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Digital Records for e-Social Science, or 'DReSS' for short, is a Research Node of the ESRCa€™s National Centre for e-Social Science, which seeks to promote Digital Social Research.
The nodea€™s work has resulted in the development of the Digital Replay System, or DRS, a next generation a€?CAQDASa€™ tool.
Human interaction is increasingly conducted through digital mechanisms, and DReSS provides a suite of tools that support qualitative social research in the 21st Century. The Corpus Linguistics Advanced Research Education and Training (CLARET) Workshop, University of Nottingham, April 29 2010. The NCRM Qualitative Innovations in CAQDAS (QUIC) Node, University of Surrey, 13th January 2009. The NCRM Qualitative Innovations in CAQDAS (QUIC) Node, University of Surrey, 13th November 2008. The 4th International Conference on e-Social Science, University of Manchester, June 18-20 2008.
The Electroencephalography (EEG) Unit, Neurophysiology Department, Royal Hallamshire Hospital, Sheffield, May 19 2008. The Work Practice Technology group, Xerox Research Centre Europe (XRCE), Grenoble, France, April 29 2008. The Corpus Linguistics Advanced Research Education and Training (CLARET) Workshop, University of Nottingham, January 21-22 2008.
The Centre for Research in Applied Linguistics (CRAL) Seminar Series, University of Nottingham, October 17 2007. The 2007 UK e-Science All Hands Meeting (NCeSS Booth), University of Nottingham, September 10-13 2007. The 2006 UK e-Science All Hands Meeting (NCeSS Booth), University of Nottingham, September 18-21 2006.
The 2005 UK e-Science All Hands Meeting (NCeSS Booth), University of Nottingham, September 19-22 2005. The CAQDAS Networking Project, Team Analysis of Multimedia & Multiple Digital Records, University of Surrey (2009). NCRM Collaborative Project Shaping Next Generation CAQDAS Tools, NCRM QUIC Node and NCeSS DReSS Node (2008). New Zealand e-Research project Building Research Capability in the Social Sciences Network (BRCCS), supporting the use of DRS in Access Grid Research (2008). Economic and Social Data Service Data Exchange Tools and Conversion Utilities (DExT) project, exploration of data exchange standards in qualitative software (2008). National Science Foundation and ESRC Special Activity in the Area of e-Science a€?Collaborative Exchangea€™, supporting integration of DRS with the Social Informatics Data Grid (SIDGrid) (2007). Oxford e-Social Science Node (OeSS), workshop on the ethics of e-social science research (2006). Report of the International Panel for the 2009 Review of the UK Research Councils e-Science Programme, RCUK Review of e-Science 2009, RCUK. DESCRIPTION: The English geographical culture in the 13th century is revealed in the unusual circumstance that four important 13th century mappaemundi - the Vercelli, Dutchy of Cornwall, Ebstorf and Hereford (see also #224, #226) - either are English or appear to have strong English connections.
In many cases it is possible to fix a terminus post quem, but rarely to find a terminus ante quem.
If paleographers wish to date the script of documents, there are, for instance, different ways to describe the design of Gothic letters. Especially the large sums of the 13th century have been discussed in our time, if the author is unknown. The problem of dating the Vercelli map relates to the fact that neither the author nor sponsor nor provenance is known. Carlo Errera discovered the Rotulus in 1908 when organizing the archive of the Chapter of Vercelli.
In 1935 Anna Maria Brizio thought that the style of painting on the Vercelli map resembled Spanish miniatures of the Romanesque style thus favoring a painter from the first half of the 13th century. Stimulated by the Italian historian of cartography Roberto Almagiai, a geographer of the University of Turin, Carlo Felice Capello, studied the map and its history after 1951 and proposed in 1957 at the 17th Geographical Congress at Bani to attribute the map to the contemporaries of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri (d.1227). Ordinarily the mappamundi of the Middle Ages in Western Europe is often of summary of knowledge drawn from different sources, concentrated in a picture offering places of interest from different historic periods. An important mark for a terminus post quem on the Vercelli map is the city of Alessandria in Lombardy, founded in 1167 and named in honor of Pope Alexander III probably the youngest city shown on the map. The placing of Jerusalem and of the earthly paradise on the Vercelli map differs from the other maps of large size.
In favor of an early dating of the Vercelli map there has often been discussed the position of Jerusalem because it is not placed in the center of the map. Early research on the Vercelli map thought that the style of painting reflected that of the Spanish miniatures. When the Vercelli map is compared with its three sisters, there are only limited water areas displayed on it. Mountains on the Vercelli map mostly are shown as three-leaved symbols, or chains, often looking like grapes. England is scantily documented on the Vercelli map, a large part has been ravaged by time: it is placed in the surrounding ocean on the left side and at the edge of the inhabited world. All the figures - men, animals, and monsters alike - look slim and seem to belong to the Gothic style of painting. The experience of paleography should not be under-estimated when dating maps, though there are included many imponderables. During the 13th century there was a considerable change from Gothic majuscule, developed from uncial forms, to usual Gothic minuscule, which became the regular script for epigraphy in the 14th century. Bagrow, Leo, History of Cartography (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1964), Plate XXV.
George, Wilma, Animals and Maps (University of California Press), 1968, Figure 2.6 (one humped camel in Ethiopia). Errera, C., a€?Un mappamondo medievale sconosciuto nella€™Archivo capitolare de Vercelli,a€? Atti della R. George, Wilma, Animals and Maps (University of California Press, 1968), 35-36, 60, 109, 125, 186.
A A  The medieval world map is a documentary and also a narrative authority for the historian: it reflects the knowledge as well as the view of the world.
ABSTRACT: The newly- discovered Evesham world map, a map that was almost certainly commissioned for Evesham Abbey in about 1390, was added to and amended some 20 years later, and was then reused by 1452. The College of Arms in London is England's most important heraldic institution, where coats of arms are officially devised and registered.
The Evesham Abbey map tells us much about the context of English map making at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries and about some English perceptions of their country and the world at that time. To understand the map now in the College of Arms, it is essential to go back to Ranulf Higden (#232) and to his use of maps in his best-known work, the Polychronicon. Higden began work on the Polychronicon early in the 1320s and regularly updated it until his death in 1363.
There is no evidence that Higden himself, unlike his famous predecessor, the chronicler Matthew Paris, was particularly cartographically literate.
The map that Higden finally selected for what is now the Huntington Library manuscript was probably an already rather ancient model. There is no pictorial illustration on the Huntington map apart from the depiction of Adam and Eve in Paradise and two dogsa€™ heads outside the map. The absence of any explicit connection between illustration and text brings to mind the acute observation made by Rudolf Wittkower in relation to the divergence between the illustrations and the text in 15th century copies of Marco Poloa€™s travels: a€?No medieval artist aimed at a descriptive illustration of a text.
In the course of the 1340s - possibly before Higden had selected a map to fill the space left in the text for it - a copyist, perhaps working for Ramsey Abbey, Huntingdonshire, created a larger, more detailed and better-executed world map, which illustrates the text much more fully. If evidence is needed of the decline of cartographic consciousness in England in the second half of the 14th century - perhaps as a consequence of the Black Death pandemic of 1348 a€“ one needs also to bear in mind that only twenty of the surviving 120 or so complete Polychronicon texts in Latin (and only those of the intermediate text and its continuations) contain maps.
The map now at the College of Arms can only be understood in the general context of these Higden maps.
In the second half of the 14th century, Evesham Abbey was the centre of considerable intellectual activity, typified by the production of works such as the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi, a chronicle of events in England during the reign of Richard II, which is usually found as a continuation of the Polychronicon. This brief excursion into English chronicle writing is relevant to the Evesham world map for two reasons. Thus we can summarize the main lines of descent of the various Higden maps (see time diagram below). Possible relationships of maps associated with surviving manuscripts of Ranulf Higdena€™ Polychronicon, c. It is highly probable that the map now owned by the College of Arms is the map referred to in the Herford inventory. The most striking features of the Evesham map are its size and its extremely good state of preservation. As in the case of the Huntington Library map and its successors, the Evesham map neither depicts nor refers to any of the fabulous creatures or Marvels of the East that make a regular appearance on so many of the more elaborate mappaemundi such as the Ebstorf, Psalter, Hereford, Duchy of Cornwall and the Aslake maps. Despite the relative absence of biblical references on the Evesham map, the mapmaker's profoundpiety is obvious and not surprising. Unique to the Evesham map, and not seen on any other map associated with the Polychronicon, is the land of the Huns. The prominence given to the Huns - the only place or territorial name apart from Jerusalem to place have its name picked out in red - is difficult to explain.
Furthermore, the position of Hungri on the Evesham map corresponds approximately to that of the land of Gog and Magog on the Anglo-Saxon, Psalter and other world maps.
On the Evesham map, Europe is divided into its medieval provinces, though Mount Olympus, a reference from classical antiquity, is shown. For the significance of this manner of portraying France, reference should be made to the representation of Britain and France on the Hereford world map about a century earlier.
In the case of additions to the map, the new draughtsman was much less skilled than his predecessor and much less geographically aware. The evidence of erasures on the mapa€™s surface shows unmistakably that the original map was later revised. The principal towns and ports of the south coast of Devon and Cornwall - Exeter [exeter], Totnes [Tottenis], Dartmouth [dertemowth], Plymouth [plinmowth], Liskeard [leskyrt], Fowey [Fowey] and Penryn [peryn] - are shown more or less in their correct sequence, with only Totnes and Exeter somewhat misplaced. Taddiport is not mentioned in the cartularies of Evesham Abbey, making its inclusion on the map very strange.
It is more likely that Taddiport owes its presence on the map to a family connection, possibly with the unknown scribe or with Abbot Yatton, the likely patron of these later additions to the map. Another peculiar feature of the Evesham map, however, can be more firmly explained in terms of Boteler family links. The Evesham mapa€™s close similarity to mapsfound with some of the continuations to Higden's Polychronicon could lead to the reasonable assumption that, despite its size, it had a particular association with Evesham Abbeya€™s own continuation (the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi). Another equally strong argument against an intellectual link between the Evesham map and either the Polychronicon or the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi is The mapa€™s simplicity. The likelihood must be that its very simplicity means the Evesham map was intended as an aide-memoire about the nature of the world and that its function was to illuminate in a limited way all the traditional scholastic texts rather than one in particular, just as the T-O diagram (#205) was so often appended to geographical sections of medieval encyclopedic text. In their essentials - and despite the modernisms and innovations that most contained - world maps had become standardized in their contents, and their general image was conventionalized by the 14th century. The Evesham map thus provides further circumstantial evidence of the premise with which we started: that the map Higden initially used to illustrate his text would have been no more than the standard, basic image of the world of a design which had long been thought suitable for any didactic geographical purpose regardless of author and which could be elaborated to illustrate any text. In size and complexity these signs vary according to the relative importance of the settlements as perceived by the mapmaker. If the work of the first scribe suggests that evenaway from the main centers of teaming there were those who had some grasp, albeit imperfect, of the nature and role of cartographic signs, the work of the second serves to remind us that such a consciousness was by no means universal. There is no evidence as to why the verse of the leaf containing the world map was re-used for an illustrated genealogy in 1450, barely sixty years after its creation, and probably less than fifty after the most recent changes had been made.
By the time the Evesham map was being created, however, maps of the world produced in the Mediterranean countries and influenced by the more accurate coastal profiles of portolan charts had already begun to reach England.
The map of the world now owned by the College of Arms is striking because of the topicality of its perspectives and allusions. Despite its close resemblance to the maps most commonly found in surviving copies of the Polychronicon, we have concluded that the Evesham map was above all a wall map for general instruction and edification. The DReSS developed tools that enable qualitative researchers to exploit traditional audio-visual and textual resources alongside new forms of data gathered within digital environments, such as GPS, WiFi, and other sensor-based data. Like other CAQDAS tools, DRS enables the synchronisation, replay, and analysis of audio and video recordings. The auxiliary historical scientist has to examine internal characteristics, and also the external, if the original document survived. There is much discussion to accurately date them because they lack text from a book which they illustrate, which could explain the map-painting.
The style of painting and writing can be observed, though monumental elements make it survive for long periods.
The ideas expressed on the Ebstorf map revive the opinion that Gervase of Tilbury may be not only the ideal but the real creator of it.
The map survived at Vercelli; it was found in the 20th century only as a fragment and has been damaged by humidity.
The Ebstorf map measures 358 to 356 cm, the Hereford map 165 to 135 cm, and the Cornwall map 157 to 157 cm.
Nobody before had paid attention to it because it was inventoried in the 18th century as an old sketch of a synoptic picture.
Leo Bagrow in his History of Cartography in 1951 published a small black and white reproduction and mentioned a larger one to be more useful.
Rarely did it qualify as a guide for travelers, although it might perhaps serve as a first pre-information for pilgrimage, as it instructs about places of history regarding the salvation of mankind. But this rule, first proclaimed by Saint Hieronymus when commenting on Ezekiel 5,5, was difficult to be executed on paintings because the model of the T-O Map had its centre in the intersection of the T-upright and the T-top stroke, and that was a place in the sea between the Don [Tanais], the Eastern Mediterranean Sea and the Nile. In addition to the important comparison with the maps of Ebstorf and Hereford, there is the comparison with the Isidore map of CLM 10058, a French map painted in Parisian surroundings according to the study of Gautier Dalche, and a product of the Victorine School. This style of painting is traditional and has been found since the 8th century Beatus maps (#207).
Ireland can be seen well, and there is some toponymic evidence: Cassel [Cashel], Mide [Meath] and Armagh can be identified. The slashed riding-gown of the French King Philip, as mentioned, was evidence of fashion of the second half of the 13th century, and the style of painting suggests this dating, too.
The map-maker did not only change between everyday scripts and literary handwriting, he was also an artist and painter and used special monumental letters. The earthly paradise between INDIA and INDIA MEDIA with the tomb of Thomas below: ARMENIA, Ark of Noah, MEDIA, PERSIA, ARRABIA with the tomb of Simon and Judas and the Tower of Babel. It derives from what was probably a standard world map copied for Ranulf Higden for his Polychronicon. Over many centuries it has accumulated an unrivalled collection of heraldic and genealogical manuscripts. An exhibition catalogue of 1936 concentrated mainly on the pedigree, and the map was simply reported as a€?a fourteenth century map of the world, with Adam and Eve, the tree and serpent at the heada€™.
It also raises questions about the relationship between medieval authors and the maps illustrating their works.
It depends largely on classical writings such as Pliny's Etymologia (especially as transmitted by earlier medieval writers and encyclopaedists, notably Isidore of Seville, #205), on medieval chronicles, on travel accounts such as those of Vincent of Beauvais, Giraldus Cambrensis and Marco Polo, on the Alexander legends and, above all, on the Bible. Other chroniclers contributed their own a€?continuationsa€™ to Higdena€™s text until after 1400. Their occurrence or non-occurrence, however, is so apparently arbitrary and the design of most of them so unrelated to the text as to prompt questions about Higden's attitude towards maps and about the nature and purpose of these so-called Higden maps. Almost certainly the now-lost original short version of the Polychronicon did not contain a map. It presented the essentials of his world-view without the frills (such as the texts and illustrations relating to the Marvels of the East and to the Bible) found on the great 13th century world maps. Only the principal cities, rivers, seas and provinces of the classical world are named, except in western Europe where some medieval place-names appear. In some ways this work resembles the great maps of the previous century with their descriptive texts. Even if a few of the other hundred mapless texts may originally have been accompanied by larger, separate maps - in the way that a copy of Gervase of Tilburya€™s Otia Imperialia may once have accompanied, explained and elucidated the Ebstorf world map (#224) -the likelihood must be that most had none. However, its particular context was that of the prosperous wool country of the Cotswolds rather than Higdena€™s hometown of Chester or the fens and marsh and water then surrounding Ramsey Abbey.
First, the tone of the Evesham chronicle and of its principal sources, unlike the internationalism of Higden, is distinctly local and patriotic - a characteristic that is also a notable feature of the Evesham map. Both the Oxford and the Paris maps may have been indirectly derived from a circular map in a text of the Polychronicon, dated 1367 by its scribe, one Walter of Donyngton, and now in Cambridge University Library. Herford was a man of some learning who has been suggested as the author or patron of the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi.
In addition to a Polychronicon (Polichronica) and another chronicle (a chronicae abbreviatae), the list details a Descriptio orbis cum chronicis abbreviatis, a Quaternus de Peregrinatione Terrae Sanctae, an Imago de Mounde, a treatise on making astrolabes, an Albumasar (perhaps an Arabic astronomical treatise), an unbound volume on the division of historical time (Quaternus Divisione Temporum), the writings of the English medieval cosmographer John of Holywood (Johannes de Sacro Bosco) and a Quaternus de Mirabilibus mundi et Astronomiae. At 940 X 460 mm, on a skin measuring 990 X 550 mm, it is far smaller than the Ebstorf (#224) and Hereford (#226) world maps but is of comparable dimensions to the Vercelli (#220.2) world map (840 X 720 mm).
The known, inhabited world or oikumene is divided into three continents, subdivided into provinces and surrounded by an Ocean Sea dotted with islands including (as in all other Higden maps) Wyndlond which has traditionally been associated with Finland, Denmark-Jutland or, less probably, the land of the Wends and Sorbs (now in eastern Germany), but which might also be an echo of Vinland. Given the detailed attention paid to the Marvels in the text of the first book of the Polychronicon, their omission from the map is unlikely to be due to a more rigorous intellectual analysis or to a narrower focus on Higdena€™s part, though these factors may have been relevant to the map that Higden seems to have copied from.
In an age troubled by foreign wars, civil unrest (for example, the Peasantsa€™ Revolt), religious dissent (Lollards and Hussites) and fresh memories of the Black Death, the reality of human mortality and the evidence for divine wrath were ever-present.


This is shown as a castellated tower labeled Hungri placed between Gothia, Scandinavia and the province of the Amazons, which is shown as close to Asia Minor. It is unlikely to be a reflection of the power achieved by Louis I of Hungary, whose domains in the 14th century stretched from the Baltic to the Balkans, but it could well reflect a confusion in the mind of the Cartographer between the Huns and the equally fierce Mongols. Since Gog and Magog were to sweep through the world on the Day of Judgment, it was perhaps feared that the Mongols would act in a similarly apocalyptic fashion.
Europe, too, that the differences between the Evesham map and the other oval Higden maps are most apparent. Exceptionally, Artois (Artyes) is indicated on the map (there appears to be no sign of it on other Higden world maps) in order to make possible the depiction of Calais, which had come into English hands in 1347.
There, England is far smaller than it is on the Evesham map while France is far bigger, and more French towns are marked than English towns.
There is clear evidence, however, that the map was further embellished at some unknown date. The original intention would seem to have been to depict England on a north-south alignment consistent with the rest of the map.
The scribe responsible for these revisions evidently failed to understand the alignment of England.
The ports may have been included on the map primarily because of their trade with the foreign ports of Bruges, Rouen and, especially, Bordeaux. The place-names start with the tiny settlement of Taddiport [tadiport], which at that time would have possessed little more than a chantry chapel, a leper hospital and a bridge across the Torridge. Small settlements with bridges such as Taddiport do indeed feature prominently on the Gough map because of their importance as intermediate points along the routes that constituted the mapa€™s internal structure.
Abbot Yatton is known to have been related to the Boteler family - probably the Botelers, or Butlers, of Droitwich, Worcestershire - who were also associated with the village of Yatton, now known as Eaton Bray, in Bedfordshire. For example, Carlisle [carlyl] is placed in Scotland even though it had been finally ceded to England a century and a half earlier, in 1157. Scholars have increasingly emphasized the vital importance of the interplay between text and image to the intended didactic purpose of medieval maps.
The first must surely be that had the map been intended to be associated with the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi, or with the Polychronicon, or had it been so regarded by contemporaries, the monk who compiled the inventory following Nicholas Herforda€™s death would have linked them in some way. Despite its size and the opportunities this could have given for textual and visual elaboration, the map lacks the traditional imagery and explanatory texts found on the great 13th century world maps and the miniature Psalter map, or even on maps from the previous generation, such as the more elaborate Ramsey Abbey Higden map and the fragmentary Aslake map. Of course the Evesham map is cartographically much more complex than a T-O diagram and reflects its creators' mentality and their immediate concerns, which are also evident in the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi on which they were probably working simultaneously.
Such an argument accords with the lack of intellectual originality that is so characteristic of Higdena€™s writings. In this respect the Evesham map represents an advance from the Gough map of the Previous generation (itself possibly derived from an earlier prototype).
He continued to mark settlements outside the British Isles with roughly sketched towers of different designs, but he used no sign for Bordeaux or for most of the named towns in England, Scotland and Ireland. It brings to mind the inconsistent use of signs by the creator of the Aslake map a generation earlier.
Copies of Higdena€™s Polychronicon, sometimes accompanied by a map, were still being produced elsewhere in England in the mid-15th century and Caxton printed John Trevisaa€™s English-language translation as late as 1482. While maybe not immediately appreciated by native mapmakers, evidence shows that by 1450 merchants and mariners in certain ports, notably Bristol, were beginning to take these modem maps seriously. It was not specifically intended as an accompaniment to the Polychronicon or any other written text. The relative lack of intellectual freshness of all the Higden maps contrasts as much with the great world maps of the 13th century as with the portolan charts of the 14th and the newly circulating Ptolemaic maps of the 15th century. Distinctively, DRS also enables these conventional resources to be combined with data recorded in digital environments. And though the internal features are more fascinating, they are often objects of speculation, whilst external marks are of more consequence and confront the historian with a fait accompli.
Therefore they need to be studied in isolation with regard to their content and to their appearance. Since the original was destroyed in the Second World War, there remains only a limited argument with regard to external characteristics. The way of writing is somewhat cursive and often flighty and careless, in any individual case, few obliged to the rules of scholar writing of book-hands. Their script is careful, often monumentally executed, especially for liturgical and biblical books, and this makes them look uniform. As the original is destroyed, it is very dangerous to work with the excellent modern reproductions. In 1911 Errera presented the world map, emphasized its information as regard to Spain and Italy, and dated it to the end of the 13th or the beginning of the 14th century, assisted by Romualdo Paste, and by G.
As he lost the plates of his book during the Second World War and he was to reconstruct it, the models of his copies were only in general identified.
He visited England in 1216-18 and is known as a donor of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts to the school of Vercelli. But the example also illustrates the difficulty to claim an internal argument for the terminus post quem. Instead of the Garden of Eden with Adam and Eve before a picturesque apple-tree, the Rotulus has in the eastern part a simple rectangle with frame and a cross inside, and it is filled with a didactic text explaining Asia and Paradisu Terrestris.
The painter of the so-called Oxford map of about 1090-1110, who first gave to Jerusalem its place, made it a€?swima€? like an island at the meeting point of the waters on his geometrical drawing.
The bird with a horseshoe in its beak is an a€?iron-eatera€?; it has the head of a goose, the body of a crane, the feet of a calf, and is to be identified as an ostrich. That would mean Philip III, who was the only one to visit Africa when he accompanied his father in 1270. Though the map of Munich is a small one, 26.6 cm of diameter, and never offered the place for the material of all the legends of the Descripti of Hugo of St.
A world map is an individual production, but it is also the sum of conventional signs, often shaped as symbols taken from heraldry. Both are right in the idea, because Spain as well as England are countries which produced outstanding Latin maps during the Middle Ages. On the other hand, the Vercelli map displays waves in the sandy Sahara desert, a kind of sandhills.
The Vercelli map looks like a continental map of Mediterranean or West-European provenance, for instance Italy, France, or Spain, and a French king documents French interests. Although a map that was connected with a book was regularly executed by the same hand, it is not necessarily a matter of fact. Its observation might be of importance for dating maps according to their monumental legends. But the result might be, that though the idea of an English provenance as a gift of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri is a fascinating hypothesis, there are many arguments to consolidate the old opinion of Errera, Paste, and Faccio, who found as well external characteristics for the second half of the 13th century as they identified King Philip of France as Philip III, who visited Africa.
However, there is no evidence that the Evesham map was ever intended to illustrate any particular text. More specifically, it questions the validity of referring, as has hitherto been the case, to a Higden group of world maps. Although Higden occasionally interjected stories and observations of his own, and sometimes criticized earlier authors, he was generally satisfied with their information.
After a few years, however, Higden evidently concluded that a Map would be appropriate, and the intermediate and final versions of the text specifically refer the reader to a map. Furthermore, the one copyist of the 1340s who was sufficiently enthusiastic to create the more elaborate of the Ramsey Abbey maps, which closely corresponds to Higdena€™s text, was an isolated figure. There can be little doubt that the map it the College of Arms was made in, or commissioned for, Evesham Abbey, Gloucestershire. Second, the two Higden maps that most closely resemble the Evesham map, though probably created a few years later, are both to be found in continuations of the Polychronicon that are directly or indirectly linked to Walsinghama€™s Chronicon Angliae.
Albans in or soon after 1388, is textually the closest to the Walsingham source for the Evesham Historia.
Most significant of all, however, the Cambridge, Oxford, Paris and Evesham maps all name Aragon twice. On Herforda€™s death a list, with valuations, was made of the vestments, chalices and books that he had bought or commissioned for Evesham. Also included is a text of the Alexander legends (Vita Alexandri), an important medieval source for the Marvels of the East and other Asian and African features depicted on the larger world maps, and the writings of Hugo of St. The word factura rather than scriptura would imply a map of some considerable size, possibly of the kind often appended to the fabric of the monastery, and almost certainly not a map for use as a book illustration (as was, probably, the a€?Descriptio orbis cum chronicis abbreviatisa€™).
On the Evesham map, the Holy Land and Jerusalem are represented by pictorial signs that are disproportionately large even in comparison with the Huntington Library map and its progeny. It is quite distinct from Hungaria, located in approximately the correct position on the Danube near Bohemia.
Memories of the Mongol invasions of Europe in the twelfth century were still vivid even in the late fourteenth century. These could be explained by reference to contemporary English national loyal ties as well as to their commercial interests, reflecting the increasing patriotism that accompanied the Hundred Years' War and that is also seen in Polychronicon. In accordance with the subsequent claims Of English king to be also kings of France, the royal Abbey of St.
On the Hereford map, Paris is indicated by a particularly large sign (exceeding even that for Rome), while nearby St. On paleographical grounds, it is unlikely to have been much later; it could have been in the first decades of the 15th century when the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi was also being added to and completed by a distinctly Anglo-centered and chauvinistic monk at Evesham. For instance, Mons Dotayin has been scribbled in, together with a hill sign, to the southeast of the Red Sea crossing. English-controlled Rouen (rona) is givenits own sign, and the capital of the English-ruled province of Gascony, Bordeaux an important entry point into southern Europe for English wool as well as an export center for claret, is named.
Viewed from this perspective, and given the constraints imposed by the need to accommodate the island on the outer extremity of the ocean sea, on the edge of the map, there is some resemblance to geographical reality.The River Severn has become a sea separating England from Wales and the Devon-Cornwall peninsula a hump resembling East Anglia. He mistook the cast coast of the island for the south coast and transformed the interior into an image of England as viewed from Evesham.
It is also not inconceivablethat either the abbot or the scribe had personal links with merchants or mariners in the area.
This is not the case with Taddiporta€™s presence on the Evesham map, however, since it features at the start and not in the middle of an itinerary. Moreover, one of the monks who voted for Yatton's successor in 1418, at about or shortly after the time the later additions were made to the map, was a Richard Boteler. All these place, except Worcester and Chester, lie on the modern A49 road, yet neither Warrington nor Wigan is mentioned in cartularies of Evesham Abbey.
It looks very much as though the scribe and his patron were personally familiar with the places between Fvesham and Taddiport and with the ports of the southwest of England. Instead, the reference to the map in the inventory (always, assuming, of course, that it refers to the map under discussion) stands alone. Apart from a mention of the Hebrewsa€™ crossing of the Red Sea, the depiction of Adam andEve, and some mountains and towns, the Eveshammap shows little more than coastlines, boundaries and the names of towns and provinces.
The Evesham map, too, is so highly traditional in its essentials that most minimally educated viewers would have needed no special elucidation from Higden or any other writer to have understood its basic points. Indeed, one might question the extent to which the various simple maps traditionally associated with particular authors such as Isidore of Seville and Paulus Orosius or with subjects such as the Apocalypse had been specifically created to illustrate their texts or were simply selected from a stock of traditional images of the world. Brian Hindle has commented that, contrary to theopinion of earlier writers, the creator of the Gough map used signs, such as those for towns, arbitrarilyand inconsistently. As on other Higden maps, such as thosein the Huntington Library and the National Library of Scotland, mountains on the Evesham map are indicated by greenish blots except for the Caucasus (shown in blue) and the Alps, which seem to have been mistaken for a settlement and are shown as a half-finished tower, as though the scribe had realized his mistake early enough to leave the tower incomplete but too late to substitute the proper sign. It could be, then, that by 1450 the authorities in Evesham, a relatively short distance from Bristol, had recognized their map as being unacceptably out-dated and inadequate in its form and conception.
In fact, such modernisms were normal on the larger world maps and even, where space allowed, on some of the smaller ones. This suggests that the tradition of classifying a certain group of maps as Higden maps simply on the basis of the context in which they are most commonly found today is misleading. Despite the enhanced interest in the contemporary world which it displays, the Evesham map reinforces the evidence of the Aslake map: that English cartography, until so recently in the vanguard in western Europe, had taken an abrupt downturn after about 1350. Apart from portolan charts, which mostly can be attached to certain workshops of chart-makers, only the 13th century produced large maps that survived before the time of the Renaissance and these four maps have the character of summarizing the totality of medieval knowledge. Therefore the legends do not always use normal script but designed capital letters, which are like epigraphic writing.
As most of the historical documents are dated, there is no difficulty in finding records for comparison also for the different regions, if a single piece is lacking its date. That is the reason, why the catalogues of manuscripts note only the presumed century, half of a century, or third of a century according to the character of letters. Paleographic research cannot study the ductus of the hands, only perhaps the way of painting. It might be supposed that he remembered the large copy, the only one which we have today, in the publication of Youssouf Kamal, as the original map is in a bad condition.
This made Capello to promote an English provenance of the map and for dating it to around 1200, an intelligent hypothesis but an unproved one. Only the portolan [nautical] charts, because of their inherent a€?functionalitya€?, are an exception with regard to this. Moreover, the Vercelli map offers many places, of which the knowledge seems to be unusual, for instance Friesach in Austria: these chapter-houses were founded in 1187and 1217. This area is not placed at the top outside the world outline but inside Asia between countries each named India.
Later on, medieval map-makers preferred to displace the T somewhat to the west - that is on east-orientated maps below - in order to secure the center for Jerusalem in Asia. Exactly the same bird can be found on the Hereford map, yet it is not shown in Africa as the ostrich of the Ebstorf map, but in Northern Europe near the Don and the Maeotis at the border between Europe and Asia. Victor, there may have been a joint source, and the Vercelli map seems to belong to that tradition, even with regard to the placing of Jerusalem and Tyre. They exercised considerable influence on other countries, especially on the large maps of the 13th century. There was almost certain contact with Beatus (#207), for example in mentioning the tombs of the apostles distributed over the whole earth. And a map of large size may have been developed individually, separate from the associated book. Within the traditional geographical and spiritual framework, the pre-occupation with the universal, ancient, and mythical-typical of earlier large world maps-has yielded primacy to the depiction of contemporary England and the territorial, dynastic, and commercial aspects of English patriotism. However, the map belongs to a well-established group of English maps, the so-called a€?Higdena€™ world maps. His Polychronicon became the most popular history book in medieval England and even today more than 120 manuscript copies survive.
The original manuscript of the earliest version is lost, but the Huntington Library possesses whit is now generally accepted as Higden's working copy for the intermediate version, which contains the text tip to c.1327 with continuations recording events tip to 1352. Unlike Paris, however, Higden was either unable or unwilling to create a map specifically for his description of the world. Its basic structure is to be found also on the Beatus (#207) and the Anglo-Saxon world maps (#210) of several centuries earlier, two map types probably deriving from a now-lost later Roman prototype and possibly thus going back to the administrative world map known to have been made for a portico on the Via Flaminia, Rome, under the direction of Augustus's son-in-law, Vipsanius Agrippa (63-12 BC). The map omits all legends, notably those referring to the Marvels of the East or to the Bible (with the exception of an indication of the passage of the Hebrews across the Red Sea) even though these are dealt with in detail in the text. The other copyists became, if anything, less cartographically concerned than Higden and their maps even more conventionalized.
Evesham is the only place in England, apart from Canterbury, to be highlighted on the map by the depiction of a church instead of a tower (like those used for the cities of London, Dover, Bristol and Exeter) or a place-name alone. One was the continuation of the Polychronicon for the years 1348 to 1381, composed in the 1380s by John of Malvern, prior of nearby Worcester from 1395. It can therefore be suggested that the immediate source for the Evesham map was probably a now-lost map in the early version of Walsinghama€™s chronicles utilised by the Evesham chronicler in about 1390-92, which gives us a likely date for the Evesham mapa€™s creation. In terms of descent, the Oxford, Paris and Cambridge maps strongly resemble the Evesham map in both nature and disposition of content. This duplication is found neither on the Huntington Library map nor on either of the Ramsey Abbey maps. The Abbeya€™s cartulary, now among the Harleian manuscripts in the British Library, contains a copy of the valuation.
Victor, one of the few scholars who in the 12th century had described and theorized about the construction and nature of world maps.
The price of 6 Marks, or A?3 13s 4d (A?3.66p), was roughly equivalent to the annual earnings of an agricultural laborer or to the cost of an agricultural cart and horse. Such charts were generally kept rolled and the unfaded state of the Evesham map suggests it too may have been stored in this way.
Apart from the passage of the Hebrews across the Red Sea (indicated by parallel lines at the crossing point and the words Transitus Ebreorum), and depictions of Adam, Eve and the Serpent and of the Tower of Babel, no biblical events are referred to, although Bethlehem is dignified by a squat tower with a spire. It suggests a shift in the mapmaker's interest away from traditional learning towards contemporary reality. Jerusalem is shown as grandiose walled Gothic cathedral city dominating the upper part of the map.
The position of Hungri, which is found in the correct place on the Hereford world map (on which, however, Hungary is not shown), should correspond roughly with that described as the home of the Huns in the text of the Polychronicon.
In the early thirteenth century, the Christian rulers of Europe had repeatedly attempted to ally with the Mongols of Iran against the Muslim Turks who were occupying the Holy Land. The most likely patron for these textual additions would have been Roger Yatton, Abbot at Evesham from 1379 to 1418.


Mount Lebanon is now identified, and Acre appears to be labeled as the gateway (Jaunensis) to the Holy Land. Bruges, another major entry point for English wool within tile dominions of England's ally the Duke of Burgundy, is also named and graced by a large tower. East Anglia itself is left with no room for expression because of the lack of space between it and a circular Europe. Withmore than fifty place-names, England is toponymically richer on the Evesham map than on any other surviving medieval map of Britain apart from these by Matthew Paris and the Gough map and its derivatives.
From Bath, a variety of routes would have taken the traveler through Gloucester to Evesham. The heads of another branch of the Botelers - albeit of unproven relationship with the Yatton Botelers - were lords of the manor of Littleham, which lies mid-way between Bideford and Great Torrington, and tenants in chief of Hole (of the eponymous parish). However, another branch of the Boteler family were at one time lords of the manor of Warrington.
In contrast, the other place-names - either well-known monastic and religious centers or important market towns - may only have been known to them indirectly from family links or from travelers who visited Evesham. The map in the inventory is no more connected with the Higden text or its continuation than with any other entry, such as the Abbeya€™s Imago de Mounde. Unlike the other great maps, it could have only marginally enhanced a readera€™s understanding of the Polychronicon or the Historia.
Contemporaries, sharing the patron or the scribea€™s prejudices, would have easily comprehended its peculiarities, such as the derogatory depiction of the city of Paris. Chroniclers, encyclopedists and their copyists do not, after all, have to be graphically or geographically conscious. In contrast, on the Evesham map, seas are consistently shown in green-blue except for the Red Sea which, as is usual with these early maps, is painted red, and the Dead Sea which, more unusually, is also shown in red. Again in keeping with many, but not all, Higden maps, rivers are uncolored and are shown as broad blank spaces indistinguishable from provinces. It is in the portrayal of mountains, however, that the second scribe shows the greatest deviation from his predecessor. Its excellent state of conservation suggests that it was never much used, and the step from redundancy and neglect to re-use and renewed relevance as a pedigree of an influentialfamily must have seemed a small one. Studies of the Vercelli, Ebstorf, Hereford and Psalter world maps have demonstrated such updating.
The most likely patron for these textual additions would have been Roger Yatton, Abbot at Evesham from 1379 to 1418.A  It was Yatton who had the frater and the south cloister walk paved and some time before 1395 had a new detached bell tower built, the ancestor of the present bell tower that dates from the 1530s. But even the Vercelli map produces problems in establishing its origination because today it is in very bad condition, only a fragment, and it is faded by damp and partly illegible. The modern method of dating literary hands is the comparison with tables of dated and datable manuscripts of the same time and region: the famous old libraries publish their material in editions of large scale in all European countries. That refers also to portolan charts of the later Middle Ages, which are not dated, though they offer toponymic clues and announce their provenance.
That is the reason that the Vercelli map may be preferred here as a secondary theater of dispute. Bagrow seems to have accepted the dating of Errera, as he mentions the map together with that of Hereford. Though Capello announced a comprehensive study, Marcel Destombes followed his hypothesis and everybody after him, as the study of the original map was difficult.
Gervase of Tilbury compares the variation of the world-picture with the crime of false witness in canon law, and even Paulinus Minorita at the beginning of the 14th century cautioned against a correction of the world-picture and only permitted the texts to be modernized. The handwriting of these legends might have been added later; even in Ireland legends may have been corrected or added at a later date. Nothing of this character is known from other maps, only the rosette of the paradise on the large Vatican map of Isidore of 775 has a comparable position.
But many map-makers abandoned this rule - for instance Matthew Paris (#225), Ranulf Higden (#232), the Mela map of Reims, Pirrus de Noha (#239), Andrea Bianco (#241), Fra Mauro (#249), and Jean Mansel (#205). The legend on the Hereford map explains Ostricuis, capud anseris, corpus gruis, pedes vituli, ferrum comedit, a legend which would also be suitable for the Vercelli map. The type is an antique one, and Tyre might be found in a remarkable position on the map of Saint Hieronymus.
But the way of symbolizing these places is quite different: the three Beatus maps (Burgo de Osma, Ofia and Lorvao) preserved this information by displaying twelve heads of saints in the countries of their mission. As maps of large size were set up in public places such as churches or teaching-halls, everybody who passed them was able to add something to or correct legends. Although he was evidently proud of Chester and of the English language, the tone of his text is not at all nationalist. In this case, Higden himself is likely to have been responsible for the additions as well as the core text, and the Huntington Library manuscript, therefore, should be regarded as the most authoritative expression of Higden's own intentions. Skelton and David Woodward have all followed Konrad Miller (who, however, did not know of the Huntington Library map) in focusing their attention on this map from Ramsey Abbey. By the 1370s they were creating circular maps (or maps shaped like the aureoles often shown surrounding Christ in medieval art), which mostly lacked even the rudimentary coastlines and decoration shown on the Huntington Library Map. The church symbol presumably refers to Evesham Abbey rather than to the secular town of Evesham, and the use of such a symbol must indicate the importance that the maker of the map attached to Evesham Abbey over all other English religious foundations - despite their greater contemporary importance - apart from St. In particular, the Paris and Oxford maps share with their Huntington Library predecessor the same striking oval shape of the Evesham map, a shape which Woodward has convincingly argued stems less from the form of the codex leaf on which they were drawn than from Hugo of St.Victora€™s comparison of the shape of the world to that of Noah's Ark. Most significant of all, however, is a note at the end of the document recording the price (pretium) of six Marks (vj. Although, therefore, not in the same league as luxuriously produced illuminated manuscripts such as the grander books of hours, the Evesham map cost a considerable sum. The thickness of the skin and the size of the lettering, which would have been legible from a considerable distance, suggest that the mapa€™s creator may have intended it for display - for temporary consultation or for longer-term edification -somewhere in the monastery or even within the church itself. Paradise, personified by a roughly sketched depiction of Adam, Eve and the Serpent, is depicted in its traditional place at the top of the map, in the East immediately above India.
For instance, like the majority of Higden maps, the Evesham map depicts England as an island separated by the sea from Scotland and Wales, both shown as islands as are Ireland and the isle of Man. In light of the changing English attitude France reflected by these on the two maps, it is likely that the marks of scouring that disfigure France - and only France a€“ on the Hereford map point to vandalism by a later English viewer enraged at such apparent favoritism towards the national enemy. The important trading city of Cologne [Colonia] is shown in Germany with a curious Gothic tower that may perhaps refer to its famous Gothic cathedral, then under construction.Yet another testimony of the influence of commercial interests on the map is the insertion of the Alps and between Catalonia, Provence and the Roman Campagna - of the Gotthard (Mons Godardi) the alpine pass which had been steadily gaining in importance as one of the main conduits for trade between northern and southern Europe since about 1220. Northern Englanda€™s curve to the right, reminiscent of the Ptolemaic maps of Britain, is almost certainly accidental and the result, once again, of the overall shape of the map. A handful of place-names, including Minehead, Torrington, Penryn and Winchcombe, are shown on a map for the first time.
David's (S[aicitu]S David) in Wales is marked by a tower as large as the place sign for London whereas towns in Scotland and Ireland are named but given no sign at all. The Littleham Botelers may have had links with the chantry chapel and leper hospital at nearby Taddiport. At the same time, these texts would have provided much more information than a reader could readily have visualized in cartographic terms. Still less do they have to be active artists and cartographers, even if some, most notably Matthew Paris, Hugo of St, Victor and Paul Minoritas, possessed all or most of these attributes. A tower or group of towers with spires of varying designs and splendor represents all the settlements (except for Acre and Sidon, which are only named) in a tradition that can also be found on some other Higden maps and that can be traced back to the Vercelli, Ebstorf (#224), Matthew Paris (#225), and Hereford (#226) maps and in some senses To ancient Rome. They are generally not even labeled fluvius, though the Nile, serpentine in its course as on the Paris, Oxford and Cambridge maps, is depicted in red as though it were a continuation of the Red Sea. Higden may have realized that the map he selected was not ideal, but he was not sufficiently cartographically sophisticated to be bothered by, it. However, since there was a good black and white copy made before 1935, this map in comparison with the Hereford map is a suitable object to demonstrate methodological problems of dating medieval maps in general, and especially to study external features in the way of auxiliary historical sciences. Though it is also damaged, the pictures and the way of painting still may be studied in many instances. In 1976 Capello published his inquisition with detailed photographs of the manuscript map in spite of its poor condition.
But it is a mistake to think it shocking if Paradise is omitted on maps of the 13th century; Matthew Paris (#225) omitted it, just as did John of Wallingford. The source of the legend is Alexander Neckam, who also states that the ostrich likes to ingratiate himself by deception so that he swallows even iron. This symbolic style of architecture represents the a€?ordinary type of towna€?, as seen from far away. Capello observed the change of majuscule and minuscule letters on the Vercelli map; that was really the change of monumental and common letters. It is surely significant, as John Taylor has pointed out in his The Universal Chronicle of Ranulf Higden (1966), that several of the later copies of the earliest version have a blank folio-or a completely unrelated piece of text-at the end of the prologue to the first book-exactly where the map is to be found in the Huntington Library manuscript.
Undoubtedly it is relatively more informative than the Huntington Library map, but there are major problems in terming it the Higden map, as has been the practice. The relatively high level of map consciousness and cartographical skill that had distinguished England and the English in 13th century Europe had sunk low.
Albans by the monk Thomas of Walsingham, consisting of the shorter Chronicon Angliae (1328-1388), the more detailed Historia Anglicana (1372-1392) and the Annales Ricardi II et Henrici IV (1392-1406). The second map, now in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris but formerly owned by Norwich Cathedral, accompanies a Polychronicon continuation to the year 1377. On the Oxford map, however, the copyist seems to have realized the duplication too late and deleted one of the Aragons, replacing it with another name, now illegible. Yet the scene is significantly different from the depictions of Adam and Eve found at the top of other Higden world maps by being set into the back of en elaborately carved throne.
Almost all the place-names are given in English, a distinct change from the practice of a century earlier and evidence of the growing importance of the vernacular language. In this connection, it is worth remembering that the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi was partly, derived from the chronicles of John of Malvern, a monk in Worcester, while information about events of the year 1400 were probably supplied by an informant in the Augustinian house at Cirencester. The naming of the hamlet of Taddiport on the Evesbam map may even have been a way of commemorating the foundation of the leper hospital there, which we hear of for the first time in 1418.
With its large lettering, it would have been easily seen from a distance: a conventional image conveying an essentially conventional message. Possibly the scribe, who may not have known Latin, was confusing the Tree of Melopos on his exemplar with nearby Mons Garthabathmon. Almost certainly his chosen map was a familiar image that, because of its very familiarity, would have been as acceptable to his readers as to himself in providing an illustration of the world.
The fragment of the Duchy of Cornwall map is too small to give an idea of painting and writing of the whole. Only the place of Jerusalem caused him any doubt because, since the time of the crusades, it was usually drawn as the center of the world on pictures and in texts; even the way of depicting the earthly paradise was unusual. He commented on it carefully, tried to decipher the often illegible legends and to interpret them. On the other hand, Paradise is often to be found even on portolan-styled maps of the 15th century and other secular maps such as the Catalan Atlas (#235), the maps of Andrea Bianco (#241), Andreas Walsperger (#245) and Giovanni Leardo (#242), as well as on a map in German language of Hanns Rust (#253.2) in about 1500.
The same idea seems to be found on the Isidore map of Munich (CLM 10058) of the 12th century, which is of French provenance and seems to be influenced by the ideas of Hugo of St. On the Vercelli map the king is not represented in a profitable way, because an ostrich puts its head in the sands and neglects its eggs. Since the writing of the Vercelli Map is faded, it is extremely difficult to analyze the original, which also seems to have been corrected in the Middle Ages and to be completed, as the painter forgot different legends: Austria and Ireland belong to these parts of the map. Book I is devoted to a geographical description of the world, while Books 2 to 5 encompass the history of the world.
In demonstrating how the Evesham chronicle repeats long passages verbatim from the Chronicon Angliae and the Historia Anglicana, Stow has deduced that the Evesham compiler must have had early versions or drafts of both works available to him. The text of this exemplar is in a similar hand to that of yet another text, namely Bodley MS 316, which is a copy of the Polychronicon with a continuation in the form of Walsinghama€™s Chronicon Angliae that was probably also originally owned by Norwich Cathedral. On the Evesham map, the process seems to have been taken a step further, with a distinction made between Aragonia and a fictional Haragama. In its general form, the throne on the map broadly resembles the abbatial Great Chair of Evesham Abbey, now in the Almonry Museum at the Abbeya€™s former Almonry in the town of Evesham. It extends from near Flanders and Zeeland, past the northern shores of Spain, which frequently adjoin the southern shores of England on other medieval world maps (for example the Anglo-Saxon, Henry of Mainz and Hereford maps)-to reach the north coast of Africa and the Fortunate islands! Close examination also suggests that the scribe enhanced the predominance Of Jerusalem by over painting the two rows of small squat pinnacles (not unlike those to be found as town symbols on the more elaborate Ramsey Abbey map) in the place sign, and replacing them with a profusion of crenellations, spires and a central tower surmounted by what look's like a weather vane in the shape of a bird top an orb. In contrast, only a handful of place-names fall beyond a line running southwest to northeast from St. TheEvesham scribe, however, did not have Parisa€™ skill in placing hearsay evidence within at least an approximately correct spatial frame. As he was no medievalist, many mistakes apparently took place, which might have been corrected with the help of the reproduction in Kamal but Capello was unaware of it. Moreover it is not quite clear what he is holding in his hand, a flag, a whip, a brush, or any attribute of his boldness.
Second, the inclusion in the same manuscript of another simpler map that is closely related to the Huntington Library map (and may, therefore, be a slightly later addition to the Ramsey Abbey copy of the Polychronicon, suggests a loss of confidence on the part of the copyist - a feeling, perhaps, that with the fuller map he was unacceptably stepping out of line.
The Abbey's throne or Great Chair dates from the fourteenth century and could thus have been well known to the creator of the map, Interpretation of the allegorical role of the ensemble has to be tentative, but it could be that here as in the moral frames of the Hereford and the Duchy of Cornwall world maps we again see the symbolic representation, on the one hand, of divine authority over the world and, on the other, of the passage of human time. Moreover, his attention was attracted to a bizarre bird with an iron horseshoe in its beak and a riding king sitting on it, who swings a brush or flag in his hand. Capello compared the legends with the maps of Ebstorf and Hereford as there are many similarities, and also referred to Beatus as a model. There are other connections between the Vercelli map and the Victorines with regard to scholastic ideas. Philip III is no person of glory in contrast to his father, and the connection with Africa might be a short-lived one. Third, it is worth recalling that the fuller Ramsey Abbey map produced no cartographic progeny, whereas the Huntington Library map is related to, and is probably the ancestor of, no fewer than ten oval or circular maps, including the Evesham world map, which were being created up to and into the 1460s. As well as representing Paradise, Adam and Eve could also be personifications of the beginning of human time, while the throne would symbolize both divine authority over the world and the seat of judgment at the Last Judgment-the end of human time. A legend presents him as Philippus rex Francie; and Errera considered this small scene to be the key for dating the map.
But since the Vercelli map was thought to be fairly illegible during the past decades, his hypothetic dating has always been accepted by recent research without criticism. The dislocation of Jerusalem on the Vercelli map is not extraordinary and should not be used as a mark for dating. There remains the question whether this fact allows a terminus ante quem, for instance only a short time after 1270. The more a region was actually known, there was less space free for monsters, mysteries, old and historical places. The way of writing in western and southern parts of Europe precedes always that of Middle Europe. On the Evesham map, therefore the throne takes the place of the representation of Christ on the better of the known of the two Psalter maps and of the Last Judgment on the Hereford world map. In contrast but as on the other oval Higden maps, the rest of France on the Evesham map his been reduced to the size of an insignificant province, with the sign for Paris so small that it can easily be overlooked. Finally the center of the map is not quite exact, as the border is missing today at the poles. Even the architecture of the Hereford map resembles that of Vercelli: it is not English but European. But countries faraway, or of old tradition without new information, offered possibilities to fill the picture in order to avoid blank spaces on the map. The miniscule letters of the Vercelli map are typical for the 13th century, and they do not show the character of the beginning of the 14th century: There are no combined curves of different letters.
It was, after all, a commonplace in late medieval art to depict the sovereignty of Christ, the Virgin and the Trinity as enthroned, and most moderately cultured contemporary viewers would have understood the allegory without difficulty. In addition, the symbols are not limited to the time of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, but the these conventional map symbols are common for the middle of the 13th to the 14th century. The middle space of the four-lines-system is curtailed typical for the 13th century in cursive manner. However, as on other Higden maps, Scandinavia, a European region that was never a Roman province, is shown east of the River Don, bordering on Judea.
Unlike maps that are closest in comparison with the Evesham map, the size of Asia Minor has been reduced, presumably in order to make more space for the Holy Land.
Yet the texts are divided by the chapter symbols like in literary texts: maybe the map-maker had the text as a model, not a painting of large size.
Another characteristic is a light incline to the right and the unequal measure for the middle line; the writer was apparently not an artist in writing. The Marvels of the East, Ethiopia and the provinces of Trogodite and Garamante are all shown without comment. He often uses abbreviations even for names such as Johannes, that means he was accustomed to theological texts. Acre, which had remained in crusader hands until 1291, is shown with the name Acon, as on the maps of Matthew Paris and several Higden Map, rather than with its classical name of Ptolemais. The Prominence given to Tyre - misplaced, like Sidon, to the south of Jerusalem - may also reflect its importance during the period of the Crusades as well as in classical antiquity.



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