 1,296 and, finally, India represents the Far East with 3,300 by 1,300. He must have taken over the map of Eratosthenes as revised by people such as Polybius, Posidonius and Artemidorus, and made it the basis of his own. Pliny understood these measurements as being the prime value of the map and that is why he copies them so exhaustively. Sometimes simple dividing lines were used, such as that used in central Spain, or wherever natural features of division were not present. Thus Agrippaa€™s India corresponds generally to the first a€?seala€? of Eratosthenes, and Agrippaa€™s Arabia, Ethiopia and Upper Egypt corresponds to the fourth a€?seala€?. Even with an astronomical basis they only provide us with a set of rectangles mostly scattered at haphazard about the Mediterranean. At the boundaries to the north, east and south he had to content himself with qua cognitum est.
This water feature is significant not only in the fact that it is completely landlocked, unlike most waterways which empty into a surrounding sea, but also notably both waterways are 1) truncated at each end by circular lakes 2) are similarly arced away from the center of their C-shaped surrounding, and 3) span the portion of their C-shape lying opposite the Greek and Italian peninsulas, the portion of the map which coincides with Africa.
First century Roman maps like Agripaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, which had existed throughout Europe, disappeared during the medieval period, but at least one copy was discovered in Germany just a few years prior to the arrival of Schonera€™s 1515 globe, the Peutinger Table (#120), and therefore it is not unreasonable to believe that SchA¶ner might have had access to an unfinished copy of Agrippaa€™s map. When Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum was originally created and put up for display on the wall of a portico, extensive commentary was likely consolidated within the center circular zone (2), but extending Jerusalem and Asia Minor into the mapa€™s center displaced much of the central text and necessitated the text's redistribution about the mappamundia€™s new design, relocating comments within the region to which each pertained, which is why we find the mappae mundi littered with commentary. But it may actually be that the EMM were based on the original text found on Agrippaa€™s map with the locative terms such as a€?above,a€? a€?opposite,a€? and a€?to the south ofa€? being necessary for a consolidated text set apart from the map, while the mappaemundia€™s placement of these data items directly onto the map logically allowed the removal of the spatial references. The mappaemundi maintained this orientation because medieval Christians held Eden, which they believed resided in the east, in high esteem. The reconstruction also omits completely the lateral mountain range above the waterway, which seems like a rather large oversight as both the Peutinger Table and Ptolemya€™s map, two ancient Roman maps, incorporated a trans-African range as does SchA¶nera€™s design. It also maintains a more realistic belief that ancient maps did not maintain the accuracy of modern maps, but retained a basic design and set of elements common to nearly all ancient maps. Most issues after the year 2000 are not included here because of insufficient collector demand. The Chinese mints did not keep accurate data during the early years, and there are constant debates amongst the numismatic community as to the correct figures.
Although intrinsic bioremediation does not involve active site manipulation, it requires construction and maintenance of a monitoring system.
Four types of hydro-geologic and geochemical characteristics determine the successfulness of intrinsic biodegradation instead of an engineered cleanup system. Pollutant producers may like this approach while regulators, environmental groups, and the public may be unwilling to accept this approach. Requirement of a minimal contaminant concentration to remain the population size and to induce the biodegradative pathway (never be complete zero concentration!) Oxygen limitation. Clogging problem when ion is ox" title="Air Sparging Limitation Problematic when the depth of air sparing > 10 m.
Solidifying it in place with either chemical fixatives or extreme heating (a process known as vitrification).
The long-term stability and leaching characteristics of contaminated materials that have been solidified or vitrified are unknown. From its literal meaning in Greek it also signifies the plant ox-tongue, so called from its shape and roughness of its leaves.
Conventionally holds a mirror in one hand, combing lovely hair with the other According to myth created by Ea, Babylonian water god. The large city at the top edge is Babylon (its description is the map's longest legend [A§181).
12-30.A  The conservator Christopher Clarkson drew my attention to the gouge in the Mapa€™s former frame.
Talbert (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), which I employ throughout my book, but with the caution that in dealing with the manuscript culture of medieval Europe, it is misleading and anachronistic to speak of a€?standarda€? or a€?correcta€? spellings, especially of geographical words. Casual visitors to the dark aisle where it hung could see only a dark, dirty image which they were encouraged to view in a pious, but also rather condescending manner.
Crone of the Royal Geographical Society, revealed that despite the antiquity of many of the map's sources much was almost contemporary with the map's creation and was secular. Much of the text that follows is an amplification of information panels and leaflets prepared for the British Library's current display of the map. Most medieval mapmakers seem to have accepted this constraint, but world maps showing four continents are not uncommon: notably the world maps created by Beatus of Liebana (#207) in the late 8th century to illustrate his Commentary on the Apocalypse of St.
It may have incorporated information from an earlier survey commissioned by Julius Caesar and, to judge from some early references, it may originally have shown four continents. These texts owed much to classical writers, particularly Pliny the Elder (23-79), who himself derived much of his information from still earlier writers such as the fifth century BC Greek historian Herodotus. As befitted the encyclopedic texts that they illustrated, the maps became visual encyclopedias of human and divine knowledge and not mere geographical maps. Many were purely schematic and symbolic, showing a T, representing the Mediterranean, the Don and the Nile, surrounded by an 0, for the great ocean encircling the world, sometimes with a fourth continent being added. It was only from about 1120 that Jerusalem took Oclos' place as the focal point of the map, as it does on the Hereford Mappamundi.
They retained and expanded the geographical and historical elements of the older maps - coastlines, layout and place names on the maps frequently reveal their ancestry - but to them they added several novel features.
Inscriptions of varying lengths amplified the pictures and sometimes contained references to their sources.
Much better preserved, until its destruction in 1943, was the famous Ebstorf world map of about 1235. It is difficult to account otherwise for the striking similarities in detailed arrangement and content between the Psalter world map, the recently discovered 'Duchy of Cornwall' fragment (probably commissioned in about 1285 by a cousin of Edward I for his foundation, Ashridge College in Hertfordshire) and the Aslake world map fragments of about 1360.
In many of its details it particularly resembles the Anglo-Saxon World Map of about 1000 and the twelfth century Henry of Mainz world map in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. The speakers compare Italy with Asia Minor, a country on similar latitudes where Greeks had experience of farming. India, Seres [China], and Scythia and Sarmatia [Russia] are reduced to small outlying regions on the periphery, thus taking on some features similar to the egocentric maps of the Chinese. He first became prominent as governor of Gaul, where he improved the road system and put down a rebellion in Aquitania. Thus Agrippa is said to have written that the whole coast of the Caspian from the Casus River consists of very high cliffs, which prevent landing for 425 miles. Such a word certainly ties up with Divisio I: a€?The world is divided up into three parts, named Europe, Asia, Libya or Africa. It is, as one might expect, more accurate in well-known than less-known parts, and more accurate for land than for sea areas. Moreover it seems to have been the first Latin map to be accompanied by notes or commentary. In regard to the materials of construction I think we have to choose between the painted type of wall-map mentioned by Varro and the construction of marble slabs that is used in the forma urbis Romae of two centuries later, of which considerable parts are extant. Detlefsen, as against the view of Partsch, effectively quoted the passage of the younger Pliny, on the 160 volumes of his unclea€™s commentarii, which he describes as electoruma€¦ commentarios, opisthographos quidem et minutissime scriptos, annotated excerpts, written on the back in a minute hand. It is, of course, possible to imagine that tabulated lists were put up as an adjunct to the map at the short ends, but the references to Spain and the Caspian seem somewhat out of place even here, and the balance of probability on this problem seems to lie, although rather precariously in favor of a contemporary, or nearly contemporary, publication of at least a selection of Agrippaa€™s material comprising something more than mere lists of names and figures. Detlefsena€™s view that both works were the transformation of actual maps into a written record had the advantage that the differences in the order of the material in the two works was of little consequence, the map giving merely the visual impact, and the writer a€?being free to begin his description at whatever point on the map he preferreda€?. First come the boundaries of the province given in the constant order east, west, north, south.
Firstly, Klotz has not discussed the possible use of Agrippa in Ptolemya€™s Geography, and secondly, and much more fundamentally, he has not recognized the scientific importance of the world-map of Agrippa as a link between Eratosthenes and Hipparchus on the one hand and Marinus and Ptolemy on the other, but has merely repeated traditional views dating from the end of the 19th century. It follows further, says Schnabel, that Plinya€™s seventh parallel, that of fifteen hours, belongs equally to Agrippa.
Detlefsen pointed this out in 1909, and Kroll (after Honigmann) throws further light on the subject in his article on Nigidius in R.
Plinya€™s final phrase about these scholars adding half an hour to all parallels denotes rather the astronomer than the astrologer.
III, 1, 7) on the river Arsia, that is, 36A° 15a€™ east longitude arid 44A° 55a€™ N latitude.
It would be fairer to use the reduction factor from Ptolemy's third map of Europe, referring to Gaul (Book VIII, cap. Hipparchus however, reckoned the distance from Syene to Alexandria as seven and one-seventh degrees of latitude. The most important of these passages is the first (II, 5, 17, C 120) where he refers to the important role played by the sea and secondarily, and by rivers and mountains in the shaping of the earth. Yet we may be sure that maps still continued to be made as rectangles on a plane surface, although the relation of the spherical to the plane surface must have begun to appear as a problem. His calculation of the length of the eartha€™s circumference and of the degree length of 700 stadia was a notable event in the advance of geography. For latitude he described the celestial phenomena for each individual degree of the ninety degrees running north front the Equator to the North Pole, giving for each the length of the longest day and the stars visible. He tells us that the lack of gnomonic readings in the east, of which Hipparchus complained, was equally true of the west (IL 1, C 71).
When one considers the variants within the MSS groups it follows that one may have a dozen or more variants for a single number.
The corresponding Greek words had, of course, originally meant length and breadth with no particular sense of direction. In Spain again the Pyrenees were always regarded as running north and south, parallel to the Rhine, while the east coast as far as the straits and Cadiz was regarded as running more or lees in a straight line to the west. Detlefsen accepts that Agrippaa€™s figure is an error without being able to explain why, while for Klotz Syria is an obvious proof that Agrippa assigned no definite direction to his longitude.


India alone, therefore, has a longitude as great as the whole Mediterranean, while its latitude is comparable to that of Europe and Africa combined. His chief pride would seem to have been in his measurements, and indeed it is only for the exactness of these that Pliny praises him when he refers to BA¦tica in Book III, 17.
Again the horizontal spine of Mount Taurus plays an important role in both as a line of division between the northern and southern areas, Agrippa, however, follows the Eratosthenic method of division only in a general way and not in detail. It is quite certain that the waterway made its way onto the mappaemundi via Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum as this landlocked waterway represents the Roman belief that the Nile River originated in the mountains of Mauritania and ran laterally across the continent dividing the African continent in two with Libya to the north and Ethiopia to the south. And finally, based on SchA¶nera€™s design Agrippaa€™s map was built around a concentric grid that resembled a polar projection which he as a globe maker would have readily recognized. Ancient Roman maps like the Peutinger Table, however, oriented the map with north to the top similar to the reconstruction based on SchA¶nera€™s design. But should some doubts still linger, he offers one last review two earlier images comparing the landmass to other C-shaped maps, the Greek Hecataeus (#108) and medieval Hereford world maps, and ask that you consider the mathematical probability that SchA¶ner would incorporate the precise elements of these maps in their precise order and placement without an ancient world map as his template.
Any mintage figures given are the best available, but no guarantee can be made as to their accuracy. Need to monitor the plume distribution, indicator parameters of biodegradation, and possibility of contamination in previously non-contaminated areas. Crone points out that this reference has special significance because Augustus had also entrusted his son-in-law, M. Sometimes identified with Sirens, the mythical enchantresses along coasts of the Mediterranean, who lured sailors to destruction by their singing. Amazon means a€?without a breast,a€? according to tradition these women removed the right breast to use the bow.
At the right edge, a looping line shows the route of the wandering Israelites in their Exodus from Egypt; it crosses the Jordan to the left of a naked woman who looks over her shoulder at the sinking cities of Sodom and Gomorrah in the Dead Sea (she is Lot's wife, turned into a pillar of salt [A§254]. 400), a text that was often attended during the Middle Ages by diagrammatic a€?mapsa€? illustrating the concept.A  See also David Woodward. Others delved into the question of its authorship, which had previously been assumed to be obvious from the wording on the map itself.
The medievalized depiction on the bottom left corner of the Hereford world map of 'Caesar Augustus' commissioning a survey of the world from three surveyors representing the three corners of the world may be based on a muddled - and religiously acceptable - memory of these classical events. Even though the inscriptions on the maps gradually became more and more garbled and the information more and more embellished, distorted, and misunderstood, they nevertheless retained their tenuous links with ancient learning. More than simple geographical shorthand, such maps were also meant to symbolize the crucifixion, the descent of man from Noah's three sons and the ultimate triumph of Christianity.
Palestine itself was usually enlarged far beyond what, on a modern map, would have been its actual proportions.
A note on one of the most famous of them, the Ebstorf, says that it could be used for route planning. Although the maps were still dominated by biblical and classical history and legend, most other information seems to have been acceptable and was accommodated within the traditional framework. Far larger than the Hereford Word Map and much more colorful, it was probably created under the guidance of the itinerant English lawyer, teacher and diplomat, Gervase of Tilbury. In transmission some facts and text became garbled and some inscriptions are gobbled gook or wrong. Within this round frame the Roman cartographers placed the Orbis Terrarum, the circuit of the world.
This shape was also one that suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade.
If Romans were planning this, they would place the northern section much further west, whereas the cartographers were Greeks, and they followed a tradition which originated in Rhodes or Alexandria. He pacified the area near Cologne (later founded as a Roman colony) by settling the Ubii at their request on the west bank of the Rhine. Agrippa was an obvious choice as composer of such a map, being a naval man who had traveled widely and had an interest in the technical side. The date at which the building was started is not known, but it was still incomplete in 7 B.C. If the commentary had not been continuous, but had merely served as supplementary notes where required, there is a possibility that by Plinya€™s time, some eighty years later, it might have gone out of circulation. Augustus was the first to show it [the world] by chorography.a€? Evidently there is a slight difference of meaning between this and Ptolemya€™s definition, by which chorography refers to regional mapping.
From the quotations given by Dilke, there would appear to be a general tendency by Agrippa to underestimate land distances in Gaul, Germany and in the Far East, and to overestimate sea distances.
Although the words used are longitudo and latitudo, they have no connection with longitudinal and latitudinal degree divisions.
Romans going to colonies, particularly outside Italy, could obtain information about the location or characteristics of a particular place. We know that the campus Agrippae was in the campus Markus on the east side of the Via Flaminia and that it was bordered towards the street on the west by the Porticus Vipsania. In view of the widespread use of marble facings that characterizes the age of Augustus, the marble slab method appears more probable. Riese and Partsch had argued that certain references to Agrippa in Pliny, in particular the reference to the inaccessibility of part of the coast of the Caspian Sea and also that to the Punic origins of the coastal towns of Baetica refer more naturally to a published work than to the map in the Porticus Vipsania. We do not know the size of this map that has perished, or whether its descent from the map of Agrippa was through a series of hand-copies as Detlefsen supposed. In actual fact Pliny and the Divisio both begin their description from the straits of Gibraltar, moving east, while the Demensuratio, on the contrary, begins with India moves west.
Following on this and connected there with come the longitude and latitude, in that order, expressed in Roman miles with Roman numerals. These views stated that Agrippaa€™s work was constructed on the basis of Roman itinerary measurements and took no note of the scientific results of the astronomical geography of the Greeks. Pliny then adds a€?from later studentsa€? five more parallels, three of them, those of the Don, of Britain, and of Thule, running north of the original seven, and two, those of Meroe and Syene, running south of them. What is new in Plinya€™s parallels may be referred to the Greek astronomers of the age of Hipparchus or the two or three generations after him. By subtraction we get the difference in longitude between the two places as 8A° 45a€™ and the difference in latitude as 1A° 55a€™.
This third class was to be manipulated as intelligently as possible so as to fit in with the basic evidence of the first two classes. But in every case instead of a geometrical definition a simple and rough definition is enough. He also established a fundamental parallel of latitude, following the example of DicA¦archus. The north, the far east, and Africa south of the Arabian gulf, were practically unknown, and even in the Mediterranean and the land-areas surrounding it, major defects were due to the great uncertainties of measurement, whether by land or by sea.
Straboa€™s aversion to the mathematical and astronomical sick of geography has already been described and considered as typical of the age that he lived. Much toil has been expended by scholars such as Partsch, Detlefsen and Klotz in attempting to divine which, if any, of these figures belong to Agrippa.
They became technical terms for longitude and latitude with a strict directional sense in the filth century B.C. The north coast, however, was usually thought to run from Lisbon (Cabo da Roca) to the Pyrenees, the northwest capes, Nerium and Ortegal, being ignored. Detlefsen held that the map was not drawn to scale and that the measurements were merely inscribed upon it. Unfortunately, in nearly all cases we know neither the beginning nor the end of the routes measured, nor do we know, with any exactness, the direction of the route.
Eratosthenes determined the sides of his a€?seals,a€? that were irregular quadrilaterals, by the points of the compass. It is clear that he gave the itinerary stages in Italy and Sicily in addition to the coastal sailing measurements. He believes such a notion is impossible and with the presentation of a sound argument for the circumstances contributing to SchA¶nera€™s error, there remains little reason to doubt that because of his grand error we are able to gaze upon Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum for the first time in many centuries.
Need to evaluate the possibility and extent of intrinsic bioremediation in order to examine the effectiveness of “active” groundwater-soil remediation methods (no-treatment control experiment). The circle one-third of the way from the bottom is Jerusalem, the Map's central point, with a crucifixion scene above it ([A§387-89]).
Its images and decoration have been examined from a stylistic standpoint by Nigel Morgan and put into the context of their time, while the late Wilma George examined the animals in the light of her own zoological knowledge [2] The chance discoveries of fragments of other English medieval world maps in recent years [3] have expanded the context within which the Hereford World Map can be examined, and the Royal Academy exhibition, 'The Age of Chivalry' of 1987 enabled the map to be displayed in the company of other non-cartographic artifacts of its own time. Generally, though, it was not difficult to adapt surviving copies of existing, secular world maps to suit the purposes of Christian writers from the 5th century onwards. This was in order to match its historical importance and to accommodate all the information that had to be conveyed.
Christ would, for instance, be shown dominating the world, or the world might even be depicted as the actual body of Christ.
The world was shown as the body of Christ and much space was devoted to the political situation in northern Germany: an area of particular concern to the Duke who may have commissioned it.
As a visual aid to this discussion, the temple map will have been envisaged as particularly helpful. He must have had plans drawn, and may even have devised and used large-scale maps to help him with the conversion of Lake Avemus and the Lacus Lucrinus into naval ports. Two late geographical writings, the Divisio orbis and the Dimensuratio provinciarum (commonly abbreviated to Divisio and Dimensuratio) may be thought to come from Agrippa, because they show similarities with Plinya€™s figures. If West Africa is any guide, in areas where distances were not well established, they were probably entered only very selectively. Also the full extent of the Roman Empire could be seen at a glance.a€?Certain medieval maps, including the Hereford and Ebstorf world maps (see monographs #224 and #226 in Book IIB) are now believed to have been derived from the Orbis Terraum of Agrippa, and point to the existence of a series of maps, now lost, that carried the traditions of Roman cartography into Christian Europe. Varro, in the following century, tells us of a map of Italy that was painted on the wall of the temple of Tellus.
Remains of the portico are stated to have been found opposite the Piazza Colonna on the Corso at about the position of the column of Marcus Aurelius and further north. The volumes of commentary referred to by the younger Pliny were not published, but were clearly digested to the point where little further work was needed to prepare them for publication, and the same situation may well be accepted for the commentarii of Agrippa.
The text, however, had long previously been known from its reproduction in the first five chapters of the De Mensura Orbis Terrae, published by the Irish scholar Dicuil in A.D. But it did quite clearly derive from that map, whether in the map-form or in a written form, with its list of seas, mountains, rivers, harbors, gulfs and cities. On Klotza€™s view that both works derive from a common written source this major divergence becomes a problem to he explained, but Klotz can offer no explanation.
The boundaries are marked by the natural features, usually the mountains, rivers, deserts and oceans, only occasionally by towns or other features. Of these parallels Schnabel tries to establish that at least two are due to Agrippa, to wit, the first of the new parallels passing through the Don, and the seventh of the old parallels passing through the mouth of the Dnieper. Using Ptolemya€™s reduction factor at 43A° N latitude which is forty-three sixtieths we find that with Ptolemya€™s degree of 500 stadia the difference in longitude between the two places in question is 3,135 and five-twelfths stadia and the difference in latitude is 958 and one-third stadia.
It was this third kind of evidence which gave Ptolemy his positions for the Varus and the Arsia. He thinks the 411 miles represents the itinerary measurement from the Varus to Rimini through Dertona, and that the Arsia has got attached to it by a slight confusion in Pliny's mind in thinking of the boundaries between the mare superum and the mare inferum, with which, in fact, he equates the Varus-Arsia measurement. This factor of forty sixtieths or two-thirds gives a distance of approximately 384 miles from Varus to Arsia and the striking coincidence on which Schnabel has built this elaborate theory simply vanishes. Therefore, argues Schnabel, Agrippa made a new reckoning of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia.
Such features as these brought into existence the continents, the tribes, the fine natural sites of cities and the other decorative features of which our chorogaphic map is chock full.a€? The map of Agrippa displayed, therefore, all the natural features just mentioned and, in addition, the names of tribes and of famous cities. Only a combination of the practical measurements with astronomical observation could have affected a real progress and our evidence shows only too clearly that this happy union did not take place. Some light has been thrown on the subject by comparison with later Roman itineraries for the particular areas. The result of this misconception was that the figures for longitude and latitude were simply interchanged.
Agrippa regarded the Syrian coast running northeast from the boundary of Egypt, as running much more in an easterly direction than it actually does.
His map represents, says Detlefsen, a moment of historical development, a point in the process of crystallization of the lands of the Mediterranean into the Roman Empire.
Agrippa defines the boundaries of his groups of countries in the same way, by the points of the compass, but as regards size he supplies only the length and breadth, thus agreeing with Strabo, already quoted.
It is a question whether these itinerary measurements were given, in detail on the map for all the western provinces, not to mention the eastern ones. Advantage over conventional pump-and-treat approach A greater ease of circulating air compared to circulating water. Carte marine et portulan au XIIe siA?cle:A  Le Liber de existencia riveriarum et forma maris nostri Mediterranei. The amount of space dedicated to the other parts of the world varied according to their traditional historical or biblical importance and the preoccupations of the author of the text that the map illustrated. But whether it was only intended to be imagined by readers or was actually illustrated in the book is not clear. The map was presumably developed from the Roman road itineraries, and may have been circular in shape, thus differing from the Roman Peutinger Table (#120). The theory that it was circular is in conflict with a shape that would suit a colonnade wall. What purpose was served by giving a width for the long strip from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea is not clear. Dilke provides a detailed discussion of Agrippaa€™s measurements using quotes from the elder Plinya€™s Natural History. We do not know the occasion of this dedication, but since it was meant to celebrate a victory it may been intended for the geographical instruction of the Roman public. They are said to allow the conclusion that it had the same dimensions and construction as the adjacent porticus saeptorum, whose dimensions were 1,500 ft.
The twelve lines were inscribed on this map and also on an obviously contemporary written version thereof, and it is this written version that has been preserved for us both by Dicuil and in the various manuscripts of the Divisio orbis terrarum, whereas the map has perished. Klotz, however, believed that be could determine the original succession of countries and groups of countries as treated in the published work of Agrippa by criteria.
The Demensuratio on one occasion gives the fauna and flora of Eastern India, which it calls the land of pepper, elephants, snakes, sphinxes and parrots. He argues that the Dnieper was used as a line of demarcation between Sarmatia to the east and Dacia to the west only on the map of Agrippa, and neither earlier nor later, and that therefore the parallel from the Don through the Dnieper must derive from that map. Plinya€™s seven klimata are a piece of astrological geography and derive through Nigidius from Serapion of Antioch, who was probably a pupil of Hipparchus, or if not was a student of his work. But there is no vestige of probability or proof that Agrippa made new gnomonic readings to correct Hipparchus. Schnabel now treats the spherical triangle involved as a plane right-angled triangle, and using the theorem of Pythagoras, he finds that the hypotenuse, that is, the distance between the Varus and the Arsia is 3,291 stadia or 411 Roman miles.
Gnomonic readings were often inaccurate, measurement of time was still very vague, and a degree length one-sixth too large did not help. He used the circle of 360 degrees, giving up the hexecontads [a 60-sided polygon] of Eratosthenes. But since we normally do not know by what route Agrippaa€™s measurements were taken, this light may prove to be a will-o-the wisp. Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny all insist on the technical directional sense, as there was the possibility of ignorant people misunderstanding them. The same thing occurred in the British islands that were regarded as running from northeast to southwest. 1,200, 720 and 410 miles, respectively, running from the unknown north down to the Aegean, but all having approximately the same latitude of just under 400 miles.
Therefore the longitude was to him the east-west direction, and the latitude from Seleucia Pieria to Zeugma was the north-south direction.
Partial distances were given from station to station along the Italian coast, but Detlefsen thinks that the summation of the coastal measurements appeared elsewhere on the map.
Where this process is complete we have ready-made provinces, where it is still in progress we find the raw materials of provinces-to-be, which are still parts of large and scarcely known areas, and finally, where Roman armies have never set foot we find enormous, amorphous masses lumped together as geographical units. It is notable, as Detlefsen points out, that Strabo must have recognized this lack of scientific value. It appears from passages in Pliny that Varro had already used the Roman itineraries in his geographical books and Agrippa was only following his example. Eliminates the chance of remobilizing contaminants or causing additional contamination by pumping.
Behind the blue band of the river is a grim array of grotesque figures to indicate the existence of primitive peoples. There may be significance in the soulless mermaid placed in the map close to the unattainable Holy Land, or she may be a possible temptation to sea-faring pilgrims. Phillott, wrote that it shows a a€?rejection of all that savoured of scientific geography, .
Because of this, space devoted to the author or patron's homeland was often much exaggerated when judged by modern standards, as in the case of England, Wales and Ireland on the Hereford Mappa Mundi.
Crone demonstrated, the Hereford also contains sequences of the more important place names along some major thirteenth century commercial and pilgrimage routes. The same applies to possible cartographic illustration of Varroa€™s Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, of which Books VII-XIII dealt with Italy. The map of Agrippa, however, was set up, not in a sacred place, but in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsania.
Dicuil worked and wrote probably at the Frankish palace at Aix-la-Chapelle in the time of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious.
The date of the making of the map was probably the fifteenth consulate of Theodosius II, that is, A.D. One of these was the direction shown in the order of naming several particular countries where several are included in the same section, or the direction shown in the list of the boundaries of the section. This argument, however, is unsound for a number of reasons, of which the most obvious in this context is that whereas the Dnieper is given by our sources as the west boundary of Sarmatia, it is never given as the east boundary of Dacia.
Nigidius was a notorious student of the occult and his astrological geography was contained in a work apparently entitled de terris.
At right angles to this he established a meridian running from Meroe northwards to the mouth of the Dnieper, and passing through Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium.
Yet he did not try to get a more exact value for the degree, although this was the point where theory could most easily have affected practice. Moreover, although the Roman roads may often have rationalized the native roads by new road-construction or by bridging, yet in general they continued to be town-to-town roads, and if the itineraries ever correctly represented the longitude and latitude of a province it would be by pure chance.
But, you may object, this technical sense is only suitable for describing rectangles and not all countries fall into that convenient form.
Here again longitudo is the long axis and latitudo the short axis, not because of a misuse of these technical terms, but simply because their general position was misconceived.
Further east again Sarmatia [Russia], including the Black Sea to the south, measures 980 by 715 miles, Asia Minor 1,155 by 325, Armenia and the Caspian 480 by 280.
Any doubt on this matter is removed when we look at Pliny (VI, 126), where he gives the latitude from the same point, Seleucia Pieria, to the mouth of the Tigris. It is probable that Italy and the neighboring islands were given in greater detail than other areas. Of the first class, the ordered provinces, we have eight in Europe, three in Africa, and three in Asia. He gives us from Agrippa, a few lines along the coasts of Italy and Sicily but not a single one of his reckonings for the provinces. Since so little of the materials of the ancient geographers bas been preserved it is mostly a matter of chance whether we know or do not know whether Agrippa agreed or not with the measurements of a particular earlier geographer. On a world map, though, as opposed to the strip itinerary maps produced by Matthew Paris in about 1250, the route planning could only have been very approximate and very much incidental to the main purposes. But at least we know that he was keen on illustration, since his Hebdomades vel de imaginibus, a biographical work in fifteen books, was illustrated with as many as seven hundred portraits. Plinya€™s most specific reference to the map is where he records that the length of BA¦tica, the southern Spanish province, given as 475 Roman miles and its width as 258 Roman miles, whereas the width could still be correct, depending on how it was calculated.
It was not a map of a part of the Empire, not even a map of the Empire as a whole, but rather a map of the whole known world, of which the Roman Empire was merely one part. The Porticus Vipsania was, therefore, an enormous colonnade and it follows that the map with which we are concerned was only one decorative item among the many that adorned it. Thus he says that the order Cevennes-Jura for the northern boundary of Narbonese Gaul shows motion from west to east, and again the list Macedonia, Hellespont, left side it the Black Sea shows the same movement.
This work seems to have included his commentary on the sphaera Graecanica describing the Greek constellations and his sphaera barbarica on the non-Greek constellations. From the coincidence of the figures Schnabel strongly argues that Ptolemy must have taken over the figure of 411 miles from Agrippa.
The establishment of these two lines provided the theoretical basis for a grid of lines of parallels and meridians respectively, points being fixed by longitude and latitude as by the coordinates in a graph. The measurements of Agrippa should, therefore, be reduced but it is not easy to say by what factor.
This is true indeed, and here we have to consider a few ancient misconceptions about the shapes and positions of particular countries. The distance is 175 miles from Seleucia to Zeugma, 724 miles from Zeugma to Seleucia and Tigrim and 320 miles to the mouth of the Tigris, that is, 1,219 in all. Of the second class, where the Romans had recent military campaign we have three in Europe, that is, Germany, Dacia and Sarmatia, one in Africa, Mauretania, and one in Asia, Armenia.
Klotz has shown that he used Eratosthenes very often, but that on occasion he disagreed with him, and that Artemidorus apparently he did not use at all.
Since we are told that this work was widely circulated, some scholars have wondered whether Varro used some mechanical means of duplicating his miniatures; but educated slaves were plentiful, and we should almost certainly have heard about any such device if it had existed. Pliny continues: a€?Who would believe that Agrippa, a very careful man who took great pains over his work, should, when he was going to set up the map to be looked at by the people of Rome, have made this mistake, and how could Augustus have accepted it? The second criterion is that the use (the alleged use) of the term longitudo for a north-south direction or for any direction other than the canonical one of east-west, shows us the direction of Agrippaa€™s order in treating of the geography. Nigidiusa€™ a€?barbaric spherea€? was derived from the like-named work of Asclepiades of Myrlea. The two main passages from Straboa€™s second book may reasonably be regarded as a transcript of contemporary geographical practice and since between them they give an exact description of the methods followed in the ancient remains of the map of Agrippa, Tierney thinks that they may rightly be regarded as a strong proof that the views held on this map by Detlefsen and Klotz are generally correct. In somewhat similar circumstances Ptolemy reduced the figures of Marinus in Asia and Africa by about one-half. This distance, he adds, is the latitude of the earth between the two seas, that is, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. 14), which may have resulted from the survey of the provinces ascribed by tradition to Julius Caesar. In the Hereford map they could revel in this pictorial description of the outside world, which taught natural history, classical legends, explained the winds and reinforced their religious beliefs. For it was Augustus who, when Agrippaa€™s sister had begun building the portico, carried through the scheme from the intention and notes [commentarii] of M. Tierney does not believe that either of these criteria can show us the order of treatment in the original publication, presuming, that is, that there was an original publication. The detailed extension of the Greek parallels into the Roman west is apparently due to Nigidius. Agrippa, he thinks, took the itinerary figure for the distance from the Varus to the Arsia, which is given as 745 miles by Pliny (III, 132) and reduced it to a straight line of 411 miles by astronomical and mathematical measurement.
We are prone to forget that all ancient geographers were necessarily map-minded, and even when the map was not before their physical eye, it was before their mental eye.
This proves, therefore, that Agrippaa€™s map was not a purely itinerary map, but that Agrippa reduced the itinerary measurements in the way described.
Augustus, as he was ill, handed his signet-ring to Agrippa, thus indicating him as acting emperor.
The order of countries within a section would, I think, very much depend on the momentary motions or aberrations of that mental eye. It is unfortunate, however, that nearly all Agrippaa€™s figures come down to us in a non-reduced form that makes it impossible to reproduce his map. The two upright fingers branching up from the Mediterranean are the Aegean and the Black Sea with the Golden Fleece at its extremity. The same year Agrippa was given charge of all the eastern parts of the Empire, with headquarters at Mitylene.



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