Emergency family planning methods injection,charter channel national geographic,best emergency food packs called - PDF Review

The pills used for emergency family planning are often the same birth control pills that some women take each day.
IUD (Intra-Uterine Device): A Copper-T IUD can also keep the egg from attaching to the womb wall. TheIUDmustbeinsertedbyaspeciallytrainedhealth worker within 5 days after having unprotected sex. Seven Indian states have dipped below the 2.1 replacement rate level and are no longer contributing to Indian population growth - Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Punjab and Sikkim.
The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare is the government unit responsible for formulating and executing family planning related government plans in India. The Implanon is a small, flexible rod that is implanted under the skin of the upper, inner arm.
But they are not as effective as consistent use of the other family planning methods discussed in this chapter and they can cause unpleasant side effects.
The IUD can be kept in and continue to protect you from pregnancy for up to 10 or 12 years.
Four Indian states have fertility rates above 3.5 - Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Meghalaya and Nagaland. An inverted Red Triangle is the symbol for family planning health and contraception services in India. Or you can have the IUD removed after your next monthly bleeding when it is certain you are not pregnant. Proper Family Planning is very important for the benefit of the society and also for the development of the same. The sooner you take the pills after unprotected sex, the more likely it is you will not get pregnant (see 'How to take pills for emergency family planning').
If you are already pregnant, taking emergency pills will not end the pregnancy or cause birth defects. It reviews existing literature, examining carefully what the current knowledge is, where the important issues or problems lie and a€?what worksa€?. It is divided into ten sections.This guide was produced as a result of a reading week held for the UK Department for International Development (DFID) advisers in mid-2012. The topics and readings were chosen by experts in the field but are not a comprehensive review of all family planning literature.
This topic guide is an update and based on the key readings selected for this week plus updated materials.
As part of this topic guide we have assessed the strength of the evidence that we have used. Strong evidence should be of central importance in informing policy and programming decisions. We used part two of the DFID paper, and the tables on page 9 and 15 to guide our method for this. In order to use the single study assessment, please see the key in the appendix which outlines the use of acronyms for each part.
Ideally, this is based on the assessment of all the individual studies that constitute a body of evidence but due toA limitations inA time and to show the quality of evidence used for this guide, we have based this on the evidence that is used for each section.
Therefore this assessment is based on the body of evidence used for this paper, not all the literature. A couple typically had five or six births but only two, on average, survived to adulthood, sufficient to maintain a stable population size but no more (Dyson, 2010). By 1950, life expectancy had risen modestly to 30 years but thereafter the pace of change accelerated dramatically.
By 1960, expectancy had leapt to 48 years and has continued to improve to reach 69 years by 2005-10 (UN DESA, 2013). At the global level, it is projected to reach 76 years in 2045-2050 and 82 years in 2095-2100. By the end of the century, people in developed countries could live on average around 89 years, compared to about 81 years in developing regions (UN DESA, 2013).Birth rates in most of Asia, Latin America and Africa in the 1950s and 1960s remained high and thus the inevitable result of declining mortality was a rapid population growth.
The era of peak growth has now passed but a further increase of more than two billion is expected between 2010 and 2050 (UN DESA, 2013). Demographic projections are outlined in section 2.Two key publications provided the initial rationale for state promotion of contraception. The first was an economic analysis, concluding that rapid population growth and its associated high dependency ratio represented a serious barrier to socio-economic progress because national and domestic funds have to be diverted from investment in manufacturing and the modernisation of agriculture to the support of an ever growing number of children (Coale and Hoover, 1958). The ability and freedom of individuals and couples to choose when and how often to become pregnant is rightly regarded as a fundamental human right (Baird 1965).
In the absence of contraception, a woman’s prime adult years are dominated by incessant cycles of pregnancy, breastfeeding and child care.
Growing population together with rapid increases in consumption have led to a realisation that humanity is approaching limits to our exploitation of the planet. Global warming, due to CO2 emissions, ocean acidification, unsustainable depletion of aquifers, land use change and its effects on bio-diversity, are among the concerns.
Of course rich nations bear the prime responsibility for these trends; poor countries, where further population increase will be concentrated, have contributed little to CO2 emissions or ocean acidification.
However, population growth is the main driver of increased demand for food and the likely consequences of this increased demand include further loss of bio-diversity and natural habitats, degradation of fragile ecosystems due to over-cropping and grazing, and acute problems of fresh water availability (Royal Society, 2012).Among medical interventions, family planning is unique in its breadth of benefits. It contributes directly or indirectly to the achievement of all the Millennium Development Goals and should be regarded as a central component of development strategy. Moreover, as shown in section 10, it is an extremely cost-effective intervention.Go to topDriven by these considerations, family planning programmes flourished in the era 1960-2000 and many lessons have been learnt.

Their key purpose is to reduce the barriers to contraceptive adoption and sustained use, discussed in section 6, and the principles underlying an effective programme can be summarised succinctly. A favourable climate of opinion should be established and this requires high level political commitment and harnessing the support of key constituencies, such as religious and community leaders. Health concerns about use of contraceptive methods need to be addressed by medical and paramedical staff. In some countries, for example, India, decisions were made to popularise sterilisation or long acting methods, such as intrauterine devices (IUDs) in Egypt. In others, sub-Saharan Africa, for example, the emphasis was placed on pills or injectables.
Once a method becomes familiar, it becomes the desirable choice and this synergy between policy decisions and social influence accounts for the fact that the method-mix in many countries is dominated by one or two methods and method-mix has a major influence on service delivery (Sullivan et al., 2006).
For instance, oral contraceptives and condoms, are ideally suited for distribution through commercial outlets, usually at prices that are subsidised by social marketing. Conversely, sterilisations, implants and IUD insertions are usually performed in medical facilities.A narrow method-mix has considerable disadvantages. In India, the unpopularity of effective reversible methods is responsible for the fact that short inter-birth intervals, that pose a risk to the health and survival of the newborn, remain extremely common (Rutstein, 2011). In Kenya, where use is dominated by pills and injectables, half of women with an unmet need have tried and stopped one or both of these methods, typically because of side effects and related health concerns (Machiyama and Cleland, 2013). The case for widening choice in these two countries, and many others, is compelling and should be a priority. However, it is not straightforward, because it demands simultaneous attention to supply chains, provider training, and demand-creation. Voucher schemes, discussed in section 8, linked to new methods might make an important contribution to widening method-mix.Historically, periodic abstinence, other traditional methods and condoms, have rarely been promoted for married couples in family planning programmes because of their high failure rate and difficulty of adherence. The advent of medical abortion (see section 9) and its increasing, albeit often illegal, availability at pharmacies may result in a re-consideration of their roles. Use of these methods, with abortion as back-up, can be an effective way of achieving small family sizes, as shown by the fertility decline in Europe between 1880 and 1930. There is intriguing survey evidence from Ghana, the forerunner of fertility decline in West Africa, that well educated women in the capital city, Accra, are preferring periodic abstinence and condoms over more effective pills and injectables, presumably because they are perceived to pose less of a risk to health (Ghana Statistical Service et al., 2009). Abortion laws in Ghana are liberal and no doubt terminations are easily accessible to women in Accra. The current world population, as of July 2013, is 7.2 billion, which is 648 million higher than in was in 2005, an increase of 81 million people per year. In contrast, the population of the developed world is expected to change minimally and remain at around 1.3 billion (UN DESA, 2013).
Growth is expected to be most rapid in the 49 least developed counties which are projected to double from 900 million in 2013 to 1.8 billion in 2050 (UN DESA, 2013)Population growth and fertility rates have substantial effects on the economic circumstances of individual regions and countries, partly because they determine the ratio of the working age population to the dependent young and old population. The new UN figures have also adjusted fertility levels upwards as new information has become available.
In 15 high-fertility countries of sub-Saharan Africa, the estimated average number of children per woman has been adjusted upwards by more than 5 per cent (UN DESA, 2013). An evaluation of the success of family planning programmes can be found in section 7 of this guide.
Small differences in the trajectory of fertility during the next decades will have major consequences for population size, structure and distribution in the long term.
The a€?low-varianta€? projection, where women have half a child less, on average, than under the medium variant, would produce a population of 8.3 billion in 2050. Nevertheless, a sustained decrease in fertility will promote further demographic transition and eventually result in population stabilisation (figure 2). Source: Population Reference Bureau, 2004Family planning is considered a tool to reduce population growth and effect demographic change, and many countries have adopted population policies to encourage this. In Mali, a population reduction policy was adopted in 2003 as part of a poverty reduction strategy (UN DESA, 2009). Likewise, Mauritania seeks to reduce fertility to 4 births per woman by 2015 as a measure to reduce widespread poverty (UN DESA, 2009). Gender inequity significantly impacts sexual and reproductive health outcomes, including contraceptive use, unwanted and unintended pregnancies and gender-based violence. At the same time high fertility rates and poor family planning lead to reduced opportunities for girls to attend school and for women to join the labour force, which enable them to contribute at both the household and macroeconomic levels. Important obstacles to gender equality include cultural attitudes and expectations around marriage and family roles and dominant concepts of masculinity.Decreases in fertility deliver defined socio-economic benefits (Eastwood and Lipton, 2012).
The rise in prosperity that was seen in the developed world following the industrial revolution was also due to a simultaneous rapid capital accumulation. However, in the least developed countries of the world, population is increasing rapidly without necessarily any increase in capital accumulation (Pritchett, 1996). The population in the least developed countries is still young, with children under 15 accounting for 40 per cent of the population (UN DESA, 2011). The increase in economic prosperity occurred in the wake of rapid demographic transition that began in the 1950s.
A dramatic decrease in child and infant mortality in 1965-1970 led to a rapid expansion in the proportion of young dependents in the population, and by 1980 the dependency ratio peaked at 80% of the total population.
Post-1980, the dependency ratio fell to less than 50% in 2010 and there was significant growth in labour, human capital per head of population, and the savings ratio. The majority of these women are from Europe, North America, Latin America, Asia and North Africa (Singh and Darroch, 2012). Sub-Saharan Africa lags behind and has the lowest prevalence rates of 18% (in 2010) (Singh and Darroch, 2012).

The complex barriers that prevent women from using modern contraceptives are discussed in detail in section 4 of this guide. Women with unmet contraceptive needs have 1 in 180 lifetime risk of dying during pregnancy (Singh and Darroch, 2012).
Using a revised definition, evidence suggests unmet need is slightly higher compared to the original definition.
An assessment of the demand for family planning programmes can be found in section 6 of this guide. The regions with the highest prevalence are North America and Latin America and the Caribbean (73% and 67%, respectively), and the lowest prevalence is seen in Africa (22%; figures 4 and 5). Prevalence varies within each region and by individual characteristics,A for example, wealth, education and age (UNFPA, 2012). The highest levels in Europe are seen in Norway and other Northern European countries and the lowest levels are seen in the countries of the former Yugoslav Republic (UN DESA, 2011).
In Latin America and the Caribbean, the highest levels are seen in Brazil and the lowest in Haiti. A strong link exists between high unmet need, low use of modern contraceptives, and poverty. In many countries, one or two methods account for the majority of use (Sullivan et al., 2006). Widening method choice is a priority but requires considerable investment in logistics, training and demand-creation, expanding access to safe, effective and affordable contraception and making information about different methods readily available. For example, sterilisation has been used in a coercive or persuasive manner at state level, for example in China, and also been used to target women with disabilities, on low income, and other disadvantaged groups. There are potential side effects associated with the use of some hormonal contraceptives, including irregular or heavy vaginal bleeding (implants), a delayed return to fertility (progesterone only pills) and an increased risk of cardiovascular disease (combined oral contraceptives); combined oral pills are also contraindicated during breastfeeding (WHO, 2010).
The highest prevalence is seen in Hong Kong (50%), Japan (41%), Greece (34%) and Russian Federation (30%) (UN DESA, 2011). It is also the most common method used by sexually-active single women in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. Unlike other contraceptive methods discussed above, which are taken before intercourse, the EC pill is usually taken after intercourse to reduce the risk of pregnancy. The use of this method remains relatively low, in part due to a persistent poor understanding of fertility, contraception and pregnancy risk in both the developed and developing worlds (Westley and Glasier, 2010).
However, women are also prevented from accessing emergency contraception in the developed and developing worlds by political and social ideologies.
For example, the United States currently has age restrictions on the sale of emergency contraception, despite legal rulings compelling their removal (Centre for Reproductive Rights, 2010; FDA, 2013). Many couples do not switch promptly to an alternative method, leaving them at risk of an unintended pregnancy. Traditional methods of contraception include withdrawal and rhythm or calendar or fertility awareness methods. Jointly, these account for 6% of all contraceptive use globally, with highest use observed in Albania (59%), Azerbaijan (38%) and Greece (30%) (UN DESA, 2011). These methods have high failure rates and have not been included in any of the figures for modern contraceptives (Singh and Darroch, 2012).
Prevalence of contraceptive method by region.Data taken from the UN World Contraceptive Use 2011.
Permanent and long-acting contraceptives such as male and female sterilisation, IUDs and hormonal implants have the highest CYP values, whilst short-acting and single-use methods such as the oral contraceptive pill and condoms have low CYPs (USAID, 2011).
Barriers to family planning occur at multiple levels in government, society and the health system (WHO, 2012).
Social disapproval, expressed by women as opposition to family planning, together with lack of information, tends to be more important when contraceptive use is low. Effective and targeted actions are urgently needed to improve contraceptive choice and access for women and families globally. There is also usually a correlation between travel time from a woman’s home to any health clinic and the likelihood that she will use a contraceptive.
It is important to remember that women are not a homogenous group, and that different population groups such as the disabled and ethnic minorities experience different barriers to choice and access, and may face additional barriers to those experienced by other women (UNFPA, 2012).Financial costs The prices of contraceptives vary widely in different markets and between branded and generic products.
The financial cost of contraceptives may influence choice of method and adoption (Campbell et al., 2006). Fertility preferences can be derived from the social and economic status gained by conforming to cultural expectations about motherhood rather than through personal choice, for example by having large families, sons or proving fertility by having children straight after marriage (Sills et al., 2012).
As well as this, unplanned pregnancies increase the risk of intimate partner violence and violence increases the risk of unplanned pregnancies (Koenig et al., 2003). They may think that their husbands oppose family planning which can be a factor discouraging contraceptive practice in a wide variety of settings, including Egypt, Guatemala, India, the Philippines and Nepal.
Fears about being thought of as sexually promiscuous have also been mentioned as barriers to using condoms in some settings in the Middle East (Kulczycki, 2004).Medical and legal restrictionsPractices, derived at least partly from a medical rationale, which result in a scientifically unjustifiable impediment to, or denial of, contraception. For example, women being subjected to unnecessary medical procedures as a prerequisite for gaining access to contraceptive methods may act as a barrier (Campbell et al., 2006).

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