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Description: The Globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius, constructed in 1542, is now preserved in the museum of the New York Historical Society, having been found in Madrid by Buckingham Smith. It will doubtless prove of interest to note upon this map the line running from pole to pole and cutting through the border of South America.
The Ulpius globe is 15.5 inches in diameter, and is supported upon a worm-eaten stand of oak, the iron cross tipping the North Pole, making the height of the instrument three feet and eight inches. The literal translation is as follows: Regions of the Terrestrial globe handed down by ancients, or discovered in our memory or that of our fathers. This may be rendered: Marcellus Cervino, Cardinal-Presbyter and Doctor of Divinity of the Holy Roman Church.
This work is of great historical interest, for the reason that it bears direct and independent testimony to the voyage of Verrazano in 1524, certified first by the Letter of Verrazano to Francis I, confirmed by Carli, and attested to by the map of Hieronimo da Verrazano (#347); this witness being followed by the author of the Discourse of the Dieppe Captain, in 1539. The present representation of one hemisphere of the globe, without being a facsimile, is nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical purposes, and may be relied upon. It will be observed that Ulpius does not give the exact date of the discovery by Verrazano. In the northwest, near Alaska, is Tagv Provincia, the Tangut of Marco Polo, the coast, once again, being joined to Asia.
The Ulpius globe corrects many errors of preceding geographers, though not free from errors itself. Perhaps the most surprising thing on the globe is to find that the portion of North America above Florida is called Verrazana sive Nova Gallia [Verrazano or New France]. The names scattered along the coast of North America in Ulpiusa€™ delineation of it, are practically all of them of Italian form and termination, though many of them are evidently adaptations of place names well known in France.
In Brazil the aborigines appear in the scant wardrobe that they were accustomed to affect, and display, on the whole, what may be regarded as an animated disposition. No true indication of the terminus of the continent of South America is given, but south of the Straits of Magellan is seen a vast continent spreading around the pole. In the more easterly portion of this continent is written, Terra Australis adhuc incomperta, being an unexplored region, while in passing around the border of this continent we come to Brasieeli, a corruption of a€?Brazil,a€? a name earlier applied to an island in the Atlantic before the discovery of America. The Old World is depicted substantial1y as it appeared in the re-constructed Ptolemaic maps of this period. Near the bank of the Nile a robed ecclesiastic sits upon a canopied throne with a triple crown upon his brow and a triple cross in his hand. The Conger eel, without much regard to the proprieties, stretches complacently over several degrees of latitude, herein following the example of the gold fish (Aurata), which puffs itself up to half the size of the whale.
The fish represented upon the globe are so well done that they might claim a full and separate treatment, evidently belonging to the earliest scientific delineations in Ichthyology. Besides the historic groups of islands, there are also many of lesser note, together with a few not found today.
Bermuda is prominent, having been laid down for the first time on Martyra€™s map of 1511, and southward is Catolica, possibly an alternate name for the a€?Island of the Seven Cities,a€? which was reported in various places, the inhabitants being a€?good Catholics.a€? Near this spot, on Ruyscha€™s map of 1508 (#313), is the word Cata. It would not, however, be proper to treat all these islands of Ulpius now missing in accordance with the volcanic theory.
Turning to the Greenland section of the globe, a gratifying improvement upon Verrazanoa€™s outline is found, showing that Ulpius had consulted the maps of Ruysch, 1508 (#313), and Orontius Fines, 1531 (#356), though it will be well to remember in this connection that Behaima€™s globe of 1492 shows land in the same direction. It will be necessary next to speak of the coast names on the North American continent, though it has been indicated previously that certain of them show an agreement with the names on the Verrazano map.
In 1612 he made a seventeen daysa€™ journey into the wilderness from Montreal to find the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed to have seen the wreck of an English ship.
As mentioned above, the globe is further interesting for illustrations of many different kinds of fish that are found in the different oceans. It also serves to show how deeply interested were the Popes and the high ecclesiastics near them at Rome in securing and diffusing the best available scientific information.
Lithograph facsimile of the Ulpius Globe, Western Hemisphere, 1542, New York Historical Society, 23 cm from Dr.
DESCRIPTION: The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps.
Although copies of Agrippaa€™s map were taken to all of the great cities of the Roman Empire, not a single copy has survived. Shown here are three continents in more or less symmetrical arrangements with Asia in the east at the top of the map (hence the term orientation). Note that most scholars, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. The only reported Roman world map before Agrippaa€™s was the one that Julius Caesar commissioned but never lived to see completed. We may speculate whether this map was flat and circular, even though such a shape might have been considered a€?unscientifica€™ and poorly adapted to the shape of the known world. Augustus had a practical interest in sponsoring the new map of the inhabited world entrusted to Agrippa. In point of fact Augustus may have delegated the detailed checking to one of his freedmen, such as his librarian C. We may treat as secondary sources Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos, and the Irish geographical writer Dicuil (AD 825). It is also claimed that Strabo (#115) obtained his figures for Italy, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily from Agrippa.
Although the term chorographia literally means a€?regional topographya€?, it seems to include fairly detailed cartography of the known world.
For a more complete assessment of what Agrippa wrote or ordered to be put on his map, we may again turn to passages where Pliny quotes him specifically as reference. It is a pity that Pliny, who seems to be chiefly interested in measurements, gives us so little other information about Agrippaa€™s map.
It is the sea above all which shapes and defines the land, fashioning gulfs, oceans and straits, and likewise isthmuses, peninsulas and promontories.
A serious point of disagreement among scholars has been whether the commentarii of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny were published at the time of construction of the portico. Another element in this problem that demands some explanation is the origin of the two later works the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum which are both derived from Agrippa, probably through a common source.
Apart from the information supplied by Pliny, our chief evidence for the reconstruction of the map is provided by the two works already mentioned, the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum.
Dicuil, in his preface, promises to give the measurement of the provinces made by the envoys of the Emperor Theodosius, and at the end of chapter five he quotes twelve verses of these envoys in which they describe their procedure.
According to Tierney, Detlefsen regarded these two works as derived from small-scale copies of Agrippaa€™s map.
Tierney believes however, that the west to east movement supposed by Klotz is, in fact, correct, but not for his reasons. Our idea of the detail of the map of Agrippa must be based on a study of the references in Strabo, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio. There are twenty-four sections in the Divisio and thirty in the Demensuratio, the difference being mainly due to the absence from the Divisio of the sections on the islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.
These sections are largely identical with passages in Plinya€™s geographical books (Books III to VI), and show that many passages in Pliny are taken from Agrippa beyond those where he is actually named.
The consensus of the views of modern scholars on Agrippaa€™s map, is that it represents a conscientious attempt to give a credible version of the geography of the known world. But this consensus is not quite complete and therefore I now turn to consider the view of Agrippaa€™s map put forward by Professor Paul Schnabel in his article in Philologus of 1935. Schnabel does not himself take up the general question of the use of Agrippa by Marinus and Ptolemy. Schnabel here refers to the last chapter of the geographical books of Plinya€™s Natural History, that is, Book VI, cap.
Schnabel continues with the negative argument that the Don parallel cannot belong to the school of Hipparchus. We may speculate as to whether Plinya€™s phrase regarding the a€?careful later students,a€? does not refer to Nigidius himself. Schnabel next moves on to a more ambitious argument, making the assumption that Ptolemy has used some of Agrippaa€™s reckonings to establish points in his geography. It is sad to think that this elegant piece of reasoning must be thrown overboard, but Tierney believes it must be rejected on at least three different counts.
In the second place Schnabela€™s statement that Agrippa reduced the itinerary figure of 745 miles to a straight line of 411 cannot be accepted. Thirdly, it may fairly be objected that the very method by which Schnabel obtains the figure of 411 miles is faulty. Tierney passes over Schnabela€™s reasons for thinking that Agrippa established lines of meridian in Spain and in the eastern Mediterranean, all of which Tierney finds quite unconvincing. Schnabela€™s attempt to present us with a scientific Agrippa and indeed to reconstruct a scientific Roman geography may be regarded a complete failure, and the older view of Detlefsen and Klotz must be regarded as correct.
From another well-known passage in Strabo (V, 3, 8, C, 235-236) that contains a panegyric [a public speech or published text in praise of someone or something] on the fine buildings of Augustan Rome, we know that he was well acquainted with the dedications of Marcus Agrippa that he specifically mentions.
Strabo shows the contemporary Roman view of the purely practical purposes of geography and of cartography by everywhere insisting on restricting to a minimum the astronomical and mathematical element in geographical study. This would mean then that Agrippaa€™s map was based on the general scheme of the Greek maps which had been current for upwards of 200 years, since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and that it presumably attempted to complete and rectify this scheme by using recent Roman route-books and the reports of soldiers, merchants and travelers. Towards the end of the fourth century two important events greatly enlarged the scope of geography. About a century later the famous astronomer Hipparchus subjected the geography of Eratosthenes to rather stringent criticisms. The next geographer whose views are well known us is Strabo (#115), who was writing at the time of the construction of Agrippaa€™s map or some years later. If, then, progress was no longer being made or to be expected from Greek geographers using various astronomical instruments, was anything to be expected from the other tradition, the Roman roads and their itineraries? We must then approach the map of Agrippa on a purely factual basis realizing that it provides us merely a list of boundaries followed by a length and breadth, for the areas within the Empire and beyond it. Fundamentally, therefore, Agrippaa€™s figures allow us to construct a series of boxes or rectangle with which to deck out the shores of the Mediterranean and the eastern world and whose dimensions should be reduced by an uncertain amount. Spain consists of three boxes, the square of Lusitania and the rectangle of the Hispania citerior [Roman province] east of it being placed over the rectangle of BA¦tica. In Gaul [France] a large rectangle lies over a small one, that is Gallia Comata over the province of Narbonensis. The islands of the Mediterranean are not forgotten, at least the major ones, just as Italy lies too far to the southeast, so do Corsica and Sardinia lie too far to the southwest. The eastern Mediterranean is faced by Syria whose longitude Pliny (V, 671 states as 470 miles between Cilicia and Arabia, and whose latitude is 175 miles from Seleucia Pieria on the coast to Zeugma on the Euphrates. We have now either reached or gone beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the north, south and east, as it was in Agrippaa€™s day. The most important achievement of the map, to Agrippaa€™s mind, consisted in its measurements, and it is possible that he spent very considerable pains in getting these exactly, although we cannot take the account given by Honorius (ca. The exact correspondence between Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, in giving many of the boundaries of the sections, shows, according to Detlefsen, that these boundaries also were inscribed upon the map.
Klotz, in his final review of Agrippaa€™s methods of work, has made some illuminating points that supplement Detlefsen. Within the Empire he chiefly used the itineraries without the overt use of an astronomical backing, although astronomical data, of course, already formed the basis of the Greek maps that were the real foundation of his. Klotz, A., a€?Die geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Uberrestea€?, Klio 25, 1931, 35ff, 386ff.
Note that most scholar, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular.
According to Fisher seeing that this is a Roman world map sharing many similarities with the mappaemundi, it is logical to assume that SchA¶nera€™s southern landmass is a copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, the Roman world map upon which the mappaemundi were based. Within the context of the early 16th century, it seems apparent that SchA¶ner found himself caught up in the perfect cartographic storm.
All these parts were in place when an errant 1508 report of a strait at the tip of South America with a large southern continent lying beneath inspired SchA¶ner to unwittingly preserve the only copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum on the bottom of his 1515 world globe. When medieval Christians began creating the mappaemundi they borrowed heavily from Agrippaa€™s map as well as Greek designs. This design adjustment may also explain the Expositio mappemundi (EMM), manuscripts which are a collection of the data items appearing on the mappaemundi. It was reverse engineered from the mappaemundi, but plays it relatively safe in its assumptions. The new found design also provides for the first time insights into the inspiration for key design aspects on the mappaemundi such as the tribute to Jesus at the top of the map, the transition from a separate commentary requiring locative terminology to commentary overlain onto the mappaemundi no longer requiring spatial references, and the distribution of images from a consolidated arced matrix lying above Africa on SchA¶nera€™s design to areas throughout the mappaemundi. In conclusion, Fisher believes that he has presented a solid logical case for the historic discovery of a long lost 2,000-year-old Roman world map at the bottom of the world, SchA¶nera€™s world that is. This important and deeply interesting instrument was discovered in the collections of a Spanish dealer in 1859, and brought to New York the same year, after the death of its owner, being purchased for the society by John David Wolfe. Ulpius, in 1542 stands as the fifth witness to the voyage by the following inscription: Verrazana sive Nova Gallia a Verrazano Florentino comperto anno Sal. The Old and New Worlds are represented as they were known at the time, the latitude of Florida, which was too high on the Verrazano map (#347), being given quite correctly, while the excessive easterly trend of the North American coast line on that map is corrected.
On the North American section of the globe various new points are indicated, and the advance of the Spaniards in New Mexico is noticeable. The peninsula of Lower California does not appear, though exploration had been extended to that region, as proved by Domingo del Castello, on his map of 1541 (Lorenzana Historia de Nueva Espana, 1770).
This is a reference to the a€?Seven Cities of Cibola,a€? which were credited with such vast wealth, it being declared that the houses were supported by massive pillars of crystal and gold. The name of America had been reserved for South America for the better part of half a century, at least for over thirty years, from the time of Canon WaldseemA?llera€™s map in 1507 (#310), which followed the descriptions given in the notes of Amerigo Vespuccia€™s voyages. For the first time the peninsula of Florida receives a proper location and the shore of North America generally is rather well outlined. This, it is noted, was discovered by Verrazano, the Florentine, in the year of grace (anno salutis), 1524. Breton, for instance, is mentioned, but there is a Selva de Cervi [a forest of deer or stags]; there is, of course, a San Francisco and a Porto Reale [Port Royal], and then there is a Terra Laboratoris, evidently what was later to be Labrador, but Ulpius, following Verrazano, places this very much farther south than our present-day Labrador. From the Straits of Magellan to Chinca, just north of the Tropic of Capricorn, the coast is marked Terra Incognita. A couple of Brazilians, broad ax in hand, are on the point of taking off a fellow beinga€™s head, while a third, with a knife, is artistically dressing a leg. With respect to the East Indies, however, a clear improvement is made upon the Verrazano map.
Canton is displayed as a collection of houses, near which is a bird, in company with a couple of goats with ears that reach to the ground. Tall ships, laden with the wealth of a€?Ormus and of Ind,a€? move bravely homeward with billowing sails, while light galleys glide around the borders of the newly found lands.
The Kraken of Pontoppidan, or at least what resembles the sea-serpent of Nahant, appears in the Atlantic off South Africa, corrugating his hirsute back. The fish upon the Ulpius globe bear a close resemblance to those of Rondelatius (Lugduni, 1554). An island that appears to be a duplicate of Cape Breton that lies eastward of that region, and is called Dobreta. The Greenland section of Ulpius also indicates that the knowledge in possession of the Zeno family at Venice found some expression in Italy before the publication of the Zeno Voyage and Map in 1558. Along the eastern border of the Gulf of Mexico, adjoining Florida, may be seen Rio Del Gato [the Cat River], the Rio de Los Angelos, or [River of the Angels], the P. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the territory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was generally believed. This man, who marched before Champlain through the tangled forests, has been called an impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed himself one; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain, having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. This globe, surmounted with a cross, remains as a very definite demonstration that the too common impression of Roman ecclesiastical authorities as hampering the progress of science or keeping information away from the people, is one founded entirely on ignorance of the actual conditions.
The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections.
The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South.
The reconstructions shown here are based upon data in the medieval world maps that were, in turn, derived from Roman originals, plus textual descriptions by classical geographers such as Strabo, Pomponius Mela and Pliny. The emphasis upon Rome is reflected in the stubby form of Italy, which made it possible to show the Italian provinces on an enlarged scale.
We are told by late Roman and medieval sources that he employed four Greeks, who started work on the map in 44 B.C. That is the form of the Hereford world map (Book IIB, #226), which seriously distorts the relative positions and sizes of areas of the world in a way we should not imagine Julius Caesar and his technicians would have.
On the re-establishment of peace after the civil wars, he was determined on the one hand to found new colonies to provide land for discharged veterans, on the other hand to build up a new image of Rome as the benevolent head of a vast empire. It was erected in Rome on the wall of a portico named after Agrippa, which extended along the east side of the Via Lata [modern Via del Corso].
Orosius seems to have read, and followed fairly closely both Agrippa and Pliny, as well as early writers from Eratosthenes onwards.
His source was clearly one commissioned by Romans, not Greeks, as his figures for those areas are in miles, not stades.
The Agrippa map probably did not, in the absence of any mention, use any system of latitude and longitude. These include both land and sea measurements, though the most common are lengths and breadths of provinces or groups of provinces. But on the credit side, Agrippaa€™s map, sponsored by Augustus, was obviously an improvement on that of Julius Caesar on which it is likely to have been based.
The general history of ancient cartography and our knowledge of Roman buildings in the Augustan period would appear to be our surest guides.
The German philologist and historian Detlev Detlefsen always clung steadfastly the view that there was no such publication and that the inscriptions on the map itself provided all the geographical information that was available to later times under the name of Agrippa. Detlefsen had explained their origin by assuming the production of smaller hand-copies of Agrippaa€™s map, their smallness then making a written text desirable. Small discrepancies were to be explained by differences in the copies of the map used by each. Strabo used Agrippa only for Italy and the neighboring islands, so that our chief evidence comes from the other three sources.
Detlefsen believed that the island sections were later added to the Demensuratio, but according to Tierney there can be little doubt that he is wrong in this and that Klotz is right in thinking that these sections have rather fallen out of the Divisio.
It relies on the general scheme of the Greek maps that had been current since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and attempts to rectify them, particularly in Western Europe, with recent information derived from the Roman itineraries and route-books. We have to thank Professor Schnabel for providing in the same article a new critical text of both the Demensuratio and the Divisio. He sets out, at first, to prove that Agrippaa€™s map possessed a network of lines of longitude and latitude.
39, sections 211-219, where Pliny mentions evidently as a work of supererogation, a€?the subtle Greek inventiona€? of parallels of latitude, showing the areas of equal shadows and the relationship of day and night Pliny then gives seven parallels, running at intervals between Alexandria and the mouth of the Dnieper, with longest days running from fourteen to fifteen hours.
Hipparchus had made the Don parallel the seventeen-hour parallel, corresponding to 54A° N latitude, whereas Pliny here puts it at sixteen hours or 48A° 30" N latitude, which is nearly correct. 39, section 211, refers obviously to all that follows as far as the end of Book VI and shows that the complete passage is taken from Greek sources. In the first place, Schnabel has apparently overlooked Ptolemya€™s method of establishing the longitude and latitude of particular geographical points. Pliny gives this itinerary as running at the base of the Alps, from the Varus through Turin, Como, Brecia, Verona and other towns on to Trieste, Pola and the Arsia. For the reduction, of longitude he uses, as I have said, the factor of forty-three sixtieths derived from Ptolemya€™s fifth map of Europe (Book VIII, cap. Tierney turns to his last main argument in which lie tries to prove Agrippa to be the author of a new value of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia, Pliny (V, 59) gives the distance of the island of Elephantine from Syene as sixteen miles and its distance from Alexandria as 585 miles. If we accepted it we might as well accept that everyone in antiquity who either sailed or traveled in a north-south direction in the eastern Mediterranean was also engaged in establishing a new degree value. On the general question of Roman proficiency in geographical studies some light is thrown by a passage of Strabo (Book III, C 166) who says: a€?The Roman writers imitate the Greeks but they do not go very far. The phrase which he uses of Agrippaa€™s aqueducts is exactly echoed in Plinya€™s phrase tanta diligentia.
Before entering into the details of Agrippaa€™s map it will be useful to examine briefly these two traditions, the Greek and the Roman, in order to grasp more clearly the problem which confronted Agrippa or whoever else might wish to construct a world map in the age of Augustus. We are told that it was Democritus who first abandoned the older circular map and made a rectangular one whose east-west axis, the longitude, was half as long again as the north-south axis, the latitude. The campaigns of Alexander and the new Greek settlements pushed the Greek horizon far to the east while in the west the intrepid Pytheas of Massalia circumnavigated Britain and sailed along the European coast from Gibraltar at least as far as the Elbe, publishing his investigations in a work which included gnomonic observations at certain points, and remarks on the fauna and flora of these distant areas.
He made devastating attacks on the eastern sections of the map, as being seriously incorrect, both on mathematical and on astronomical grounds.
Sad to relate, the gradually accumulating mass of details concerning roads and areas did not add up to any great increase in geographical knowledge. Our three main authorities, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, have suffered a great deal in the transmission of these latter figures, the longitude and latitude, so-called.
Klotz has argued that Agrippa did not use the word longitudo in the technical sense of the east-west measurement, nor the word latitudo in the technical sense of the north-south measurement, but rather in the more general sense of length and breadth. To evaluate the map we must take a glance at each of these boxes in turn, and the most convenient order would appear to be that of the Greek geographers and of Agrippa himself, if we can trust the order of the Divisio that has Europa, Asia, Lybia, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa. The internal line of division ran south from the estuary at NA“ca between the Astures and the Cantabri, down to Oretania and on to New Carthage. Off the coast of Gallia Comata lies an enormous Britain, 800 by 300 miles, and north of it an equally exaggerated Hibernia [Ireland]. Corsica, in fact forms the eastern boundary of Sardinia and this explains why the long axis of both islands is described as the longitude. Tierney believes that it is possible to remove the difficulties felt about Agrippaa€™s Syria by both Detlefsen and Klotz. Only a few more boxes or rectangles are left to the east of the line, formed by Armenia, Syria and Egypt, but now they begin to grow portentously large.
Spain has three sections and Gaul two, while in the east of Europe Dacia and Sarmatia run off to the unknown northern ocean, and further east again the sections are quite enormous.
Natural features such as the mountains and rivers that divided provinces were shown also, but in what exact way is not clear. He points out that just as Eratosthenes had divided the inhabited earth into his famous a€?sealsa€?, so also Agrippa divided the earth into groups of countries without reference to their political or geographical conditions.
Any attempt to draw the map of Agrippa from the figures that have survived without some astronomical backing is entirely hopeless.
Wherever itineraries did not exist he made use of the estimated distances of the Greek geographers, and outside the Empire he had to rely on them altogether.
Proceeding in our evaluation with this in mind we can gain insights into how the mappaemundi arrived at their final design. Fisher believes that the central zones on Agrippaa€™s map had to be eliminated when the Christians decided to adopt and adapt from Greek maps the concept of cartographic centricity by distorting the map to position the holy city of Jerusalem at the mapa€™s center. Some believe that these manuscripts were instruction sets used to construct a mappa mundi based on the fact that the text is spatially specific. The reconstruction acknowledges that the waterway originated on Agrippaa€™s map as it is common to most mappaemundi, but it assumes that the Roman original was far less imposing, whereas SchA¶nera€™s design suggests that the mappaemundi are far more accurate in their depiction of the waterway spanning most of the continent. All three adjustments were based on their Roman counterparts, but reflect necessary adjustments as the makers of the mappaemundi opted for a Christocentric design. His evaluation, however, is based on the fact that copies of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum did indeed exist and were at one time distributed throughout Europe becoming the model for the medieval mappaemundi.


That nation, according to his decree, was entitled to lands discovered by them west of the line, while the Portuguese were to confine their new possessions to the region east of the line, inscribed, Terminus Hispanis et Lusitanis ab Alexando VI. The resemblance of the globe to that planned by Mercator, 1541, taken with the fact that Mercator and the Italian, Moletius, were in a sense associated, might possibly lead us to inquire whether or not Moletius had any influence in connection with the production of the work of Ulpius. The wheat or barley heads appear to have formed a device in the family arms, as they are given with his portrait, while the Deer form a proper allusion to his name.
This part of the continent is called Verrazana, sive Nova Gallia, while on the Verrazano map is found, Ivcatania. Undoubtedly, Verrazano was the first to explore the coast behind which lies this immense geographic region, and yet very little was known of that fact until quite recently.
In the distant northwest of the North American continent there is a Tagu Provincia, which is evidently a reminiscence of previous mapmakers who had used that name. The giants themselves are wanting, like Raleigha€™s men with heads in their breasts, notwithstanding we are told by Pigafetti and other voyagers that there was a plenty of giants in those days; yet, further north, the chameleon roost upon a broad-leaved plant, and still higher up, one of the tall ostriches, described by Darwin, is trying to exhibit himself, using as a pedestal the house formerly of solid gold.
Near by, two other amiable representatives of the tribe are engaged in turning a huge spit, upon which, comfortably trussed up, is another superfluous neighbor, whom the blazing fire is transmuting into an acceptable roast.
Its existence was considered probable, for the reason that it seemed to be required in order to maintain the balance of land and water. Prester John has been regarded as a king in Tibet, but the Portuguese claim that he was a convert to the Nestorian faith in Abyssinia. The whale (Balena) is not so well executed as the rest, and is attended by the dolphin (Orca), also called Marsuin by the French. On globes and maps prior to 1542 may be found a variety of intriguing marine monsters, but correct representations of fish are scarce.
Roque is De Ferna Loronha, or Fernando de Noronha, discovered in 1506 by the Portuguese navigator of that name. The French were nevertheless ambitious, and would have founded New France on the central portion of our coast if circumstances had proved more favorable.
Lawrence it is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of Portuguese names.
Often it was represented as lying further to the south, and hence some suppose that what was referred to may have been the Gulf of Mexico.
The instrument in question is a Roman production, the design of which may yet be traced to Pope Marcellus himself, who was known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. This leads him on to the advantages of the northern half from the point of view of agriculture. The original was made at the command of Agrippaa€™s father-in-law, the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C.
These were no doubt freedmen, of whom there were large numbers in Rome, including many skilled artisans. A late Roman geographical manual gives totals of geographical features in this lost map with recording names, but even the totals, on examination, turn out to be unreliable.
Mapping enabled him to carry out these objectives and to perfect a task begun by Julius Caesar. This portico, of which fragments have been found near Via del Tritone, was usually called Porticus Vipsania, but may have been the same as the one that Martial calls Porticus EuropA¦, probably from a painting of Europa on its walls.
Dicuil tells us that he followed Pliny except where he had reason to believe that Pliny was wrong.
It is through such features that continents, nations, favorable sites of cities, and other refinements have been conceived, features of which a regional [chorographic] map is full; one also finds a quantity of islands scattered over the seas and along the coasts. The fact that such an insignificant and distant place as Charax was named on the map shows the detail that it embodied. His sister, Vipsania Polla, began the work, and we know from Dio Cassius that it was still unfinished in the year 7 B.C. There can be no reasonable doubt that the map was a rectangular one with the east-west measurements running horizontally and the north-south measurements running vertically.
Though Strabo does not mention Agrippaa€™s name here he is probably merely being tactful with regard to the Emperor who, presumably, took a large part in the completion of the portico with its map.
One must grant Detlefsen that in Plinya€™s main reference there is talk only of a map and the commentarii are merely the basis of the map. Partsch on the contrary, had assumed an original publication, contemporary with the original map, of a Tabellenwerk, that is, a series of tabulated lists.
1475, and, according to Paul Schnabel (Text und Karten des PtolemA?us, 1938) the thirteen manuscripts of the 15th and 16th centuries and a further manuscript of the 13th century all derive from the ninth-century codex in the library of Merton College, Oxford. What they show is rather that on the orders of Theodosius two members of his household composed a map of the world, one written and the other a painting. The classical scholar Alfred Klotz, however, in his articles on the map has shown that a number of correspondences between the two works as against Pliny point rather to a common source from which both works are derived.
Greek cartography, like Greek writing, ran from left to right and perhaps the former practice was promoted by the fact that the western boundary of Europe was well known, at least from the time of Pytheas (ca. The numerals are much more corrupt than those in Pliny, and there is usually a presumption, therefore, that Plinya€™s figures preserve a better version of Agrippa. Schnabel, while expressing appreciation of the earlier work of Alfred Klotz, yet criticizes Klotz severely on two grounds. For the sixth of these parallels he gives a slight correction due to the Publius Nigidius Figulus (ca.
Therefore, Schnabel argues, the incorrect latitude of Hipparchus was corrected by Agrippa who had experience of the Black Sea in his later years. His proximate source, moreover, he names in section 217, according to his usual custom, as Nigidius Figulus. The parallels of Meroe and Thule were both equally useless in astrological geography although they may well have been mentioned by Nigidius, as they are by Strabo simply by way of clearing the decks. H, 10, 1.) for the mouth of the river Varus (the frontier of Gaul and Italy), that is, 27A° 30a€™ E longitude and 43A° N latitude, and again his position for Nesakton (Geog. This method Ptolemy has described quite clearly and unambiguously in the fourth chapter of Book I of his Geography. It is difficult to see how Schnabel imagined that this line could be reduced to a straight line of 411 miles. What they have to say they translate from the Greeks but of themselves they provide very little impulse to learning, so that where the Greeks have left gaps the Romans provide little to fill the deficiency, especially since most of the well-known writers are Greek.a€? On a comparison of this passage with Straboa€™s usual sycophantic admiration of things Roman we can rate it as very severe criticism. He was, therefore, well acquainted also with the map or Agrippa to which, or to whose content he refers no less than seven times in his Books II, V and VI. In the fourth century the study of spherical geometry was pushed forward rapidly by Eudoxus in the Academy, and again by Callippus. This new knowledge was then exploited geographically by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (#112) in the latter half of the third century. His delineation of the Near East, of Egypt, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was reasonably correct, and this was also true of his sketch of the Atlantic coast of Europe and the Brettanic islands in which area he followed Pytheas. Hipparchus further indicated the theoretic requirements for establishing the exact location of points on the eartha€™s surface.
Despite his criticism of earlier geographers such as Pytheas, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it has long been recognized that he does not advance their work except in providing some details in regard to the map of Europe, while his general map of Europe has more faults than that of Eratosthenes. Without the stiffening of astronomical observation the Roman road systems were like a number of fingers probing blindly in the dark.
The variation in the figures is aggravated by the fact that our later authorities do not entirely understand the Roman method of expressing large numbers as used by Agrippa and Pliny. This is, however, a serious error on the part of Klotz and to accept it would be a very retrograde step in our appreciation of the map.
Therefore the word longitude could reasonably he used of its full length, and the measurements at right angles to this, that is, the latitudes, varied so much that Agrippa thought it necessary to give at least two, one in northern Italy and the second from Rome to the river Aternus.
Since the Pyrenees are supposed to run north and south the longitude of Hispania citerior is really the latitude, as was noted before. Over the Rhine lies a small Germany, only half the size of Gaul, and southeast of it an Illyricum and Pannonia of about the same size as Germany. Cross measurements of the Mediterranean are given at three points, from the Italian coast by way of Corsica and Sardinia to Africa, from southern Greece through Sicily to the same place, and from Cape Malea in Greece to Crete and Cyrenaica. Mesopotamia measures a fairly modest 800 by 320 miles, but further east Media measures 1,320 by 840, Arabia to the south is 2,170 by 1,296 and, finally, India represents the Far East with 3,300 by 1,300. He must have taken over the map of Eratosthenes as revised by people such as Polybius, Posidonius and Artemidorus, and made it the basis of his own.
Pliny understood these measurements as being the prime value of the map and that is why he copies them so exhaustively.
Sometimes simple dividing lines were used, such as that used in central Spain, or wherever natural features of division were not present. Thus Agrippaa€™s India corresponds generally to the first a€?seala€? of Eratosthenes, and Agrippaa€™s Arabia, Ethiopia and Upper Egypt corresponds to the fourth a€?seala€?. Even with an astronomical basis they only provide us with a set of rectangles mostly scattered at haphazard about the Mediterranean. At the boundaries to the north, east and south he had to content himself with qua cognitum est.
This water feature is significant not only in the fact that it is completely landlocked, unlike most waterways which empty into a surrounding sea, but also notably both waterways are 1) truncated at each end by circular lakes 2) are similarly arced away from the center of their C-shaped surrounding, and 3) span the portion of their C-shape lying opposite the Greek and Italian peninsulas, the portion of the map which coincides with Africa.
First century Roman maps like Agripaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, which had existed throughout Europe, disappeared during the medieval period, but at least one copy was discovered in Germany just a few years prior to the arrival of Schonera€™s 1515 globe, the Peutinger Table (#120), and therefore it is not unreasonable to believe that SchA¶ner might have had access to an unfinished copy of Agrippaa€™s map. When Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum was originally created and put up for display on the wall of a portico, extensive commentary was likely consolidated within the center circular zone (2), but extending Jerusalem and Asia Minor into the mapa€™s center displaced much of the central text and necessitated the text's redistribution about the mappamundia€™s new design, relocating comments within the region to which each pertained, which is why we find the mappae mundi littered with commentary. But it may actually be that the EMM were based on the original text found on Agrippaa€™s map with the locative terms such as a€?above,a€? a€?opposite,a€? and a€?to the south ofa€? being necessary for a consolidated text set apart from the map, while the mappaemundia€™s placement of these data items directly onto the map logically allowed the removal of the spatial references. The mappaemundi maintained this orientation because medieval Christians held Eden, which they believed resided in the east, in high esteem.
The reconstruction also omits completely the lateral mountain range above the waterway, which seems like a rather large oversight as both the Peutinger Table and Ptolemya€™s map, two ancient Roman maps, incorporated a trans-African range as does SchA¶nera€™s design.
It also maintains a more realistic belief that ancient maps did not maintain the accuracy of modern maps, but retained a basic design and set of elements common to nearly all ancient maps.
Da Costa, in The Magazine of American History (1879), called attention to a reference in Hakluyt to a€?an olde excellente globe in the Queena€™s privie gallery at Westminister which seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge.a€? On that globe he says the a€?coaste is described in Italiana€? and, as this is the special characteristic of many of the names to be found on this globe, it might possibly seem as though this were the one which Queen Elizabeth I frequently consulted in the privacy of the gallery at Westminster. Everything is done in accordance with the best science of the age, and proves that the globe was intended for careful use. Hakluyta€™s reference to an olde excellent globe in the Queen's privie gallery at Westminster, which seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge, is also of interest, for, like the globe of Ulpius, it had the Coaste described in Italian, and a necke of lande in the latitude of 40 degrees. Purchas says that South America was called Peruviana, and North America, Mexicana; which explains the action of Hieronimo da Verrazano in 1529 (#347), who employs the name of Yucatan in accordance with the same principle. The wealth of Cibola eventually became the subject of sport, as was the case respecting the whole continent, at first supposed to be a part of the East Indies, and remarkably auriferous. His brother published, in 1529, a large map, preserved in the College of the Propaganda at Rome, which outlines Giovanni Verrazanoa€™s discoveries. Curiously enough, Greenland is pictured not very far from where we know it and under a name not very different from ours, but Islandia is placed very close to the Greenland coast.
Gvito, or Quito, happens to be placed nearly in the centre of the South American continent, and close by we read, Domus olim ex solido auri, [the House formerly of solid gold]. The parrot, evidently an edified spectator, gazes placidly down from its perch in the tree. Regio Patalis, a part of this continent, lies southwesterly from the Straits of Magellan, the name perhaps having been transferred from the coast of Africa. This lonely, harborless isle, with its remarkable peak appears ready to be what it is now, the Sing Sing of Brazil; while St. An instance is found in the Isle de Fer, a reflection of which, often noticed by sailors, and called the Land of Butter [Terre de beurre], was gravely ceded by the Spanish Government to Louis Perdignon. The editor of the Ptolemy of 1482 knew of the Chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, and some of the names mentioned by him appear upon the editora€™s map; yet at the same time he assigns a false position to Greenland, which is shown as an extension of Norway, while Iceland is laid down in the sea west of what is given as Greenland. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia colonists entertained a similar idea. Nevertheless, by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last, not without a certain fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name is so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New World.
Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. The speakers compare Italy with Asia Minor, a country on similar latitudes where Greeks had experience of farming. India, Seres [China], and Scythia and Sarmatia [Russia] are reduced to small outlying regions on the periphery, thus taking on some features similar to the egocentric maps of the Chinese. He first became prominent as governor of Gaul, where he improved the road system and put down a rebellion in Aquitania.
Thus Agrippa is said to have written that the whole coast of the Caspian from the Casus River consists of very high cliffs, which prevent landing for 425 miles. Such a word certainly ties up with Divisio I: a€?The world is divided up into three parts, named Europe, Asia, Libya or Africa.
It is, as one might expect, more accurate in well-known than less-known parts, and more accurate for land than for sea areas. Moreover it seems to have been the first Latin map to be accompanied by notes or commentary.
In regard to the materials of construction I think we have to choose between the painted type of wall-map mentioned by Varro and the construction of marble slabs that is used in the forma urbis Romae of two centuries later, of which considerable parts are extant.
Detlefsen, as against the view of Partsch, effectively quoted the passage of the younger Pliny, on the 160 volumes of his unclea€™s commentarii, which he describes as electoruma€¦ commentarios, opisthographos quidem et minutissime scriptos, annotated excerpts, written on the back in a minute hand.
It is, of course, possible to imagine that tabulated lists were put up as an adjunct to the map at the short ends, but the references to Spain and the Caspian seem somewhat out of place even here, and the balance of probability on this problem seems to lie, although rather precariously in favor of a contemporary, or nearly contemporary, publication of at least a selection of Agrippaa€™s material comprising something more than mere lists of names and figures. Detlefsena€™s view that both works were the transformation of actual maps into a written record had the advantage that the differences in the order of the material in the two works was of little consequence, the map giving merely the visual impact, and the writer a€?being free to begin his description at whatever point on the map he preferreda€?. First come the boundaries of the province given in the constant order east, west, north, south. Firstly, Klotz has not discussed the possible use of Agrippa in Ptolemya€™s Geography, and secondly, and much more fundamentally, he has not recognized the scientific importance of the world-map of Agrippa as a link between Eratosthenes and Hipparchus on the one hand and Marinus and Ptolemy on the other, but has merely repeated traditional views dating from the end of the 19th century. It follows further, says Schnabel, that Plinya€™s seventh parallel, that of fifteen hours, belongs equally to Agrippa. Detlefsen pointed this out in 1909, and Kroll (after Honigmann) throws further light on the subject in his article on Nigidius in R. Plinya€™s final phrase about these scholars adding half an hour to all parallels denotes rather the astronomer than the astrologer.
III, 1, 7) on the river Arsia, that is, 36A° 15a€™ east longitude arid 44A° 55a€™ N latitude. It would be fairer to use the reduction factor from Ptolemy's third map of Europe, referring to Gaul (Book VIII, cap. Hipparchus however, reckoned the distance from Syene to Alexandria as seven and one-seventh degrees of latitude. The most important of these passages is the first (II, 5, 17, C 120) where he refers to the important role played by the sea and secondarily, and by rivers and mountains in the shaping of the earth.
Yet we may be sure that maps still continued to be made as rectangles on a plane surface, although the relation of the spherical to the plane surface must have begun to appear as a problem. His calculation of the length of the eartha€™s circumference and of the degree length of 700 stadia was a notable event in the advance of geography.
For latitude he described the celestial phenomena for each individual degree of the ninety degrees running north front the Equator to the North Pole, giving for each the length of the longest day and the stars visible.
He tells us that the lack of gnomonic readings in the east, of which Hipparchus complained, was equally true of the west (IL 1, C 71). When one considers the variants within the MSS groups it follows that one may have a dozen or more variants for a single number. The corresponding Greek words had, of course, originally meant length and breadth with no particular sense of direction.
In Spain again the Pyrenees were always regarded as running north and south, parallel to the Rhine, while the east coast as far as the straits and Cadiz was regarded as running more or lees in a straight line to the west. Detlefsen accepts that Agrippaa€™s figure is an error without being able to explain why, while for Klotz Syria is an obvious proof that Agrippa assigned no definite direction to his longitude. India alone, therefore, has a longitude as great as the whole Mediterranean, while its latitude is comparable to that of Europe and Africa combined. His chief pride would seem to have been in his measurements, and indeed it is only for the exactness of these that Pliny praises him when he refers to BA¦tica in Book III, 17. Again the horizontal spine of Mount Taurus plays an important role in both as a line of division between the northern and southern areas, Agrippa, however, follows the Eratosthenic method of division only in a general way and not in detail. It is quite certain that the waterway made its way onto the mappaemundi via Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum as this landlocked waterway represents the Roman belief that the Nile River originated in the mountains of Mauritania and ran laterally across the continent dividing the African continent in two with Libya to the north and Ethiopia to the south. And finally, based on SchA¶nera€™s design Agrippaa€™s map was built around a concentric grid that resembled a polar projection which he as a globe maker would have readily recognized.
Ancient Roman maps like the Peutinger Table, however, oriented the map with north to the top similar to the reconstruction based on SchA¶nera€™s design. But should some doubts still linger, he offers one last review two earlier images comparing the landmass to other C-shaped maps, the Greek Hecataeus (#108) and medieval Hereford world maps, and ask that you consider the mathematical probability that SchA¶ner would incorporate the precise elements of these maps in their precise order and placement without an ancient world map as his template.
It would be interesting to trace, at least conjecturally, the possibilities of how the globe found its way over to England. The latitudes are found by the nicely graduated copper equator, upon which the names of the zodiacal signs are engraved; while the equatorial line of the globe itself has the longitude divided into sections covering five degrees each. What we know as Central America is called Nova Andalusia; the Pacific Ocean is named Mare Pacificum, but also Mare del Sur, which became the familiar South Sea in English, and in South America we find such names as Peru, Bresilia [Brazil], Venazola, Terra Paria, and Rio de Platta.
It was doubtless from this that the detailsa€”some of them at leasta€”of the Ulpius globe were secured.
Hibernia [Ireland] has much the form we know and looks like the little dog we see on our maps, but Scotia [Scotland], much less well known at that time, does not extend far enough north, and England is much compressed in length. On a peninsula may be found the following inscription: Lusitani vltra promotorium bone spei i Calicutium tendentes hanc terra viderut, veru non accesserut, quaobrem neq nos certi quidq afferre potuimus [The Portuguese, sailing beyond the Cape of Good Hope to Calcutta, saw this land but did not reach it, wherefore, neither have we been able to assert anything with certainty]. Helena, discovered on the festival of that saint, 1501, is waiting to imprison one of the worlda€™s great disturbers. To a similar origin may be assigned Jaquet Island, which came from the Jaquet Bank, a shoal near the edge of Grand Bank. The Fata Morgana is perhaps quite as unsatisfactory as the theory of satanic delusion, sometimes resorted to for the purpose of explaining the mystery.
Ulpius, on the contrary, and in accordance with fact, places Iceland east of Greenland, though both are placed too close to mainland Europe.
Then follow Selvi di Cervi, the Deer Park of Verrazano, and Calami, similar to the Carnavarall of the Spanish maps.
But for a head wind when off Cape Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached the Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region where Port Royal (Porto Reale) was laid down by Ulpius. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the colonization of that cold and inhospitable country, in preference to the sunny and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano.
As late as 1651 the western sea was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast, as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of The Discovery of Nevv Brittaine (see #472). If the history of the globe could be written, it would be found to possess the charms of romance.
Paul Jovius wrote a book on ichthyology, which was published in 1524, but it was not illustrated.
Within this round frame the Roman cartographers placed the Orbis Terrarum, the circuit of the world.
This shape was also one that suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. If Romans were planning this, they would place the northern section much further west, whereas the cartographers were Greeks, and they followed a tradition which originated in Rhodes or Alexandria. He pacified the area near Cologne (later founded as a Roman colony) by settling the Ubii at their request on the west bank of the Rhine. Agrippa was an obvious choice as composer of such a map, being a naval man who had traveled widely and had an interest in the technical side.
The date at which the building was started is not known, but it was still incomplete in 7 B.C.
If the commentary had not been continuous, but had merely served as supplementary notes where required, there is a possibility that by Plinya€™s time, some eighty years later, it might have gone out of circulation. Augustus was the first to show it [the world] by chorography.a€? Evidently there is a slight difference of meaning between this and Ptolemya€™s definition, by which chorography refers to regional mapping. From the quotations given by Dilke, there would appear to be a general tendency by Agrippa to underestimate land distances in Gaul, Germany and in the Far East, and to overestimate sea distances. Although the words used are longitudo and latitudo, they have no connection with longitudinal and latitudinal degree divisions.
Romans going to colonies, particularly outside Italy, could obtain information about the location or characteristics of a particular place. We know that the campus Agrippae was in the campus Markus on the east side of the Via Flaminia and that it was bordered towards the street on the west by the Porticus Vipsania.
In view of the widespread use of marble facings that characterizes the age of Augustus, the marble slab method appears more probable.
Riese and Partsch had argued that certain references to Agrippa in Pliny, in particular the reference to the inaccessibility of part of the coast of the Caspian Sea and also that to the Punic origins of the coastal towns of Baetica refer more naturally to a published work than to the map in the Porticus Vipsania. We do not know the size of this map that has perished, or whether its descent from the map of Agrippa was through a series of hand-copies as Detlefsen supposed.
In actual fact Pliny and the Divisio both begin their description from the straits of Gibraltar, moving east, while the Demensuratio, on the contrary, begins with India moves west.
Following on this and connected there with come the longitude and latitude, in that order, expressed in Roman miles with Roman numerals. These views stated that Agrippaa€™s work was constructed on the basis of Roman itinerary measurements and took no note of the scientific results of the astronomical geography of the Greeks. Pliny then adds a€?from later studentsa€? five more parallels, three of them, those of the Don, of Britain, and of Thule, running north of the original seven, and two, those of Meroe and Syene, running south of them.
What is new in Plinya€™s parallels may be referred to the Greek astronomers of the age of Hipparchus or the two or three generations after him. By subtraction we get the difference in longitude between the two places as 8A° 45a€™ and the difference in latitude as 1A° 55a€™. This third class was to be manipulated as intelligently as possible so as to fit in with the basic evidence of the first two classes. But in every case instead of a geometrical definition a simple and rough definition is enough. He also established a fundamental parallel of latitude, following the example of DicA¦archus. The north, the far east, and Africa south of the Arabian gulf, were practically unknown, and even in the Mediterranean and the land-areas surrounding it, major defects were due to the great uncertainties of measurement, whether by land or by sea. Straboa€™s aversion to the mathematical and astronomical sick of geography has already been described and considered as typical of the age that he lived. Much toil has been expended by scholars such as Partsch, Detlefsen and Klotz in attempting to divine which, if any, of these figures belong to Agrippa.
They became technical terms for longitude and latitude with a strict directional sense in the filth century B.C. The north coast, however, was usually thought to run from Lisbon (Cabo da Roca) to the Pyrenees, the northwest capes, Nerium and Ortegal, being ignored. Detlefsen held that the map was not drawn to scale and that the measurements were merely inscribed upon it. Unfortunately, in nearly all cases we know neither the beginning nor the end of the routes measured, nor do we know, with any exactness, the direction of the route.


Eratosthenes determined the sides of his a€?seals,a€? that were irregular quadrilaterals, by the points of the compass. It is clear that he gave the itinerary stages in Italy and Sicily in addition to the coastal sailing measurements.
He believes such a notion is impossible and with the presentation of a sound argument for the circumstances contributing to SchA¶nera€™s error, there remains little reason to doubt that because of his grand error we are able to gaze upon Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum for the first time in many centuries. Four distinct meridional lines divide the globe into quarters, while four more lines are faintly indicated.
The name Nova Gallia [New France] is not surprising, though that term was applied later to territory farther north than here delineated, and indeed continued to be a favorite geographic designation for Canada and the French possessions until the middle of the 18th century. The Orkney Islands, under the name of Orcades, are given a very prominent place, thus leaving insufficient room for northern Scotland.
The Amazon and the La Platt Rivers appear, but Ulpius does not show any clear knowledge of the Orinoco River seen by Pinzon around 1500. There is also Insvle Tristan Dacvnha, found by the Portuguese, Dacuna, in 1506; and Insvle Formose, while in the southern part of the Indian Ocean is Insvle Grifonvm [the Isle of Griffins]. Here we might pause to remark upon the ease with which islands that have no existence are found in the sea, and the corresponding difficulty of getting rid of them. Mayda is simply the a€?Maidasa€? of the early maps, while the Three Chimnies, if not explained by some eruption, may have originated in such peculiarities of the bottom as that known as the a€?Whale Holea€? on the bank of Newfoundland.
The waters of Greenland are represented as navigated, and nothing is perhaps more susceptible of proof than the fact that communication was never lost with Greenland from the tenth century down to the present day. Perhaps this last one was placed here in honor of Andrea Corsali, the Florentine navigator in the service of Emanuel, King of Portugal, though no record is found of any voyage made by him to this region.
This would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and, possibly, changed the destiny of the continent.
At the same time the globe, as pointed out, bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World was given to Spain. The Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, proposed to fortify and colonize the Straits of Magellan. This error had its day, and then died though not without manifesting a remarkable vitality. This may be the very globe that, as Hakluyt said, a€?seemetk to be of Verrasanus making,a€? and which Queen Elizabeth I was accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster. The whale is represented as living in the distant north and is, perhaps, the poorest illustration of all.
As a visual aid to this discussion, the temple map will have been envisaged as particularly helpful. He must have had plans drawn, and may even have devised and used large-scale maps to help him with the conversion of Lake Avemus and the Lacus Lucrinus into naval ports. Two late geographical writings, the Divisio orbis and the Dimensuratio provinciarum (commonly abbreviated to Divisio and Dimensuratio) may be thought to come from Agrippa, because they show similarities with Plinya€™s figures. If West Africa is any guide, in areas where distances were not well established, they were probably entered only very selectively.
Also the full extent of the Roman Empire could be seen at a glance.a€?Certain medieval maps, including the Hereford and Ebstorf world maps (see monographs #224 and #226 in Book IIB) are now believed to have been derived from the Orbis Terraum of Agrippa, and point to the existence of a series of maps, now lost, that carried the traditions of Roman cartography into Christian Europe.
Varro, in the following century, tells us of a map of Italy that was painted on the wall of the temple of Tellus. Remains of the portico are stated to have been found opposite the Piazza Colonna on the Corso at about the position of the column of Marcus Aurelius and further north. The volumes of commentary referred to by the younger Pliny were not published, but were clearly digested to the point where little further work was needed to prepare them for publication, and the same situation may well be accepted for the commentarii of Agrippa. The text, however, had long previously been known from its reproduction in the first five chapters of the De Mensura Orbis Terrae, published by the Irish scholar Dicuil in A.D. But it did quite clearly derive from that map, whether in the map-form or in a written form, with its list of seas, mountains, rivers, harbors, gulfs and cities.
On Klotza€™s view that both works derive from a common written source this major divergence becomes a problem to he explained, but Klotz can offer no explanation.
The boundaries are marked by the natural features, usually the mountains, rivers, deserts and oceans, only occasionally by towns or other features. Of these parallels Schnabel tries to establish that at least two are due to Agrippa, to wit, the first of the new parallels passing through the Don, and the seventh of the old parallels passing through the mouth of the Dnieper. Using Ptolemya€™s reduction factor at 43A° N latitude which is forty-three sixtieths we find that with Ptolemya€™s degree of 500 stadia the difference in longitude between the two places in question is 3,135 and five-twelfths stadia and the difference in latitude is 958 and one-third stadia.
It was this third kind of evidence which gave Ptolemy his positions for the Varus and the Arsia.
He thinks the 411 miles represents the itinerary measurement from the Varus to Rimini through Dertona, and that the Arsia has got attached to it by a slight confusion in Pliny's mind in thinking of the boundaries between the mare superum and the mare inferum, with which, in fact, he equates the Varus-Arsia measurement.
This factor of forty sixtieths or two-thirds gives a distance of approximately 384 miles from Varus to Arsia and the striking coincidence on which Schnabel has built this elaborate theory simply vanishes. Therefore, argues Schnabel, Agrippa made a new reckoning of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia. Such features as these brought into existence the continents, the tribes, the fine natural sites of cities and the other decorative features of which our chorogaphic map is chock full.a€? The map of Agrippa displayed, therefore, all the natural features just mentioned and, in addition, the names of tribes and of famous cities. Only a combination of the practical measurements with astronomical observation could have affected a real progress and our evidence shows only too clearly that this happy union did not take place.
Some light has been thrown on the subject by comparison with later Roman itineraries for the particular areas.
The result of this misconception was that the figures for longitude and latitude were simply interchanged.
Agrippa regarded the Syrian coast running northeast from the boundary of Egypt, as running much more in an easterly direction than it actually does. His map represents, says Detlefsen, a moment of historical development, a point in the process of crystallization of the lands of the Mediterranean into the Roman Empire. Agrippa defines the boundaries of his groups of countries in the same way, by the points of the compass, but as regards size he supplies only the length and breadth, thus agreeing with Strabo, already quoted. It is a question whether these itinerary measurements were given, in detail on the map for all the western provinces, not to mention the eastern ones. This was the year of the restoration of Catholicism in England under Mary Tudor, and the following year Cardinal Pole became her principal adviser. That line was drawn from pole to pole at ninety degrees west longitude, giving the Portuguese the right over all the territory of Africa, but only a small portion of South America which projects beyond that line. The latitudes are found by the aid of a brass meridian, the Tropic of Cancer being called A†TIVVS, and Capricorn HYEMALIS. The principal adverse critic of Verrazano frankly concedes that the Globe of Ulpius affords indubitable evidence that the maker had consulted the map (Murphya€™s Verrazano). There is a Terra Gigantum and a Terra de los Fuegos, as well as an immense Terra Australisa€”a great southern continent below the Strait of Magellan (the initium freti Magellanici is carefully noted)a€”but with regard to this southern continent the globe tells us that it had not yet been explored, perhaps not yet actually found, for the Latin words are ad hue incomperta. It was on Verrazanoa€™s discoveries and voyage, authorized and financed by the French king, that the French based their claims to this part of North America. Upon some of our best maps may be found such islands as Jaquet Island, Three Chimnies, Mayda, Amplimont, and Green Rock.
Brendana€™s Island, without any great stretch of the imagination, might be referred to as a burning insular peak, so far as the etymology may be concerned; while, again, as the Irish monks were abroad upon the sea at an early period, some of them may have landed upon an island that afterward disappeared. Ulpius, who seems to copy Ruyscha€™s basic outline, leaves the space between Greenland and the west as unexplored; while Ruysch, on the other hand, makes Greenland, together with Newfoundland, part of Asia, Gog and Magog being in close proximity. These facts, however, are consistent with one another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. The belief was shared by Ulpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief to maps. Of course, the sea serpent finds a place here, but then the sea serpent has been seen many times, ever since, without scientists being able to locate him. But whether it was only intended to be imagined by readers or was actually illustrated in the book is not clear.
The map was presumably developed from the Roman road itineraries, and may have been circular in shape, thus differing from the Roman Peutinger Table (#120).
The theory that it was circular is in conflict with a shape that would suit a colonnade wall. What purpose was served by giving a width for the long strip from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea is not clear. Dilke provides a detailed discussion of Agrippaa€™s measurements using quotes from the elder Plinya€™s Natural History.
We do not know the occasion of this dedication, but since it was meant to celebrate a victory it may been intended for the geographical instruction of the Roman public. They are said to allow the conclusion that it had the same dimensions and construction as the adjacent porticus saeptorum, whose dimensions were 1,500 ft. The twelve lines were inscribed on this map and also on an obviously contemporary written version thereof, and it is this written version that has been preserved for us both by Dicuil and in the various manuscripts of the Divisio orbis terrarum, whereas the map has perished. Klotz, however, believed that be could determine the original succession of countries and groups of countries as treated in the published work of Agrippa by criteria. The Demensuratio on one occasion gives the fauna and flora of Eastern India, which it calls the land of pepper, elephants, snakes, sphinxes and parrots.
He argues that the Dnieper was used as a line of demarcation between Sarmatia to the east and Dacia to the west only on the map of Agrippa, and neither earlier nor later, and that therefore the parallel from the Don through the Dnieper must derive from that map. Plinya€™s seven klimata are a piece of astrological geography and derive through Nigidius from Serapion of Antioch, who was probably a pupil of Hipparchus, or if not was a student of his work. But there is no vestige of probability or proof that Agrippa made new gnomonic readings to correct Hipparchus. Schnabel now treats the spherical triangle involved as a plane right-angled triangle, and using the theorem of Pythagoras, he finds that the hypotenuse, that is, the distance between the Varus and the Arsia is 3,291 stadia or 411 Roman miles. Gnomonic readings were often inaccurate, measurement of time was still very vague, and a degree length one-sixth too large did not help. He used the circle of 360 degrees, giving up the hexecontads [a 60-sided polygon] of Eratosthenes. But since we normally do not know by what route Agrippaa€™s measurements were taken, this light may prove to be a will-o-the wisp.
Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny all insist on the technical directional sense, as there was the possibility of ignorant people misunderstanding them. The same thing occurred in the British islands that were regarded as running from northeast to southwest. 1,200, 720 and 410 miles, respectively, running from the unknown north down to the Aegean, but all having approximately the same latitude of just under 400 miles. Therefore the longitude was to him the east-west direction, and the latitude from Seleucia Pieria to Zeugma was the north-south direction.
Partial distances were given from station to station along the Italian coast, but Detlefsen thinks that the summation of the coastal measurements appeared elsewhere on the map. Where this process is complete we have ready-made provinces, where it is still in progress we find the raw materials of provinces-to-be, which are still parts of large and scarcely known areas, and finally, where Roman armies have never set foot we find enormous, amorphous masses lumped together as geographical units. It is notable, as Detlefsen points out, that Strabo must have recognized this lack of scientific value.
It appears from passages in Pliny that Varro had already used the Roman itineraries in his geographical books and Agrippa was only following his example.
Through him the globe might easily have found its way into England at this time, and an interesting question would be to trace the relations of friendship between Reginald Pole during his sojourn in Rome and Cardinal Cervinus before he became Pope, so as to discover how this globe could have come into Polea€™s possession and be taken to England. Nevertheless attention has been called to the fact that, in an appendix to his work, the same critic refers to what is called an a€?authority,a€? which says that the map of Verrazano was originated sometime after 1550.
In the case of the monks, it would have received due embellishment, since they were as fond of the marvelous.
It remained for the Zeno Map, published sixteen years after the Ulpius globe, to show the position of Greenland more distinctly, and at the same time to reveal the sites of the eastern and western colonies of Greenland, so erroneously supposed in later times to have been situated on the opposite coasts of that country. That person, though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his support.
Lawrence was supposed to lead directly into the a€?Sea of China.a€? When Champlain went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he reached that sea. It certainly went to Spain, and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the realm of worthless antiquities.
The same applies to possible cartographic illustration of Varroa€™s Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, of which Books VII-XIII dealt with Italy.
The map of Agrippa, however, was set up, not in a sacred place, but in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsania.
Dicuil worked and wrote probably at the Frankish palace at Aix-la-Chapelle in the time of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. The date of the making of the map was probably the fifteenth consulate of Theodosius II, that is, A.D. One of these was the direction shown in the order of naming several particular countries where several are included in the same section, or the direction shown in the list of the boundaries of the section. This argument, however, is unsound for a number of reasons, of which the most obvious in this context is that whereas the Dnieper is given by our sources as the west boundary of Sarmatia, it is never given as the east boundary of Dacia. Nigidius was a notorious student of the occult and his astrological geography was contained in a work apparently entitled de terris.
At right angles to this he established a meridian running from Meroe northwards to the mouth of the Dnieper, and passing through Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium. Yet he did not try to get a more exact value for the degree, although this was the point where theory could most easily have affected practice. Moreover, although the Roman roads may often have rationalized the native roads by new road-construction or by bridging, yet in general they continued to be town-to-town roads, and if the itineraries ever correctly represented the longitude and latitude of a province it would be by pure chance. But, you may object, this technical sense is only suitable for describing rectangles and not all countries fall into that convenient form.
Here again longitudo is the long axis and latitudo the short axis, not because of a misuse of these technical terms, but simply because their general position was misconceived. Further east again Sarmatia [Russia], including the Black Sea to the south, measures 980 by 715 miles, Asia Minor 1,155 by 325, Armenia and the Caspian 480 by 280. Any doubt on this matter is removed when we look at Pliny (VI, 126), where he gives the latitude from the same point, Seleucia Pieria, to the mouth of the Tigris. It is probable that Italy and the neighboring islands were given in greater detail than other areas.
Of the first class, the ordered provinces, we have eight in Europe, three in Africa, and three in Asia.
He gives us from Agrippa, a few lines along the coasts of Italy and Sicily but not a single one of his reckonings for the provinces. Since so little of the materials of the ancient geographers bas been preserved it is mostly a matter of chance whether we know or do not know whether Agrippa agreed or not with the measurements of a particular earlier geographer.
Even with that problem settled, however, the question as to how the globe found its way back to Spain, would remain.
A brass hour-circle enables the student to ascertain the difference of time between any two given points, while the graduated path of the Ecliptic is a prominent and indispensable aid.
If this were so, it would appear that the Verrazano map was based upon the Globe of Ulpius in connection with certain maps, and that, instead of having influenced the production of other maps, it is itself a composition made up of early material. On Coltona€™s Atlas these islands lie in the track of navigation between France and Newfoundland. Germano, both Verrazano names, the former being Longueville, near Dieppe, and the latter St.
Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they had accomplished in the New World by the aid of his countryman, Verrazano. But at least we know that he was keen on illustration, since his Hebdomades vel de imaginibus, a biographical work in fifteen books, was illustrated with as many as seven hundred portraits. Plinya€™s most specific reference to the map is where he records that the length of BA¦tica, the southern Spanish province, given as 475 Roman miles and its width as 258 Roman miles, whereas the width could still be correct, depending on how it was calculated. It was not a map of a part of the Empire, not even a map of the Empire as a whole, but rather a map of the whole known world, of which the Roman Empire was merely one part. The Porticus Vipsania was, therefore, an enormous colonnade and it follows that the map with which we are concerned was only one decorative item among the many that adorned it. Thus he says that the order Cevennes-Jura for the northern boundary of Narbonese Gaul shows motion from west to east, and again the list Macedonia, Hellespont, left side it the Black Sea shows the same movement. This work seems to have included his commentary on the sphaera Graecanica describing the Greek constellations and his sphaera barbarica on the non-Greek constellations.
From the coincidence of the figures Schnabel strongly argues that Ptolemy must have taken over the figure of 411 miles from Agrippa. The establishment of these two lines provided the theoretical basis for a grid of lines of parallels and meridians respectively, points being fixed by longitude and latitude as by the coordinates in a graph.
The measurements of Agrippa should, therefore, be reduced but it is not easy to say by what factor.
This is true indeed, and here we have to consider a few ancient misconceptions about the shapes and positions of particular countries. The distance is 175 miles from Seleucia to Zeugma, 724 miles from Zeugma to Seleucia and Tigrim and 320 miles to the mouth of the Tigris, that is, 1,219 in all. Of the second class, where the Romans had recent military campaign we have three in Europe, that is, Germany, Dacia and Sarmatia, one in Africa, Mauretania, and one in Asia, Armenia. Klotz has shown that he used Eratosthenes very often, but that on occasion he disagreed with him, and that Artemidorus apparently he did not use at all. If there were a replica, one could easily understand that one of the two should find its way there since Marya€™s husband was Philip II of Spain, and he doubtless would have been very much interested in this globe which, better than almost any other map of the time, set forth the Spanish possessions on the other side of the water. It is said that they originated with icebergs in the fog-banks, or possibly in the fog-banks themselves. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for France as New Gaul. Since we are told that this work was widely circulated, some scholars have wondered whether Varro used some mechanical means of duplicating his miniatures; but educated slaves were plentiful, and we should almost certainly have heard about any such device if it had existed. Pliny continues: a€?Who would believe that Agrippa, a very careful man who took great pains over his work, should, when he was going to set up the map to be looked at by the people of Rome, have made this mistake, and how could Augustus have accepted it?
The second criterion is that the use (the alleged use) of the term longitudo for a north-south direction or for any direction other than the canonical one of east-west, shows us the direction of Agrippaa€™s order in treating of the geography. Nigidiusa€™ a€?barbaric spherea€? was derived from the like-named work of Asclepiades of Myrlea. The two main passages from Straboa€™s second book may reasonably be regarded as a transcript of contemporary geographical practice and since between them they give an exact description of the methods followed in the ancient remains of the map of Agrippa, Tierney thinks that they may rightly be regarded as a strong proof that the views held on this map by Detlefsen and Klotz are generally correct.
In somewhat similar circumstances Ptolemy reduced the figures of Marinus in Asia and Africa by about one-half. This distance, he adds, is the latitude of the earth between the two seas, that is, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. But Hakluyta€™s reference is to Elizabeth, perhaps thirty or forty years after Marya€™s death, and when there was no possibility of any such communication between England and Spain as would account for the globe reaching Spanish dominions.
It should be noticed, however, that this part of the ocean is volcanic, and that islands of considerable magnitude have risen from the sea at different times.
It stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and with its naval and geographical romance. For it was Augustus who, when Agrippaa€™s sister had begun building the portico, carried through the scheme from the intention and notes [commentarii] of M. Tierney does not believe that either of these criteria can show us the order of treatment in the original publication, presuming, that is, that there was an original publication. The detailed extension of the Greek parallels into the Roman west is apparently due to Nigidius. Agrippa, he thinks, took the itinerary figure for the distance from the Varus to the Arsia, which is given as 745 miles by Pliny (III, 132) and reduced it to a straight line of 411 miles by astronomical and mathematical measurement.
The earliest eruption on record in the north Atlantic is that mentioned on the Ruysch map in the Ptolemy edition of 1508.
We are prone to forget that all ancient geographers were necessarily map-minded, and even when the map was not before their physical eye, it was before their mental eye. This proves, therefore, that Agrippaa€™s map was not a purely itinerary map, but that Agrippa reduced the itinerary measurements in the way described.
Between Iceland and Greenland is the legend Insule hac 1456 anno Dno fvit totaliter combusta [This island was entirely burned up, A. Especially does it prove to the student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of the noblest of men. Augustus, as he was ill, handed his signet-ring to Agrippa, thus indicating him as acting emperor. The order of countries within a section would, I think, very much depend on the momentary motions or aberrations of that mental eye. It is unfortunate, however, that nearly all Agrippaa€™s figures come down to us in a non-reduced form that makes it impossible to reproduce his map. Cartiera€™s voyage of 1534 is not mentioned, as he made no discoveries, but the Gulf of St. The same year Agrippa was given charge of all the eastern parts of the Empire, with headquarters at Mitylene.
Porto Reale follows, when suddenly we reach the river intended for the Penobscot or Norombega, which, as on the Allefonsce map, which is positioned too far south. Ribero on his map (#346) indeed closes the Gulf, yet it was well known to the French at a very early period. Next is Refvgivm Promont, intended for the Cape of Refuge of the Verrazano map, which afforded Verrazano a land-locked harbor, today identified with Newport, RI. It must be observed again, however, that the outline of the Ulpius globe is a bit confusing. The next name is Corte Magiore, unless indeed Magiore belongs with the succeeding inscription. The signification is obscure, like that of Flora, though the latter occurs in several of the Ptolemaic maps of the period, including the Maggiolo map (#340) of 1548, and in Ramusioa€™s Verrazano sketch. Finally, Cavo de Brettoni is reached, or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may have been given by the Portuguese.
The reading may be cdmeri, and thus refer to the Cosin de mer annano, or Oceanus on the SchA¶ner globe of 1520 (#328), signifying the Ocean Cape. With Terra Laboratoris we reach, not Labrador, the Portuguese a€?Land of the Laborers,a€? but Newfoundland. By mistake, Laboratoris is applied to Newfoundland, as later to Cape Breton, the inland waters of which are today called a€?Bras da€™or,a€? previously lengthened from Brador, which, according to the fancy of someone, signified a€?the Arm of Gold,a€? Thus easily are names emptied of their original signification. By mistake, Laboratoris is applied to Newfoundland, as later to Cape Breton, the inland waters of which are today called a€?Bras da€™or,a€? previously lengthened fromA  Brador, which, according to the fancy of someone, signified a€?the Arm of Gold,a€? Thus easily are names emptied of their original signification. Frio [the Cold Cape of the Portuguese] represents Newfoundland, one part of which is marked Terra Corterealis.
Yet, whatever name may be given to Newfoundland by the old cartographers, that of Bacca laos always adheres, being derived from Baculum, a stick, often used to keep fish spread open when drying.
As in several other maps of the period, the name is repeated on an island lying westward as Grovelat.
The greater portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of Asia is an immense lake, Mare Glaciale, also found on the Nancy globe (#363).



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