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To communicate effectively in the modern world, you have to master the current forms of media. At various points in your career, you'll have to compose a compelling email or written proposal to convey your ideas to others.
The skill of photography lies in stepping outside yourself and seeing what is actually in the viewfinder, not what you want to be there.
Like photography, video involves seeing what's actually there on the screen, rather than what you want to be there. Public speaking is a lot like blog writing, in that you have to come up with a plan and a structure for your message. You will communicate better by switching off your narcissism and looking at your output as though it was the product of someone else. By Glenn Campbell in Istanbul When you visit a new city, you gain a lot of practical information about it. By Glenn Campbell (in Fayetteville, NC) I saw this sign (above) at the Newark airport yesterday, and it pissed me off. We know that Jacques RanciA?re speaks about the relation between politics and aesthetics in terms of a€?the distribution of the sensible.a€? Tonight I want to speak about the distribution of the insensible. But I also want to register an implicit critical dimension of this argument, a critique of RanciA?re and of his presently immense influence, which I view as unwarranted. By way of a first approach to what I mean by a€?the distribution of the insensible,a€? leta€™s recall some basic passages from Volume One of Capital on the transformation of materials.
Labor is, first of all, a process between man and nature, a process by which man, through his own actions, mediates, regulates and controls the metabolism between himself and nature.
What distinguishes capitalism as a mode of production, however, is the peculiar manner in which the transformation of materials through the labor process is shadowed by the process of valorization.
We can thus view the process of production either from the perspective of the labor process or the valorization process. So, this brief summary of Marxist fundamentals is our first approach to the distribution of the insensible.
In Intellectual and Manual Labor, Alfred Sohn-Rethel argues that the social abstraction of the value form and the exchange relation gives rise to our abstract forms of thought. The exchange abstraction excludes everything that makes up history, human and even natural history. In Sohn-Rethela€™s account, the exchange relation gives rise to a social genesis of the transcendental (the forms of intuition and the categories of the understanding).
In the act of exchange, the natural and material physicality of the product is negated by the abstract value of the commodity, and this negation constitutes the a€?positive realitya€? of the social physicality of the exchange process. The history of modernity, which is to say the history of capitalism, is also the history of modern technology. And thena€”in the discourse network of 2000, spawned by the cybernetic systems, information theories, and encryption technologies of World War II, digital technology draws media differentiation back together through the synthetic resources of digital code, a universal medium traversing audio, video, and textual recording. However (fourth approach)a€”we should recognize that just as Kittlera€™s media theory offers a necessary supplement to Sohn-Rethela€™s account of the social genesis of conceptual abstraction, it is also necessary to submit Kittlera€™s own work to a Marxist inversion.
What Marx calls a€?formal subsumptiona€? is the initial subsumption of labor under the value form, through wage labor and exploitation (the extraction of surplus value from surplus labor time).
This contradiction bears upon the history of technology, because it is by revolutionizing the means of production that capital attempts to overcome this contradiction.
The same process also generates a different problem: as automation increases, less labor power is required. Automation, which is at once the most advanced sector of modern industry and the epitome of its practice, confronts the world of the commodity with a contradiction that it must somehow resolve: the same technical infrastructure that is capable of abolishing labor must at the same time preserve labor as a commoditya€”and indeed, as the sole generator of commodities.
We could rephrase this by saying that Fordism both requires and paves the way for post-Fordism.
At the same time, however, we know that a commodity like an Apple computer is, in fact, produced by processes quite clearly identifiable as a€?labor.a€? Despite the fact that every effort is made to keep this fact out of sight and out of mind, we know it because we read about it on Apple computers. Composed of aluminum, nickel, steel, glass, vinyl, and fluorescent, the production of Vanitas involves a virtuosic performance of mimetic exactitude. In a dark room, the viewer looks at the object, sees into it, and sees nothing of herself (like a vampire in front of a mirror, Baier says) while the object reflects its own interior infinitely in all directions.
The first thing we might note about this piece is its complex engagement with relational aesthetics.
Second, we can say that if Vanitas is a captivating work of art, much of what makes it so is money. Baiera€™s piece instantiates the problem of the relation between materials and money, captured in the art object. Behind Vanitas, a glass reproduction of Baiera€™s eyeball at the center of a projected disc of light, gazing without seeing across the room at a mirrored box which does not reflect its image. Beside Vanitas, a fond de scA?nea€”a reflector used in the background of photo shootsa€”which Baier placed in a template with a circular hole and left in a window for nine months.
Around the corner, a piece called Projet A‰toile (Noir), consisting of a graphite painting titled Monochrome (Black) and a sculptural replica of a meteorite recovered from Death Valley. These are photographic pieces and sculptural objects which Baier would have worked on at the computer in the center of Vanitas. At the crux of materials and moneya€”through the complex history that crux containsa€”the subject of Baiera€™s installation is the relation between memory, recording, mimesis.
Baiera€™s problem is not only the remembrance of things past, but, more specifically, the reminiscence of that which has never been sensed, the distribution of the insensible, recalled. By way of a first approach to what I mean by a€?the distribution of the insensible,a€?A  leta€™s recall some basic passages from Volume One of Capital on the transformation of materials. DESCRIPTION: It should be emphasized that most of all of the previous maps discussed in these first three volumes have been one-of-a-kind, manuscript maps.
The conservatism of the Higden maps (#232) can be explained by their 14th century model, but in the late 15th century a world map appeared in print which was extremely peculiar and whose antecedents we do not know. Among the numerous fine woodcut illustrations and genealogical tables are two double-page maps: one of Palestine and one of the world.
The world map is oriented to the East with Asia on top and the other two continents below, T-O style, though the three water divisions (Don, Nile, Mediterranean) are not shown (Book II, #205). This description corresponds completely with the picture on the map and the olive branches also are now clear.
Other pictures on the map include two dragons in Libya, crowned kings and a queen in various kingdoms, the Pope in Rome, a figure in the holy land which is perhaps Saint Jerome (a major source for the book), and a phoenix in flames in Africa. This world map is often described as a€?the first modern printed mapa€?, in that it bears no relation to Ptolemy and it is not of medieval schematic type. Of more convincing pictorial quality is the map of Palestine, which, measuring 58 x 40 cm, presents a birda€™s eye view over the hills and seas of the Holy Land.
Over 100 places-names and geographic features are identified, with towns and countries named. Arguably the greatest technical advance in human history was the invention of printing, and it is ironic that the first use of this invention in the service of cartography marked a€?the end of an era rather than the beginning of a new onea€? a€“ Tony Campbell.
Winter, H., a€?Notes on the World map in a€?Rudimentum Novitioruma€?, Imago Mundi, Volume 9, p. This map does not have Adam and Eve in the east (at the top), as others do, but shows, on a mountain from which four rivers rise, within a group of trees, two pulpits with a man in each holding a green leaf in a lifted hand. Of more convincing pictorial quality is the map of Palestine, which, measuring 58 x 40 cm, presents a birda€™s eye view over the hills and seas of the Holy Land.A A  This map is believed to be based upon an important lost delineation of Burchard of Mt. The introduction of the microprocessor, a single chip with all the circuitry that formerly occupied large cabinets, led to the proliferation of personal computers after 1975. While Ptolemy is most frequently associated with geography and cartography, he also wrote important works in a number of other fields including astronomy, astrology, music and optics.
Although no original manuscript of this text has survived the ravages of time, several manuscript copies, dating from the closing centuries of the Byzantine Empire (ca. For these and other reasons, Ptolemy knew mathematics to be an important part of cartography. The first Book of the Geographia is devoted primarily to theoretical principles, including a discussion of globe construction, the description of two map projections, and an extended, through amicable, criticism of his primary source, Marinus of Tyre, a€?the latest of the geographers of our timea€?. In another chapter in Book I, Ptolemy wrote that there are two ways of making a portrait of the world: one is to reproduce it on a sphere, and the other is to draw it on a plane surface.
If the second method of drawing the earth is used, that is, if the spherical earth is projected onto a plane surface, certain adjustments are obviously necessary. Ptolemya€™s exhaustive criticism of the imperfect methods of drawing maps adopted by Marinus would lead to the expectation that he himself would have used some of his own recommended projections in constructing his maps. Book II of the Geographia opens with a prologue a€?of the particular descriptionsa€?, which is to say, the maps he was about to present, and a general statement of his mapmaking policy. The fifth chapter of Book VII contains a description of the map of the world, together with an enumeration of the oceans and of the more important bays and islands.
In the eighth and last Book of the Geographia, Ptolemy returned to the business of discussing the principles of cartography, mathematical, geographical and astronomical methods of observation, and, in some cases (manuscript or printed copies) there follow short legends for each of the special maps - ten for Europe, four for Africa and twelve for Asia - mentioning the countries laid down on each plate, describing the limits, and enumerating the tribes of each country and its most important towns.
Those scholars who have argued that Ptolemya€™s original text contained no maps have neglected careful study of this Book. The obvious way to avoid crowding, Ptolemy said, is to make separate maps of the most populous regions or sectional maps combining densely populated areas with countries containing few inhabitants, if such a combination is feasible. The illustration above gives a diagram of the parts of the known world embraced by each special map found in Ptolemya€™s Geographia.
While there is little doubt still lingering that Ptolemya€™s text was originally illustrated by maps, it is not altogether certain that the maps found today in existing copies of the Geographia are indeed similar to those of the original series of maps, since the latter have not survived for comparison. To further confound the issue, all of the other manuscript copies of the Geographia that are accompanied by maps differ one from another, presenting two basic versions. The other version, B, contains sixty-four maps distributed throughout the text, vice collected together in one place. Over and above these maps, those manuscripts with maps, both A- and B-versions, are additionally illustrated with a universal map of the entire known world at Ptolemya€™s time, either on one sheet or four sheets; only very rarely are both world maps found together.
As with modern maps, Ptolemaic maps are oriented so that North would be at the top and East at the right, because better known localities of the world were to be found in the northern latitudes, and on a flat map they would be easier to study if they were in the upper right-had corner.
Displayed on the left-had margin of these world maps are seven Clima [Klima] and Parallel Zones. Overall Ptolemya€™s world-picture extended northward from the equator a distance of 31,500 stades [one mile = 9 to 10 stades; there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade] to 63A° N at Thule, and southward to a part of Ethiopia named Agysimba and Cape Prasum at 16A° S latitude, or the same distance south as Meroe was north.
It has been repeatedly pointed out that the distances set down by Ptolemy in his tables for the Mediterranean countries, the virtual center of the habitable world, are erroneous beyond reason, considering the fact that Roman Itineraries were accessible. The geographical errors made by Ptolemy in his text and maps constitute the principle topic of many scholarly dissertations.
Paradoxically, Ptolemya€™s eastward extension of Asia, reducing the length of the unknown part of the world, coupled with his estimate of the circumference of the earth, was his greatest contribution to history if not cartography. Ptolemy provides a descriptive summary in his text in which he tells us that the habitable part of the earth is bounded on the south by the unknown land which encloses the Indian Sea and that it encompasses Ethiopia south of Libya, called Agisymba. The southern limit of the habitable world had been fixed by Eratosthenes (#112) and Strabo (#115) at the parallel through the eastern extremity of Africa, Cape Guardafiri, the cinnamon-producing country and the country of the SembritA¦ [Senaai].
Ptolemy records, following Marinus, the penetration of Roman expeditions to the land of the Ethiopians and to Agisymba, a region of the Sudan beyond the Sahara desert, perhaps the basin of Lake Chad, and he supplied other new information regarding the interior of North Africa. The eastern coast of Africa was better known than the western, having been visited by Greek and Roman traders as far as Rhapta [Rhaptum Promontory opposite Zanzibar?] which Ptolemy placed at about 7A° S. According to Greek tradition, an extension of 20A° in the width of the habitable world called for a proportionate increase in its length. Ptolemya€™s knowledge of the vast region from Sarmatia to China was, however, better than that of previous map makers. Many faults appear in Ptolemya€™s picture of southern Asia, although for more than a century commercial relations between western India and Alexandria had been flourishing. Even the more familiar territory of the Mediterranean basin demonstrated that insufficient contemporary knowledge was available and Ptolemy erred in many important cartographical details.
Map on grid system, in Ptolemy, La geographia, 1561-64, 26 x 14 cm, a€?Oxford University Byw.
However, Ptolemy was apparently the first of the ancient geographers to have a fair conception of the relations between the Tanais, usually considered the northern boundary between Europe and Asia, and the Rha [Volga], which he said flowed into the Caspian Sea. In spite of the egregious errors on all of Ptolemya€™s maps, his atlas was indeed an unsurpassed masterpiece for almost 1,500 years. During the intellectual narrow-mindedness of the Middle Ages even Ptolemy and his methods of map construction were forgotten, at least in the west.
The presently known version of Ptolemya€™s works began to surface when the Byzantine monk Maximos Planudes (1260 - 1310) succeeded in finding and purchasing a manuscript copy of the Geographia. Another scholar of the Byzantine age is known to have been interested in Ptolemya€™s Geographia - the noted polyhistor Nikephoras Gregoras (1295 - c.
In 1400 a Greek manuscript copy of the A-version (twenty-six maps) was obtained from Constantinople by the Florentine patron of letters, Palla Strozzi, who persuaded Emmanual Chrysoloras, a Byzantine scholar, to translate the text into Latin. Again, the original manuscript of Angelusa€™ translation and the first maps of Ptolemy in the Latin language have not survived, but a manuscript copy, dated 1427, prepared under the direction of Cardinal Fillastre, can be found in the library at Nancy, France (thus known as the Nancy Codex). In manuscript form, four other cartographers are significant in editing and influencing the evolution of Ptolemya€™s atlas. After the discovery of copper-plate and wood-engraving, Ptolemya€™s atlas became one of the first great works for the reproduction of which these arts were employed. Turns out, most of these skills haven't changed much since pre-internet days, but we call them by different names. You need to be able to distill your most important ideas into a compelling package of 140 characters or less.
You also need to be able to express yourself in a connected linguistic message of MORE than 140 characters, whether it be a blog entry, email, essay or written report.
As you master the skill of video, at some point you are probably going to turn the camera on yourself and want to say something to your audience. You have to know where your talk will be going before you begin, and you have to have a road map in your head for how you are going to get there. Would this be a compelling photo, tweet or blog entry if you stumbled upon it at random with no idea who produced it?
And I want to argue that it is the specificity of this problem which allows us to think the relation between the history of capital and the history of mimesis. I could summarize this critique as follows: if RanciA?re were more inclined to focus his attention upon the distribution of the insensible, perhaps he might think more perspicuously not only about the relation between politics and aesthetics, but also the relation between political economy and aesthetics. Marx analyzes the process of production from two perspectives: the labor process and the valorization process. Moreover, we transform materials into tools, instruments of labor, with which we transform materials. The transformation of materials produces objects with use value, but it also produces commodities with exchange value. But insofar as it is specifically capitalist, what the process of production produces is value, and a particular kind of value: surplus value and its reintegration into the production process as capital.
The entire empirical reality of facts, events and description by which one moment and locality of time and space is distinguished from another is wiped out. And this social genesis is at once material and abstract, since the exchange value of a commodity is borne by its use value, and since exchange (like the labor process) is a physical act which also requires abstraction from all physicality. Hence the exchange process presents a physicality of its own, so to speak, endowed with the status of reality which is on a par with the material physicality of the commodities which it excludes. This is what Sohn-Rethel, following Marx, calls a€?the real abstractiona€? of the value form as a social process of exchange. In a materialist inversion of the Kantian transcendental, media technologies constitute the a priori conditions of possibility for the sensible, such that the distribution of the sensible already operates within these conditions. From the industrial revolution to the production and networking of digital information technologies, the history of modern technology emerges from and responds to the demands and internal contradictions of capitalist accumulation. This early period of subsumption is merely a€?formala€? because the production process itself (the labor process which is subsumed) remains primarily pre-capitalist. New technologies of production, and new techniques of production (assembly lines, for example) make it possible to increase productivity, and thus increase the amount of surplus value that can be extracted in a certain period of time. If automation, or for that matter any mechanisms, even less radical ones, that can increase productivity, are to be prevented from reducing socially necessary labor-time to an unacceptably low level, new forms of employment have to be created. Essentially, Society of the Spectacle is a book about the consequences of real subsumption, about the contradictions that it bears within its history and about the new regime of accumulation necessary to defer and compensate for the crises those contradictions contain. A corporation like Foxxcon, the largest manufacturer of electronic components in the world, is something like a distillation of the entire history of the contradiction between capital and labor, the great movements of the industrial revolution, Taylorism, Fordism, the off-shoring of manufacturing labor, and the simultaneity of deindustrialization and post-Fordist cognitive capitalism with the persistence of the most traditional forms of miserable factory work. The main piece is the sculptural object we have been looking at, titled Vanitas, a reproduction of the artista€™s office. Every component of the artista€™s desk and of his tools is precisely rendered as either a three dimension drawing or a three dimensional scan. It mimics one of the primary gestures of that movement or style, bringing the artista€™s studio and living space into the museum. Obviously it is expensive to reproduce onea€™s office in nickel-plated aluminum and to display it so dramatically. The content of his piece is nothing other than that relation, a reflection upon that relation. Baiera€™s piece should be considered as part of an installation, not merely a sculptural object, insofar as it does, in fact, come into relation with its surroundings, surroundings composed of digitally produced images and objects. In front of Vanitas, a meticulously composed compound photograph of the stone wall beside the earliest cave paintings, titled Canvas. Not a reflection of the sun but an indexical image of its absorption, marked by the circular discoloration of the black tissue. Having held this meteorite in the palm of my hand, three years ago, I can testify to the strangeness of encountering its inexistence, distributed between these two art of objects. Instantiated as digital code, they were a€?ina€? that computer, stored in its memory banks, transformed on its screen.
At and through the limits of modernity, of capital, of mimesis, of thought, of sensation, and within their outside, his work draws us into that distribution. Printed in LA?beck in 1475, the map was an illustration for a universal history in Latin entitled Rudimentum Novitiorum sive chronicarum historiarum epitome [A Handbook for Beginners].
The province of Palestine is more or less in the center, where Jerusalem, unnamed, is represented by a formidable castle. They are not, however Adam and Eve, but two men, each holding what may be an olive branch in his hand, apparently having a conversation. They undertook to unite themselves in the pleasures of (worldly) goods and the love of God in one law and in one road to wisdom. This question is interesting also for the cartographer, considering that it is the first reliably dated printed map. A man-eating devil in northern Asia is already in the process of devouring a victima€™s severed arm. Each country is represented as a separate hill accompanied by either a figure of the sovereign or several small buildings representing towns.
It contains the reproduction of a theological treatise a€?De Adventu Messiea€? taken from a MS.
Beginning with the invention in Europe of the printing process and the publication of the first printed map in 1472, the traditional T-O map in the EtymologiA¦ of St. Sion, the 13th century Dominican from Magdeburg whose account and map of his pilgrimage (Prologus) were widely known throughout late medieval and early renaissance Europe. For computers generally referred to as PCs, see IBM Personal Computer and IBM PC compatible. He composed a Table of Reigns, a chronological list of Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman sovereigns dating from Nabonasar to Antoninus Pius, a biographical history of kingship. He was interested in the earth, all of it, not just the habitable part, and tried to fit it into a scheme of the universe where it belonged. Marinus had given this matter considerable thought, rejecting all previously devised methods of obtaining congruity on a flat map; yet, according to Ptolemy he had finally selected the least satisfactory method of solving the problem. There is also an introduction to data collection, evaluation, preparations for drawing, how and in what order to mark boundaries, and how to use the appended tables. When traveling overland it is usually necessary to diverge from a straight line course in order to avoid inevitable land-barriers; and at sea, where winds are changeable, the speed of a vessel varies considerably, making it difficult to estimate over-water distances with any degree of accuracy. The Indian Ocean, which is assumed to be bordered on the south by an unknown continent, uniting southern Africa with eastern Asia, is stated to be the largest sea surrounded by land. It is these legends which, in some editions, have been placed on the reverse of the maps, and they appear to have been originally intended for that purpose. In Chapter Two Ptolemy said, a€?It remains for us to show how we set down all places, so that when we divide one map into several maps we may be able to accurately locate all of the well-known places through the employment of easily understood and exact measurements.a€? On the other hand, some scholars even go so far as to say that maps were already drawn before certain portions of the text was addressed, so that they could be used as models for the completion of other portions of the text. For instance, in a single map embracing the entire earth, he said, there is a tendency to sacrifice proportion, that is, scale, in order to get everything on the map.
If several regional maps are made to supplement the general world map, they need not a€?measure the same distance between the circlesa€?, that is, be drawn to the same scale, provided the correct relation between distance and direction is preserved.
It demonstrates how Ptolemya€™s world had been systematically divided into twenty-six regions, each of which is mapped on a separate sheet. The reason for this doubt lies in the question of authorship of the maps which accompany extant copies. According to map historian Leo Bagrow, one version, A, contains twenty-six large maps included in the eighth Book of the text, each folded in half and, on the back, having a statement of the region portrayed, its bounds and a list of principle towns. In some manuscripts of the B-version, and in those without maps, the texts from the backs of the maps are combined together in a special edition, divided into chapters numbered 3-28. Of the Greek manuscripts of the Geographia, as a whole or in part, known today, eleven of the A-version and five of the B-version have maps. The meridians are spaced from each other a€?the third part of an equinoctial hour, that is, through five of the divisions marked on the equatora€?. In Ptolemya€™s time, the latitude, or distance from the equator, was generally astronomically calculated from the length of the longest and the shortest day.
The numbers on the right of the Clima give the number of hours in the longest day at different latitudes, increasing from 12 hours at the equator to 24 hours at the Arctic Circle.
The a€?breadtha€? of the habitable world according to Ptolemy then equates to 39,500 stades [3,950 miles].
The earth was only 18,000 miles around at the equator; Poseidonius had stated it, Strabo substantiated it, and Ptolemy perpetuated it on his maps.



Of these, the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean] is the largest, Our Sea [the Mediterranean] is the next and the Hyrcanian [Caspian] is the smallest.
This parallel also passed through Taprobane usually considered the southernmost part of Asia. As to the source of the Nile, both Greeks and Romans had tried to locate it, but without success.
Ptolemy extended the west coast of Africa with a free hand, and even though he reduced the bulge made by Marinus more than half, it was still way out of control.
He shows, for the first time, a fairly clear idea of the great north-south dividing range of mountains of Central Asia, which he called Imaus, but he placed it nearly 40A° too far east and made it divide Scythia into two parts: Scythia Intra Imaum and Scythia Extra Imaum Montem [Within Imaus and Beyond Imaus]. His Mediterranean is about 20A° too long, and even after correcting his lineal value of a degree it was still about 500 geographical miles too long. Ptolemy was also the first geographer, excepting Alexander the Great, to return to the correct view advanced by Herodotus and Aristotle, that the Caspian was an inland sea without communication with the ocean (the Christian medieval cartographers were a long time in returning to this representation of the Caspian).
Its wealth of detail still constitutes one of the most important sources of information for the historian and student of ancient geography.
Many of the legends and conventional signs that he used are still employed by cartographers with only slight modifications. Ptolemya€™s works were, however, thriving and contributing valuable insight to knowledgeable Arabs and those having access and understanding of the Arab or Greek language (it was only in the Islamic states and in these languages that the works of the Alexandrian scientist were preserved (see monographs #212, #213, #214-17, lbn Said, al-lstakhri, Ibn Hauqal, al-Kashgari, etc. Very few scholars, let alone other literate persons in Western Europe were familiar with the Greek language at this time, therefore this translation was a great stimulus to a€?popularizinga€? Ptolemy. Curiously enough it was first printed at Vincenza in 1475 (the date printed of 1462 is in error) without maps! Instead of "quotations", we now have "tweets", and instead of "essays" we have "blogging", but the basic abilities are the same: You need to be able to write, speak, take photos and argue effectively to get your point across to others.
A great tweet, like a quote from Winston Churchill, says something ironic, memorable and useful. To develop your writing ability you need to actively use it, so you should write whenever you can, for whatever excuse.
That's when you sit down in the same room with someone and communicate directly with them using words and facial expressions. You are also LISTENING, and after you have listened, you are going to tailor your response to what the other person just said. They tweet exactly what they think and photograph exactly what they see without trying to understand how someone else is going to receive it.
Crucially, I want to show how the relation between those two histories is mediated by another: the history of technology. That is: focusing on the specific problem of the distribution of the insensible turns out to be the key to thinking about the relation between aesthetics and politics in a materialist way, in a manner properly responsive to the exigencies of Marxist historical materialism. He sets in motion the natural forces which belong to his own body, his arms, legs, head and hands, in order to appropriate the materials of nature in a form adapted to his own needs. For example, according to Sohn-Rethel, the purely formal character of the Kantian forms of intuitiona€”space and timea€”can be understood as genetically related to the abstract formalism of the value form and the exchange relation.
Time and space assume thereby that character of absolute historical timelessness and universality which must mark the exchange abstraction as a whole and each of its features.
Thus the negation of the natural and material physicality constitutes the positive reality of the abstract social physicality of the exchange processes from which the network of society is woven. This real abstraction constitutes a kind of a€?second nature,a€? and Sohn-Rethel argues that this second nature is a€?the arsenal from which intellectual labor through the eras of commodity exchange draws its conceptual resources.a€? We can situate this analysis more broadly at the level of the whole process of valorization, or the accumulation of capital through circulation.
We need to supplement Sohn-Rethela€™s materialist critique of epistemology with a history of media technologies like that carried out by Friedrich Kittler. Thus, without further increasing the length of the working day, one can increase surplus value (this called a€?relative surplus valuea€?). But Marx makes clear that the part of capital invested in constant capital does not undergo any alteration in the process of production, it does not increase (this is why it is called constant). This means that less money is being paid out on the labor market for the consumption of commodities. A happy solution presents itself in the growth of the tertiary or service sector in response to the immense strain on the supply lines of the army responsible for distributing and hyping the commodities of the moment.
And behind the passage I just read, we can also read a commentary on the history of technology. The conditions of possible experience are themselves conditioned by the moving contradiction between capital and labor. Indeed, bearing the conditions of its production in mind, one might view a device like an Apple computer as a distillation of the entire history of modernitya€”of the manner in which modernity acts upon external nature and changes it, and in this way simultaneously changes its own nature, from the printing press to the steam engine to the silicon chip. Each of these objects is then reproduced, at exact scale, by either machining in aluminum (in the case of objects that were drawn) or stereolithography (in the case of objects that were scanned). But in doing so it forecloses the primary content of that gesture, radically separating this space from that of the viewer, encasing it within a mise-en-abyme in which only images interact with one another. A tour de force of concept, design, and execution, the piece is also nothing if not resourceful. As he did with the objects reproduced in Vanitas, Baier made a three dimensional scan of the meteorite and then reproduced ita€”at a much larger scalea€”through stereolithography. According to its publisher, Lucas Brandis, it was designed so that a€?poor men unable to afford a library can have a brief manual always on hand in place of many books.a€? The paupers of whom Brandis spoke may have meant poor preachers or friars minor but also may have referred to a growing number of book owners among the merchant class in a thriving commercial city such as LA?beck. In the west, three columns stand for the Pillars of Hercules at the entrance of the Mediterranean.
Schwarz arrives only at the conclusion that the author had been a cleric, and infers from the word noster at a specific place that the author was of Lubeck or its vicinity. We do not know if there was a manuscript version that formed its base, as none has ever been found, but there are a great number of universal histories of this type, which were very popular in the late Middle Ages.
Theodore Schwarz describes this image only very briefly, although it is natural to see in them two disputing men, two priests.
Shirley.A  The Rudimentum Novitiorum would go on to become more widely known through later French translations under the title Mer des Hystoires.
Little is known personally of this pivotal man aside from the general period during which he was active ca. His Analemma was mathematical description of a sphere projected on a plane, subsequently known as an a€?orthographic projection,a€? which greatly simplified the study of gnomonics. He was also interested in the relationships between the earth and the sun, the earth and the moon, in scientific cause and effect of climate; and above all, he was concerned with a scientifically accurate portrayal of the spherical earth in a convenient readable form. These Byzantine copies of the Geographia are comprised of eight a€?Booksa€? which Ptolemy introduces by supplying two very influential definitions - that of chorography and geography. Marinus had laid out a grid of strait lines equidistant from one another for both his parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Because while Ptolemy employs his conical projection in his first general world map, for the remaining twenty-six special regional maps he uses the rectangular projection of Marinus with due observance of the ratio between the longitude and latitude at the base of the map.
Books II-VI and the first four chapters of Book VII are devoted to a complete catalogue of some 8,000 inhabited localities laid down in the twenty-six special maps of the geography. Nevertheless Ptolemy concluded that the most reliable way of determining distances was by astronomical observation, and by no other method could one expect to fix positions accurately. In addition, a description of a projection of the inhabited hemisphere on a plane, by which it could retain its circular outline, or globular aspect is also given. The better known regions have many place-names, while the lesser known have few, and, unless the map is carefully drawn, it will have some crowded, illegible areas, and some where distances are unduly extended. Ptolemy repeated that it would be not too far from the truth if instead of circles we draw straight lines for meridians and parallels. Generally these sheets are of about the same size, but the scales vary according to the space required for the legends. Did Ptolemy actually design and construct the maps himself, were they made by a draftsman working under his supervision, or were they added, perhaps as late as 1450, by an energetic editor who thought the text needed some graphic emendation? The geographical coordinates of these towns are given, not in degrees, but in time; the longitude is expressed in hours and minutes corresponding to the distance from the meridian of Alexandria (one hour = 15 degrees, one minute = 15 minutes of a degree), and the latitude is expressed in terms of the length of the longest day, in hours and minutes (the greater the distance from the equator, the longer the day in summer). Some of the manuscripts without maps contain references to accompanying maps, since lost, and in others, spaces have been left for maps to be inserted. In other words, the total span of twelve hours, representing the length of the habitable world, was to be partitioned by a series of thirty-six meridians spaced five degrees apart at the equator and converging at the North Pole.
The earth was accordingly divided into a number of zones, parallel to the equator and within which these days had a certain length, for instance of 12 -13, or 15 -16 hours. Ptolemy a€?correcteda€? this length to 180A° (9,000 miles), still 50A° (2,500 miles) too long, an error arising from using the Fortunate Islands as his prime meridian which he placed about seven degrees (350 miles) too far to the east.
It is very unlikely, in view of the secrecy attached to all maps and surveys of the Roman Empire. This a€?shorter distancea€? that a mariner would have to travel west from the shores of Spain in order to reach the rich trading centers of Asia may have contributed to Columbusa€™ belief, or that of his royal sponsors, that they could compete with their rival neighbors, Portugal, in the newly opened sea-trade with India by sailing west.
The Emperor Nero had sent an expedition into Upper Egypt, and it had penetrated as far as the White Nile, about 9A° N latitude. On the same approximate parallel he located the region called Agisymba, inhabited by Ethiopians and abounding in rhinoceri, supposedly discovered by Julius Maternus, a Roman general. A more obvious area to stretch the length of the world was in eastern Asia where there was every likelihood of additional territory yet unexplored.
Asia and Africa are extended considerably to the east and south, far more so than on any previous maps, but not without cause. His Mare Nostrum, from Marseilles to the opposite point on the coast of Africa, is 11A° of latitude instead of the actual 6.5A°.
This is especially true in the study of the earliest tribes that encompassed the Roman Empire in the first century of the Christian era, who were at that time barbarians, but who later bore the burden of civilization in Europe. He originated the practice of orienting maps so that North is at the top and East to the right, a custom so universal today that many people are lost when they try to read a map oriented any other way. Planudes constructed a map based upon the instructions found in Ptolemya€™s eight books and subsequently, through Athanasios, Patriarch of Alexandria, had a copy of the Geographia, with maps made for Emperor Andronicus III. He is also credited with the four-page world map found in some manuscripts, chiefly the B-version.
When Chrysoloras was unable to complete the translation, it was finished by one of his students, Jacobus Angelus of Scarparia, between 1406 and 1410.
In all, seven editions were printed in the 15th century, of which six were provided with large maps in folio, and thirty-three in the following century (a selected list taken from Tooley accompanies this monograph). Some of mankind's greatest shared wisdom is passed from generation to generation in these short sayings. Sometimes you have to expand on your ideas with an organized series of sentences and paragraphs. Even if your blog entry gets lost in cyberspace never to be heard from again, at least you are developing the skills of organized linguistic expression so you have them when you need them. It is senseless to try to describe a visual scene verbally when a snapshot will do it instantly. Instead of just standing there and clicking the shutter, he has moved, engaged himself in the event, and arranged the elements of the photo in such a way that the composition is now compelling in itself.
The interesting ones are made by people who have actively explored the medium, made some mistakes and learned what really works on the screen. As the other media rise, conversation is becoming a lost art, but it's still an important skill that you're going to need sooner or later.
As with public speaking, emotions are important, but in conversation you aren't just pretending to connect with the audience, you are actually doing it. Good communication, in any medium, means stepping outside yourself and seeing what the audience does.
The relation between the history of capital and the history of mimesis is mediated by the history of technics.
Through this movement he acts upon external nature and changes it, and in this way his simultaneously changes his own nature. It is independent because the exchange value of a commodity is entirely determined by the average socially necessary labor time required to produce it, not by the materials of which it is composed.
We can view the process of production from two sides, but what it produces are commodities that are sold for money, which is reinvested in the production process and thereby becomes capital. He does not think the distribution of the insensible, the movement of valorization, and thus he misses entirely the dimension of political economy in his thinking of politics. The social process of valorization is the very medium in which we think, and to which thinking is applied through intellectual labor (such as management).
And indeed, Kittlera€™s media-theoretical analysis of discourse networks should also be understood as a materialist critique of Kantian idealism. It communicates with itself, through its own data channels, and consciousness is the epiphenomenon of communication. Thus, during the period of formal subsumption, the extraction of surplus value is primarily correlated to the length of the working day and the cost of labor power. This is what automation and capitalist management techniquesa€”Taylorism and Fordisma€”are for. So labor has to be reabsorbed into the labor market to support consumption and prevent overproduction. The development of industrial automation both necessitates and creates the conditions of possibility for the invention of new media apparatuses, especially digital information technologies and networks. The history of the sensible, the transformations undergone in the media-technological conditions of sensation and experience, is also the history of the insensiblea€”the history of the process of valorization as it develops in relation to contradictions in the labor process.
This process includes every electric or electronic plug and cord connecting Baiera€™s computer, his monitors, his speakers, and his scanner. Although it draws the space within which the artist works and thinks into the space of the museum, the artist is pointedly absent.
It patently shows off the artista€™s mastery of that form of technA“ so crucial to contemporary art practice: the capacity to get funding. At his desk, thinking, communicating, representing, the artist enters into the circuits of capital, the movement of valorizationa€”as do we all, one way or another. He then melted the meteorite down and used the graphite of which it was composed to paint the surface of Monochrome (Black).
Like Higden, the anonymous author of Rudimentum included several lengthy geographical digressions, one on the world and one on the holy land. The mapa€™s most striking feature is its conformation of the land as a succession of a€?hillocksa€?, each surmounted by a castle or tower and bearing the name of a province or territory. The scholar Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken thinks they might be a Jew and a Christian having a harmonious discussion, thus symbolizing the unity of the Old and New Testaments. If, however, the second is true, it would be interesting to know why the words of the Majorcan scholar (born 1235) found an echo precisely in LA?beck. We must however note that this would be true only for the version printed in Lubeck but not of possible of the earlier MSS.
Von den Brincken notes that the twenty years before the booka€™s publication are barely covered in the history and opines that the printer updated an older work. The leaf, the well-known symbol of peace, might signify here that the disputing men are not enemies, but friends. The prologue of the treatise shows that the idea on which the drawing in Rudimentum Novitiorum is based is not original.
If, however, the second is true, it would be interesting to know why the words of the Majorcan scholar (born 1235) found an echo precisely in Lubeck. His work entitled PlanisphA¦rium [the Planisphere], described a sphere projected on the equator, the eye being at the pole, a projection later known as a€?stereographica€?. More than any one of the ancients, Claudius Ptolemy succeeded in establishing the elements and form of scientific cartography.
He defines chorography as being selective and regional in approach, a€?even dealing with the smallest conceivable localities, such as harbors, farms, villages, river courses, and the likea€?.
Its position under the heavens is extremely important, for in order to describe any given part of the world one must know under what parallel of the celestial sphere it is located.
He seems to have studied and made astronomical observations in Tyre, the oldest and largest city of Phoenicia, which, even at that late date, maintained important commercial relations with remote parts of the world. This was contrary to both truth and appearance, and the resulting map was badly distorted with respect to distance and direction, for if the eye is fixed on the center of the quadrant of the sphere which we take to be our inhabited world, it is readily seen that the meridians curve toward the North Pole and that the parallels, though they are equally spaced on the sphere, give the impression of being closer together near the poles. Traditional information regarding distances should be subordinated, especially the primitive sort, for tradition varies from time to time, and if it must enter into the making of maps at all, it is expedient to compare the records of the ancient past with newer records, a€?deciding what is credible and what is incrediblea€?. It is remarkable that such questions never seemed to have occurred to Ptolemy, as: What is there to be found beyond Serica and Sinarum Situs? Ptolemy himself never actually employed this manner of projection, which has since, through more or less modified, been preferred by geographers for maps representing one of the hemispheres. Some map makers have a tendency to exaggerate the size of Europe because it is most populous, and to contract the length of Asia because little is known about the eastern part of it. As for his own policy, he said, a€?in the separate maps we shall show the meridians themselves not inclined and curved but at an equal distance one from another, and since the termini of the circles of latitude and of longitude of the habitable earth, when calculated over great distances do not make any remarkable excesses, so neither is there any great difference in any of our mapsa€?. As this diagram shows, each regional map would encompass, besides its own proper territory, some parts of the neighboring countries. Ptolemy does not state specifically in his text whether he personally made any maps, and proponents of the theory that Ptolemy made no maps for this Geographia base their case on the notation in two of the existing manuscript copies, that a cartographer named AgathodA¦mon of Alexandria was the author of the accompanying map(s).
It is no less difficult, also, to determine when the maps of the two versions (A and B) were made. The meridians in the southern hemisphere are extended from the equator at the same angle as those above it, but instead of converging at the South Pole they terminated at the parallel 8A° 25a€™ below the equator. The concept of the division of the earth into zones began as early as the sixth century B.C.
While Ptolemya€™s map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination.
More specifically, Ptolemya€™s knowledge concerning the fringes of the habitable world and civilization was broader than earlier writers, such as Strabo (#115), but in some respects it was a little confused. With Thule as the northern limit of Ptolemya€™s habitable world, he thus extended the breadth of this world from less than 60A° (Eratosthenes and Strabo) to nearly 80A°. The silk trade with China had produced rumors of vast regions east of the Pamir and Tian Shan, hitherto the Greek limits of Asia. These distortions represented an actual extension of geographical knowledge and are doubtless based on exaggerated reports of distances traveled.
80) containing sailing directions from the Red Sea to the Indus and Malabar, indicated that the coast from Barygaza [Baroch] had a general southerly trend down to and far beyond Cape Korami [Comorin], and suggested a peninsula in southern India. While Ptolemy's map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination.
To be sure, there are other geographical fragments, individual maps and charts, isolated examples of the best in Greek, Roman, and Arabic cartography, but Ptolemya€™s Geographia is the only extant geographical atlas which has come down to us from the ancients. His map projections, the conical and modified spherical, as well as the orthographic and stereographic systems developed in the Almagest, are still in use.
This particular copy has not been recovered, however another copy attributed to Planudes is preserved, in part, in the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos.
It was also during this time, the 14th century, that the twenty-six maps of the A-version were divided up into sixty-four. This oldest Latin translation of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (confusingly and arbitrarily titled Cosmographia by Angelus) was at first disseminated in numerous, often splendidly decorated manuscript copies.
A re-issue of the preceding, but with a new title-page, an account of the New World by Marcus Beneventanus, and a new map of the world by Ruysch, Nova Tabula.
The most important edition of Ptolemy, containing the 27 maps of the ancient world and 20 maps based on contemporary knowledge, under the superintendence of Martin WaldseemA?ller. Maps, with the exception of Asia V, printed from the same blocks as 1522 edition, and like them almost unaltered copies on a reduced scale of the maps of the 1513 edition. Nearly all of us now have this capability via the cameras in our smartphones, but like tweets, most photos are crap. There is an element of deception in good photography (It's usually much more exciting than real life!) but by adding this spice you are much more likely to get your point across. Forty years ago, you had to be a movie director or TV reporter to have access to film technology, and a hundred years ago, this facility wasn't available at all. We can't all be movie directors, but we can all learn to make compelling videos that advance our own personal mission. Most people are terrified of public speaking and equally terrified of speaking on television. Technically, you are also conversing with someone when you Skype them, engage in a running exchange via instant message or respond to others in Facebook comments, but the archetype for all this is the classic face-to-face meeting over coffee or across a desk.
You aren't just listening to the other person's words; you are trying to read the emotions and subtext behind the words. NealMarch 23, 2015 at 4:19 AMYou need to be able to write, speak, take photos and argue effectively to get your point across to others. And it is through this history, this mediation, that art takes up techniques which throw us back outside the history of capital, outside the history of mimesisa€”indeed, outside the history of the human, the history of thought, and the history of sensationa€”within and through the technical means to which the linked histories of capital, mimesis, and technics give rise. Labor time is that abstract, universal equivalent which will find its answer in the universal abstraction of the money form, and value is not a material thing but a social relation. Production produces both surplus value and capital, and capital produces expanded cycles of accumulation.
One consequence of this failure is that he has no rigorous means of accounting for the relation of his history of art and artistic regimes to the history of capital, to structural changes of the contradiction between capital and labor. Insofar as intellectual labor is subsumed by capital, as is manual labor, the forms of thought themselves enter into a relation of dialectical genesis with the value form. For Kittler, it is not transcendental categories but media technologies which determine the conditions of any possible experience. The capitalist wants to extend the working day as much as possible, and to reduce wages as much as possible. What Marx calls a€?real subsumptiona€? is this revolutionizing of the production process such that it becomes properly capitalist.
Thus, as relatively more capital is invested in constant capital and relatively less capital is invested in variable capital, relatively less capital is available for conversion into surplus value. The process of real subsumption thus also requires the growth of the tertiary service sector, which produces both a new labor market and new fields of commodity production and consumption. These not only enable the growth of the tertiary service sector and its forms of communicative labor and consumption, they also themselves produce new markets of goods and services.


Shortly after he coined the term a€?immaterial labor,a€? Maurizio Lazzarato renounced it, for the good reason that the term was impossible to reconcile with a materialist position.
It includes the crumpled pieces of paper in his trash can and a book lying open beside his keyboard. The piece is something like an anti-humanist negation of relational aesthetics: perfectly finished, enclosed, complete, pristine, it subtracts the participation of the viewer precisely through the viewera€™s gaze, which is drawn into and lost within the reflexive auto-mimesis of the object.
The distribution of the insensible: the movement of capital, the structural transformation of the contradiction between capital and labor, the circuitous courses of the process of valorizationa€”all this is how a digital information system ends up inside a mirrored box in the company of fluorescent lighting and minimalist furnishings, installed on the distressed concrete floors of an art gallery. The matter of the object thus remains, and so does its form, but the object itself has disappeared into an uncanny splitting of their formerly integral relation. Canvas shows us the primordial matter of mimesis: the substrate of inaugural images carved in stone, with stone. The Rudimentum is a fascinating world history and encyclopedia structured on medieval Christian theology. Another idea is that they represent Enoch and Elijah, Old Testament characters who went directly to heaven without suffering death.
In this grove for a long time they disputed in friendly conversation the advent of the Messiasa€?. Burcharda€™s narrative account appears in its entirety in the same third section as the map of Palestine in Rudimentum Novitiorum.
The book was, however, translated into French, maps and all, under the title Mer des Hystoires in 1488. The question is now: is this an original idea of the artist, or is it based on something which existed before?
90 to 168 (during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius) and that he lived in, or near, Alexandria Egypt.
This he did through his second great treatise, Geographike Syntaxis, called by him, a€?the geographical guide to the making of mapsa€?, and, in later centuries, shortened to simply Geographia, or (incorrectly) Cosmographia. Geography, he said, differs from chorography in that it deals with a€?a representation in picture of the whole known world together with the phenomena that are contained thereina€?. Otherwise how can one determine the length of its days and nights, the stars which are fixed overhead, the stars which appear nightly over the horizon and the stars which never rise above the horizon at all. This a€?tutora€™ of Ptolemy had read nearly all of the historians before him and had corrected many of their errors (presumable errors relating to the location of places as contained in travelersa€™ itineraries).
Ptolemy was well aware that it would be desirable to retain a semblance of spherical proportions on his flat map, but at the same time he decided to be practical about it.
With one exception (an Italian translation by Berlinghieri), every editor of Ptolemya€™s Geographia has published, not the original maps, but a modification of them by Nicolaus Germanus (Donis), who, with praiseworthy exactness and without any further alterations, reproduced the originals, on a projection with rectilinear, equidistant parallels and meridians converging towards the poles.
It is an exception when geographical or descriptive remarks are added to this bare enumeration of names.
Therefore if a geographer were obliged to fall back on the reports of travelers, he should exercise some discrimination in his choice of authorities.
What could be found to the north of Thule, or to the south of Agysimba and Cape Prasum: Where would you arrive if you sailed westward from the Fortunate Islands? And some cartographers surround the earth on all sides with an ocean that, according to Ptolemy are a€?making a fallacious description, and an unfinished and foolish picturea€?. But, as is also usual in modern atlases, these neighboring areas of the map are only roughly sketched, while the principle area is shown in full detail. From these same manuscripts it is stated that a€?he drew them according to the instructions in the eight books of Claudius Ptolemya€?.
Certain indications point to the Byzantine period, with the exception of AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map. And it is highly probable that Ptolemy the astronomer, who is usually discredited by later geographers because of his methods and the kinds of information he compiled, had no more standing among some of his influential contemporaries than he would today in the most approved geographical circles of the civilized world. The only good reason for discussing a few of the glaring faults of the Geographia is that it was the canonical work on the subject for more than 1400 years. In the northern regions, for example, he had been ill-advised with regard to Ireland, and positioned it further north than any part of Wales; likewise, Scotland was twisted around so that its length ran nearly east and west. Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times. All such information was of doubtful origin, and in laying down the coastline of Eastern Asia, Ptolemy ran the line roughly north and south. Ptolemy, apparently following Marinus, ignored this document, or else never saw it because the shape of his India is unduly broadened and foreshortened. Leaving the habitable world from the Strait at the Pillars of Hercules to the Gulf of Issus, it passed through Caralis in Sardinia and Lilybaeum in Sicily (30A° 12a€™ and 37A° 50a€™ N). Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception, or any later one until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times. There is nothing in the literature to indicate that any other such systematic collection of maps was ever compiled, with the exception of the maps of Marinus, about which almost nothing is known, save what Ptolemy has mentioned.
The listing of place-names, either in geographical or alphabetical order, with the latitude and longitude of each place to guide the search, is not so different from the modern system of letters and numerals employed to help the reader, a little convenience that is standard on modern maps and Ptolemaic in origin. Four new mapsa€”France, Italy, Spain and Palestinea€”being based on contemporary knowledge.
The map of the world is the first to show contemporary discoveries, and the first map to bear the name of its engraver, Johannes Schnitzer de Armssheim. The other 6 mapsa€”northern Europe, Spain, France, Poland, Italy and the Holy Landa€”are based on contemporary knowledge.
Includes the Tabula Terra Nova, the first map specifically devoted to the delineation of the New World.
You have to come up with a plan and a structure for what you are going to write, a lot like a computer program.
Now, it's an integral part of our culture, and if you want to convey your ideas to others, you have to be able to use video effectively. If you had to speak LIVE to an audience of sixty million, with no teleprompter in front of you, how would you hold up? You are using simpler words, and you are pretending to speak to each audience member personally. There's a lot more to conversation than we can possibly review here, but like the other skills, the more you do it, the better you'll get at it. As Marx tells us in Chapter 8 of Volume One, a€?the means of production on one hand, labor-power on the other, are merely the different forms of existence which the value of the original capital assumed when it lost its monetary form and was transformed into the various factors of the production process.a€? Both the means of production and labor power are different elements of capital in its own valorization process. In my opinion, this is a problem substantial enough to render his history of aesthetics more or less irrelevant. For Sohn-Rethel, the Kantian transcendental subject is the representative modern figure of this dialectic (though its status as such is occluded by the idealism of transcendental philosophy).
The rate of surplus value extraction depends upon these factors (this is called a€?absolute surplus valuea€?).
It is not only that labor is subsumed under the value form, but that the very constitution of labor itself changes. Capital needs to invest more in technology in order to increase productivity and sustain the valorization process. The new regime of accumulation that accompanies this structural transformation is what Guy Debord theorizes as the Spectacle. And more importantly, they are the technological ground for the massive growth of speculative markets we call a€?financialization,a€? which is predicated (in its contemporary form) upon the exchange of digital information.
He should have referred instead to a€?insensible labor.a€? Information and cognition are not immaterial, but they are insensible. Each of these reproduced objects is then plated in mirrored nickel before being rearranged, in in a reproduction of their configuration, within a parallelepiped encased on all six sides in one-way mirrored glass and illuminated by overhead fluorescent light. His studio is something like the Platonic form of so-called a€?immaterial labora€?a€”designer furniture and designer devices, neatly arrayed with the precision of an architectural firm blessed with a particularly fastidious custodial staff. This movement, this transformation, this process is what we are looking at, though we cannot see it. Paradise is not labeled, but near one of the streams is the word Evilath [Havilah], one of the regions watered by the four rivers mentioned in the book of Genesis. Sinai are the burning bush and Moses receiving the Tablets of the Law, and, on Calvary, the Crucifixion.A  This map of Palestine is considered the earliest printed regional map.
During the second century, Alexandria was not only the richest city in the world, with regard to learned institutions and treasures of scholarship, but also the wealthiest commercial place on the earth.
This work is actually the first general atlas of the world to have survived, rather than a a€?Geographya€? with a long textual introduction to the subject of cartography.
As he proceeds to elaborate his definition of geography, it becomes apparent that Ptolemy conceived that the primary function of geography was a€?mapmakinga€?, and that, to him, geography was synonymous with cartography.
He had, moreover, edited and revised his own geographic maps, of which at least two editions had been published before Ptolemy saw them.
Finally, Ptolemy thought, about all one could do was to locate unfamiliar places as accurately as possible with reference to well-known places, in as much as it is advisable on a map of the entire world to assign a definite position to every known place, regardless of how little is known about it. The longitudes would be determined from the meridian of Alexandria, either at sunrise or sunset, calculating the difference in equinoctial hours between Alexandria and point two, whatever it might be. As mentioned earlier, the original text called for twenty-six regional or special maps, which in all extant manuscript copies bear a strong family resemblance and are laid down on the projection apparently used by Marinus in the form of isosceles trapezoids. However, this statement has never been dated and, confusingly, AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map employs a projection unlike any proposed by Ptolemya€™s text. But, again, when they were constructed - totally and faithfully copied from the originals, or constructed from Ptolemya€™s instructions but without benefit of original models - is significant in trying to determine the degree of similarity to their a€?prototypea€™ and the possibility of additions or corrections based upon more contemporary knowledge.
Different from what is now accepted as the meaning, this word in ancient maps had a purely geographical, not a meteorological significance, although they also perceived that the climate of a region was somewhat related to its distance from the equator. Similarly he showed the length of the Mediterranean as 62A°, whereas, in reality it is only 42A°. Geographers of the 15th and 16th centuries relied on it so heavily, while ignoring the new discoveries of maritime explorers, that it actually exerted a powerful retarding influence on the progress of cartography. Instead of continuing it to the Land of the LinA¦ [seacoast of China] he curved it around to the east and south, forming a great bay, Sinus Magnus [roughly the Gulf of Siam]. Carthage is positioned 1A° 20a€™ south of the parallel of Rhodes; actually it is one degree north of it. Corrected and amended by a succession of editors, this version also formed the basis upon which all of the editions of the 15th century are built.
The text is a metrical paraphrase by Francesco Berlinghieri, and is the first edition in Italian. The greatly increased number of a€?modern mapsa€? makes this in effect the first modern atlas. In fact, that's exactly what writing is: a software program written in English rather than Perl or Java. Many of us have this capability on our smart phones, but few people know how to make a video you'd actually want to watch. It is pretty much the same when you talk to the camera for a YouTube video or when you stand up at a meeting to give a presentation. If you connect with people emotionally, then they'll overlook the inevitable errors and typos in your speech.
But we can also recognize, as Catherine Malabou argues in What Should We Do With Our Brain?, that there is a structural homology between post-Fordist management discourse emphasizing non-hierarchical networks, self-organization, flexibility, and innovation, and contemporary neurological theory, which views the brain as a decentralized network of neuronal assemblies and emphasizes neurological plasticity as the ground of cognitive flexibility and adaptation. In the discourse network of 1800, the book is the site of an encounter between reading and writing, wherein the romantic imagination produces a projection of the soul into what Novalis calls a€?a real, visible world,a€? written into and read off of printed signifiers, emerging from the text as synaesthetic phantasmagoria in which all the senses are drawn together by the hallucinatory experience of Literature. Importantly, then, real subsumption requires and depends upon technological innovation: the capitalist process of production both needs and produces new machines because these increase productivity within a given period of time and thus compensate for limits on the length of the working day. But by doing so, it also decreases the amount of capital which can be converted into surplus value. The tech boom and its implosion are the logical and necessary outcome of real subsumption, pushing beyond its limits into the society of the Spectacle. And the forms of affective labor which precisely are sensed are premised upon the indistinction of labor and leisure, the impossibility of distinguishing them under conditions of post-Fordist accumulation. Star (Black) confronts us with an extra-terrestrial outside, encountered, vanished, recordeda€”at once absent and yet uncannily present as residue and reproduction.
There is no encircling ocean, and the only labeled sea is a€?Mare Amasorieo,u,,,, in the north, possibly intended for the Caspian Sea. Or these may be the Master and his Novice, source of rivers and all knowledge; alternatively according to Winter they may represent a€?.
The French editor added material on French history and some new illustrations, including a woodcut of the baptism of Clovis.
It was a place where seafaring people and caravans from all parts of the known world would use to congregate, thereby providing the opportunity to collect knowledge of far away lands and seas. Here for the first time are documented the duties and responsibilities of the mapmaker, his limitations, and the nature of the materials he was to work with. The final drafts were nearly free from defects and his text, which we know of only through Ptolemy, was so reliable in Ptolemya€™s estimation that a€?it would seem to be enough for us to describe the earth on which we dwell from his commentaries alone, without other investigations.a€? According to Ptolemy, the most significant feature of the maps of Marinus was the growth of the habitable world and the changed attitude toward the uninhabited parts.
When such a conical surface is extended on a plane, a network with circular parallels and rectilinear, converging meridians arise. Unlike Marinus who listed longitude on one page and latitude on another, Ptolemy began the tradition of listing the positional coordinates together and in a usable system that was practical to follow.
Some of the other conspicuously modern conventions include the previously noted lack of ornamentation, his method of differentiating land and water, rivers and towns, by means of either hachures or different colors, and his use of a€?standardizeda€™ symbols all of which is accepted at first glance without a thought being given to the origin of the technique. This particular world map is usually found at the end of Book VII, preceded by three chapters containing some practical advice, a general description of all known areas of the world and the three principle seas (the Mediterranean, the Caspian and the Indian Ocean), with their bays and islands, and instructions for drawing a sphere and maps on a plane surface.
It is noteworthy here to point out that, regardless of when these existing manuscript reproductions were made, they somehow escaped the pictorial fancies such as sketches of animals, monsters, savages, ships, kings, etc. The eastward extension of Asia is also exaggerated, measuring about 110A° from the coast of Syria to the outermost limits of China, instead of the true distance of about 85A°.
The Geographia was both a keystone and a millstone, a pioneering effort that outlived its usefulness.
The northern coast of Germany beyond Denmark, Cimbrica Chersonese, is shown as the margin of the Northern Ocean, and running in a general east-west direction. Continuing it around to the south until it joined Terra Incognita at the southern limit of the habitable world, he made a lake of the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean]. For the most part, the lands beyond the Ganges were not well known until a thousand years later when the brothers Polo first acquainted western Europe with the existence of a number of large islands in that part of the world. Byzantium is placed in the same latitude as Massilia, which made it more than two degrees north of its true position. It is also the only edition with maps printed on the original projection with equidistant parallels or meridians. Instead of a CPU processing the instructions, the human brain is, so you have to understand both what the instructions do and how the brain works. If you have gained this skill of speaking extemporaneously to a passive audience, there are many ways to use it to advance your message. The concrete process of transforming materials through labor, aided by tools, is subsumed by the abstract process of valorization. In the discourse network of 1900, gramophone, film, and typewriter effect an analytic separation of this sensory synthesis, constituting distinct technologies of recording and transmission for sound, the moving image, and the written word. Thus, due to forces of competition and technological innovation driving increased productivity, the rate of surplus value extraction tends to decline. It is labor itself that becomes insensible under these conditions, dispersed into networks linking neurons and screens and indistinguishable from the most intimate gestures of our affective lives. These are images of the deep time of human and cosmological history, outside the limits of modernity, of capital and its enabling technologies of representation.
On the re-cut map a few new images appear-ships, birds, and trees-but the basic format was unchanged.
Published in 1475, the illustrated world history, Rudimentum Novitiorum, included two remarkable maps - one of Palestine and this one of the world.
In spite of such scant personal knowledge, Claudius Ptolemya€™s writings have had a greater influence on cartography, and on geography in general, than that of any other single figure in history.
141), a composition dealing with astronomy and mathematics, more commonly known by its hybrid Greco-Arabic title, the Almagest, in which he lays down the foundation of trigonometry and sets forth his view of the universe. This single treatise remained the standard work on geographical theory throughout the Middle Ages, was not superseded as such with the 16th century, and constitutes one of the fundamental tenants of modern geodesy. Cartography is not an artistic endeavor according to the Greek scholar, but should be concerned with the relation of distance and direction, and with the important features of the eartha€™s surface that can be indicated by plain lines and simple notations (enough to indicate general features and fix positions). Marinus was a good man in Ptolemya€™s estimation but he lacked the critical eye and allowed himself to be led astray in his scientific investigations.
Lest the proportions of certain parts of the mapped territory should be too much deformed, only the northern or the southern hemispheres should be laid down on the same map by this projection, which is consequently inconvenient for maps embracing the whole earth. This particular projection shown of the general map of the habitable world, the one believed to be employed by Ptolemy in his original general map, is laid down in the lazy mana€™s projection he talked about, the modified conic instead of the spherical projection that he recommended for a faithful delineation of the eartha€™s surface.
Many scholars ascribe these three chapters to AgathodA¦mon, as the descriptive text for his map.
As can be seen from these world maps, Ptolemy divided the northern hemisphere into twenty-one parallels, noted, again, in the margin of this maps.
To judge, therefore, from the map, Ptolemy discarded both the older Greek belief that the earth was surrounded by water, and Herodotusa€™ description of the Phoeniciana€™s circumnavigation of Africa.
And there were no good maps of the East Indian Archipelago until after the Portuguese voyages to the Indies.
This particular error threw the whole Euxine Pontus [Black Sea], whose general form and dimensions were fairly well known, too far north by the same amount, over 100 miles.
Such would be a historical materialist account of conceptual abstraction following from Sohn-Rethela€™s critical of idealist epistemology. What Kittler calls a€?media differentiationa€? carves up the Romantic imagination, sutured to the book, and parcels out its capacities among discrete technologies addressed to a segmented perceiver: an ear, an eye, a minda€”a modernist collage of the formerly integral subject. Thus, it is only possible to extend the working day so much, or to reduce wages to so little, because the reproduction of capital depends upon the reproduction of labor.
What the installation asks us to think, however, is the manner in which it is these technologies of representation which record this outside, which draw our attention to it and make it manifest.
Of many examples, Nicomedia (from Asia Minor) is shown next to the Pope near Rome and again in Africa, perhaps an error for Numidi, India is north of Persia, which is next to Taprobana.
Here he explains his belief that the earth is a stationary sphere, at the center of the universe, which revolves about it daily. According to Ptolemy, even Marinus had made mistakes, either because he had consulted a€?too many conflicting volumes, all disagreeing,a€? or because he had never completed the final revision of his map.
However, Ptolemy rigorously applies the conical projection only to the northern part of his map of the world.
The parallel bounding the southern limit of the habitable world is equidistant from the equator in a southerly direction as the parallel through Meroe is distant in a northerly direction. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310 in Book IV) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. The precise transformations of materials it enablesa€”its retentional exactitudea€”precisely negate all transformation. The question is now whether the same pictorial representation is not found in possible earlier MSS. While his proofs of the sphericity of the earth are still accepted today as valid, Ptolemy rejected the theory of the rotation of the earth about its axis as being absurd. To represent the known parts of the southern hemisphere on the same sheet, he describes an arc of a circle parallel to the equator, and at the same distance to the south of it, as Meroe [MA¦roe] is to the north, and then divides this arc in parts of the same number and size, as on the Parallel of Meroe. That paradox notwithstanding, though, Ptolemya€™s depiction of a southern Afro-Asian continent and a land-locked Indian Ocean provided little comfort during the intervening 1,300 years to those early explorers, and later the Portuguese, in their attempts to find an all water route to India.
Simply put, the way we thinka€”the form of thinkinga€”is dialectically intertwined with the structure and the historical movement of capitalist accumulation. Like Malicka€™s The Tree of Life, Baiera€™s meteorite indexes a cosmological time and an inhuman history which never was sensed, which was prior to sensationa€”though, like Malicka€™s film, Baier makes this history manifest through the most sophisticated technological means of representation.
However, Marinusa€™ treatise on geography, with its maps, should still be ranked among the most important of the lost documents of the ancients, if for no other reason than that it was the foundation upon which Claudius Ptolemy built. The network is then obtained by joining the intersections to corresponding points on the equator. The twenty-one parallels are spaced at equal lineal intervals and each one is designated by (1) the number of equinoctial hours and fractional hours of daylight on the longest day of the year and (2) the number of degrees and minutes of arc north of the equator. The labor of the artist is the transformation of money, through materials, into its own image.
Baiera€™s Canvas, a meticulous photographic recording of the bare stone wall beside the first recorded images, situates this indexical effort within the whole history of representationa€”again, carrying us outside the modern technics of mimetic exactitude which make the digital rendering of this stone wall possible in the first place.
The challenged typesetter, working backwards, probably had some problems with the difficult geographical names. 4914 of 1381, and 4915, of about the same time), but according to a kind communication from the Bibl. For example, the first parallel of latitude north of the equator was distant from it a€?the fourth part of an houra€? and a€?distant from it geometrically about 4A°15a€™a€?. But this is also to transform them into an art object: neither tool nor raw material, neither instrument nor that to which it is applied.
One other parallel is added south of the equator, identified with the Rhaptum promontory and Cattigara and about 8A° 25a€™ distant from a€?The Linea€?. Rather, a worked form, presented, apparently useless and withdrawn from exchangea€”though of course it has its uses and cannot help but find its way back to market. In an article by Carmelo Ottaviano there is a reproduction of a theological treatise a€?De Adventu Messiea€? taken from a MS. All of the parallels north of the equator are located theoretically with the exception of three: Meroe, Syene and Rhodes. The first one, Clima I per Meroe, (so called because it passes through Meroe, near modern Shendi, a city of Africa at 17A° N latitude) was established traditionally as 1,000 miles below Alexandria and 300 miles from the torrid zone; it was also known as the royal seat and principal metropolis of Ethiopia [Africa].



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