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Children proudly wave the American flag during a children naturalization ceremony in July 2011 at a stadium in Manchester, NH. Immigration has shaped the United States as a nation since the first newcomers arrived over 400 years ago. But first, let us reintroduce Sustainable Susan as our 21st Century update of Rosie The Riveter. But the true impact of these advocates is how their work is a spark-plug for the millions of small daily changes that add up to the solutions that, in the final analysis, are needed to make Chicagoland a leader again. Susan also symbolizes how little daily changes everywhere add up to millions in our large region.
We will start with those groups already acknowledged for their success by having been awarded the prestigious Burnham Award from the Metropolitan Planning Council. Because these recipients are our metropolis’ great innovators, we will learn a lot from them. With an important new regional plan to be unveiled for discussion in June 2010, we now apply Chicago’s program to the region.
We selected Beyond Burnham book because it is the best and most current explanation of today’s juncture in history. These early conceptual drawings illustrate the central planning goal of the Games: tie together the Olympics stadiums with the updated transit infrastructure of a global city. The only mini-exhibit in CAF's Model City that focused exclusively on the future, the Blue-Green Olympic Games also continued Daley’s goal of Chicago becoming the biggest “Green” city.
The Bid’s other contribution to sustainable community development was to make more compact communities near three venues. In an effort to overcome the 1960s' model of perpetual government-dependence for renewing communities, the left photo of a preliminary plan for the Olympic Village (on the Reese site) shows improvements also moving southward. Marjorie Perloff has been a frequent reviewer for periodicals from TLS and The Washington Post to all the major scholarly journals, and she has lectured at most major universities in the U.S.
Tzevetan Todorov first distinguished himself by applying structuralist methods to literature and literary criticism. Atuou como conferencista convidado em diversas Universidades do Brasil, da Europa e dos Estados Unidos, e como professor visitante na Universidade da California, em Berkeley.
As an interpreter of his own songs, his first album, released in 1993, has his name for a title.
In 1978 he received the PrA?mio Jabuti from the CA?mara Brasileira do Livro (Brazilian Book Chamber) as best revelation author, and again in 2009, as an essayist. He has been active as a lecturer in serveral universities in Brazil, in Europa and in the United States, and as Visiting Professor at the University of California, Berkeley. Born in East Germany and having lived for most of his life in the USSR, art critic Boris Groys challenges common places about both avant-garde and contemporary art. Belgian historian, theorist and critic Belgian Thierry de Duve has made important contributions to the reassessment of the modernist legacy. In the late 1950a€™s and early 1960a€™s, poet Ferreira Gullar proved one of the most prolific and original theorists of the Brazilian avant-garde in the plastic arts, launching his Manifesto Neoconcretoa€? and publishing his a€?Theory of the Non-Objecta€?.
German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk is certainly one of the most original contemporary thinkers. Os escritos do filA?sofo norte-americano John Searle sA?o imensamente influentes nos campos da filosofia da mente, da filosofia da linguagem e da filosofia da sociedade.
The works of American philosopher John Searle are hugely influential in the domains of philosophy of mind, philosophy of language and philosophy of society. A A A  Atuou como conferencista convidado em diversas Universidades do Brasil, da Europa e dos Estados Unidos, e como professor visitante na Universidade da California, em Berkeley.
For example… if we use cars less, then households save more while government can reduce road maintenance costs and transit subsidies; and the savings can all be invested to make future savings. Behavior changes -- as simple as using autos less -- often start as the ideas of citizen groups. Our review will reinforce the lessons learned so the entrepreneurial energy of other citizens in multiple communities will have a better chance of repeating the original success.
With the benefit of hindsight, we will analyze what they did right and the obstacles they were up against; and perhaps still are.
1 Book, 1 Chicagoland is modeled after Chicago’s annual program in which all residents are invited to read and talk about one book as a community. We ask all staff and citizens to read one book and discuss how the region should work together as a community so it grows best.
But the “Blue” Games added a helpful dimension because the rest of the world is far closer to water shortages than Chicago (since we tap the world’s largest supply of freshwater.) So by highlighting water conservation, our Blue-Green Games countered the global impression of resource-rich Americans as slow to conserve natural resources and strengthened Chicago’s image as a global leader in sustainability. This offers a framework with a mixing of land uses (mostly commercial and residential and its retail) that increases the chances of future renewal with minimal government support.
The Chicago Architecture Foundation sponsored this forum so Executive Director of the Bid, Lori Healey, could organize further support. Sua obra se dedica principalmente a discutir, defender e elucidar a poesia experimental e vanguardista. Her work is mainly dedicated to discuss, defend and elucidate experimental and avant-garde poetry, as well as showing its relationship to the modernist and post-modernist visual arts. Patek Professor Emerita of Humanities at Stanford University and currently Florence Scott Professor Emerita at the University of Southern California. Since then, he has published several works in cultural analysis and the history of ideas, including an important call for a reappraisal of the Enlightenment. Dicionario das ciencias da linguagem, Lisboa, Don Quixote, 1973 ; Sao Paulo, Perspectiva, 1977. The ability to bring together poetic practice and theoretical reflection turned Michel Deguy into a major figure on the French intellectual scene since the 1970s.
Em suas influentes obras sobre o pA?s-modernismo, ele o considera como um movimento de neo-vanguarda, porquanto tentava ultrapassar as formas e disciplinas convencionais. In his influential works on postmodernism, he considered it as a neo-avant-garde movement, in as far as it attempted to reach out beyond given forms and disciplines. His essays expose the simplistic and moralistic assumptions of contemporary conceptions of art. Rejeitando a realidade dos dualismos tradicionais de corpo e alma, sujeito e objeto, cultura e natureza etc., ele afirma o carA?ter hA­brido do mundo real. Rejecting the reality of the traditional dualisms of body and soul, subject and object, culture and nature, etc., he asserts the hybrid character of the real world. The fourth peak period began in the 1970s and continues today.These peak immigration periods have coincided with fundamental transformations of the American economy. She also oversees this activity’s historical reviews of citizen groups who have received awards as regional and sub- regional advocates.
We will try to analyze one recipient a month; backing up our research with interviews and synthesizing a short essay of lessons- learned. But no story will be as great as the ones we will have to write over the next two or three decades… if Chicagoland is to become a global leader in the emerging economy. Last year’s book was The Plan of Chicago to coincide with the Centennial of Burnham’s plan of the same name. If we are to produce a Plan that will serve us as well in the 21st Century as Burnham’s Plan did for the 20th Century, we must understand the last 60 years of regional planning in Chicagoland. The photo on the right (a video screen) is, perhaps, an optimistic rendition showing how the Washington Park Olympic venue (which included the main stadium) and the University of Chicago Hospitals would compactly build-out whole blocks that, today, often are more than 60% vacant. In doing so, she invites us to resume the Wittgensteinian insight that imagining a language a€“ which is imagining a form of life. She teaches courses and writes on twentietha€”and now twenty-firsta€”century poetry and poetics, both Anglo-American and from a Comparatist perspective, as well as on intermedia and the visual arts.
In recent years he has developed the genre a€?aula-recitala€? (a€?recital-lessona€?), having as a partner violin-player Arthur Nestrovski.
Michel Deguy is currently a professor of French literature at the Universite de Paris VII (Saint-Denis), the founder and editor-in-chief of Po&sie since 1972 (Editions Belin), and the editor of Les Temps Modernes, the journal founded by Jean-Paul Sartre. De Duvea€™s investigations have led him to dispute the substantiality of the distinction between modern, post-modern and contemporary art.
In the 1960a€™s, Gullar abandoned the avant-garde, joined the Communist Party and proceeded to write politically engaged poetry and drama. His anti-linear intelligence has been able to discover impressive and surprising connections among, for instance,A  Diogenes and Hitler, Stalin and Dada, the Weimar Republic and the Grand Inquisitor, Kafka and Brecht, Zen Buddhism and Eurotaoism. Among other things, Perloff has called international attention to the Language Poetry movement, to the Objectivist Poets and, of course, to Brazilian concrete poetry. In doing so, literature loses, according to him, the faculty of spurring us into fresher, richer and deeper ways of thinking about the world and ourselves.

Nos A?ltimos anos tem desenvolvido o gA?nero a€?aula-recitala€?, em parceria com o violonista e ensaA­sta Arthur Nestrovski.
Foster argues that the tension between social embeddedness of art and artistic autonomy a€“ even if it is always only semi-autonomy a€“ should persist. For example, against the common sense view that sees a contradiction between the first soviet avant-garde, on the one hand, andA  Stalinist socialist realism, on the other, he holds that the latter can be taken as the culmination of the formera€™s experiments. He recently claimed that although the liberalism of a€?anything is alloweda€? has exacerbated artistic idiosyncrasies, it has not favored the appearance of the singularities that one should expect from true works of art. This commitment lasted until, in 1975, while exiled by the Brazilian dictatorship, he wrote the a€?Poema sujoa€? (a€?Dirty poema€?), which marked the beginning of a new phase in his poetry. Peter Sloterdijk, born in 1947, is Professor of Philosophy and Media Theory at the University of Art and Design in Karlsruhe. His controversy with the French philosopher Jacques Derrida is one of the most famous of the late twentieth century. The second allowed the young United States to transition from a colonial to an agricultural economy. Born in 1931, Perloff is professor emerita of English at Stanford University and currently Scholar-in-Residence at the University of Southern California. He has recently assumed a critical stance regarding contemporary art, questioning its pretence of floating free of historical determination, conceptual definition and critical judgment. Thierry de Duve is currently Professor of Art History and Aesthetics at the University of Lille III. In 1993, he again caused controversy with his book The Case Against the Death of Art, in which he attacked the contemporary soi-disante avant-garde. Ultimamente, seus escritos tA?m posto seriamente em questA?o a moda intelectual do relativismo. Lately, his writings have seriously impugned the contemporary intellectual fashion of relativism.A John Searle, born in 1932, is Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Berkeley. The industrial revolution gave rise to a manufacturing economy during the third peak period, propelling America's rise to become the leading power in the world. Born in 1955, Hal Foster is, among other things, Professor of Art and Archaeology at Princeton University and one of the editors of October. Today's large-scale immigration has coincided with globalization and the last stages of transformation from a manufacturing to a 21st century knowledge-based economy.
The portrait of Daniel Burnham appears to be observing the 21st Century rendition of his leadership.
Born in 1947, Boris Groys is Professor of Aesthetics, History of Art and Media Theory in the Karlsruhe Center for Art and Media. As before, immigration has been prompted by economic transformation, just as it is helping the United States adapt to new economic realities.For a nation of immigrants and immigration, the United States adjusts its immigration policies only rarely, largely because the politics surrounding immigration can be deeply divisive. Asking if the mantel has passed to the composite we call Sustainable Susan, this author assigns hopeful symbolism to this photo.
As a result, immigration policy has often been increasingly disconnected from the economic and social forces that drive immigration.
Perloff has recently published her cultural memoir The Vienna Paradox (2004), which has been widely discussed.
When changes have been made, they have generally taken years to legislate.Today, the United States may be on the threshold of major new reforms that would address longstanding problems of illegal immigration, as well as those in the legal immigration system, which has not been updated since 1990. The impetus for comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) has returned to the congressional stage, with bipartisan groups in the House and Senate engaged in significant negotiations to craft legislation that would increase enforcement at the nation's borders and interiors, legalize the nation’s estimated 11 million unauthorized immigrants, and provide legal avenues for employers in the United States to access future workers they need. CIR, in one form or another, has been under consideration since at least 2001, with major debates in the Senate in 2006 and 2007. After the failure of CIR legislation in the Senate in 2007, the effort to reform the nation's immigration laws was sidelined. The expanding frontiers of the American West and the United States' industrial revolution drew immigrants to U.S. Chinese immigrants began to arrive in large numbers for the first time in the 1850s after gold was discovered in California in 1848.Federal oversight of immigration began in 1882, when Congress passed the Immigration Act. Arriving immigrants were screened for the first time under this act, and entry by anyone deemed a "convict, lunatic, idiot, or person unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge" was prohibited.As the mining boom in the West began to subside, animosity toward the large populations of Chinese laborers and other foreigners surged, and so began a series of legislative measures to restrict immigration of certain racial groups, beginning with nationals of China.
It halted immigration of Chinese laborers for ten years, barred Chinese naturalization, and provided for the deportation of Chinese in the country illegally.
In a follow-on bill, Congress passed the 1888 Scott Act and banned the return of Chinese nationals with lawful status in the United States if they departed the country. In 1892, the Geary Act extended the ten-year bar on Chinese labor immigration, and established restrictive policies toward Chinese immigrants with and without legal status.Between 1880 and 1930, over 27 million new immigrants arrived, mainly from Italy, Germany, Eastern Europe, Russia, Britain, Canada, Ireland, and Sweden.
This peak immigration period—the last large-scale immigration wave prior to the current period—also led to new restrictions.In an expansion of racial exclusion, and by overriding a presidential veto, Congress passed the 1917 Immigration Act which prohibited immigration from a newly drawn "Asiatic barred zone" covering British India, most of Southeast Asia, and nearly all of the Middle East. It also expanded inadmissibility grounds to include anarchists, persons previously deported within the past year, and illiterate individuals over the age of 16.Nativist and restrictionist sentiment continued through the 1920s, prompting the United States to introduce numerical limitations on immigration for the first time.
The Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1924 established the national-origins quota system, which set a ceiling on the number of immigrants that could be admitted to the United States from each country. The 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act continued the national-origins quota system but for the first time allocated an immigration quota for Asian countries.The Post-1965 EraAlthough the discriminatory nature of the national-origins quota system had become increasingly discredited, it took until the Kennedy era and the ripple effects of the nation's civil-rights movement for a new philosophy guiding immigration to take hold.
The resulting Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1965 repealed the national-origins quota system and replaced it with a seven-category preference system based primarily on family unification.
Overall, the legislation set in motion powerful forces that are still shaping the United States today.The 1965 act increased numerical limits on immigration from 154,000 to 290,000. A ceiling on immigration from the Americas (120,000) was imposed for the first time, and a per-country limit of 20,000 was set for Eastern Europe. In 1976, the 20,000 per county limit was applied to the Western Hemisphere.The year before the 1965 Act, Congress terminated the Bracero program, which it had authorized during World War II to recruit agricultural workers from Mexico to fill farm-labor shortages in the United States.
In the wake of these and other sweeping changes in the global economy, immigration flows that had been European-dominated for most of the nation's history gave way to predominantly Latin American and Asian immigration.Today's large-scale immigration began in the 1970s, and has been made up of both legal and illegal flows.
First, the legalization program excluded a significant slice of the unauthorized population that had arrived after the five-year cutoff date but stayed in the United States and became the core of a new unauthorized population.
And the heart of the law—employer sanctions—had weak enforcement provisions that proved ineffective at checking hiring practices of sizable numbers of unauthorized immigrants.Four years later, Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1990 to revamp the legal immigration system and admit a greater share of highly-skilled and educated immigrants.
It raised legal immigration caps, modified the temporary nonimmigrant visa system, and revised the grounds of inadmissibility and deportation.
The law also established Temporary Protected Status (TPS), creating a statutory footing for permission to live and work in the United States to nationals of countries deemed unsafe for return because of armed conflict or natural disaster.Overall, IRCA and its enforcement mechanisms were no match for the powerful forces that drive illegal migration.
Both IRCA and the 1990 Act failed to adequately foresee and incorporate measures to provide and manage continued flows of temporary and permanent immigrants to meet the country's labor market needs, especially during the economic boom years of the 1990s.As a result, illegal immigration grew dramatically and began to be experienced not only in the six traditional immigration destination states of New York, New Jersey, Florida, Texas, Illinois, and California, but also in many other areas across the southeast, midwest, and mountain states that had not had experience with large-scale immigration for up to a century.
Although immigration served as a source of economic productivity and younger workers in areas where the population and workforces were aging, a large share of the immigration was comprised of illegal immigration flows.
Thus, the challenge to deeply-held rule-of-law principles and the social change represented by this immigration generated progressively negative public sentiment about immigration that prompted Congress to pass a set of strict new laws in 1996, as follows:The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), commonly known as the Welfare Reform Act, denied access to federal public benefits, such as Medicaid, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), and food stamps to categories of authorized and unauthorized immigrants.
Some states later chose to reinstate some of these benefits for authorized immigrants who lost eligibility under PRWORA.The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) bolstered immigration enforcement, increased penalties for immigration-related crimes, provided for expedited removal of inadmissible noncitizens, barred unlawfully present immigrants from re-entry for long periods of time, and set income requirements for immigrants' family sponsors at 125 percent of the federal poverty level. The act raised the annual number of H-1B visas given to high-skilled workers in specialty occupations to 115,000 in fiscal year (FY) 2000, then to 195,000 for FY 2001, 2002, and 2003.
At present, 65,000 H-1B visas per year are available, with an additional 20,000 H-1B visas (due to a law passed in late 2004) for foreign-born individuals with advanced U.S.
Immigration—at both high and low ends of the labor market, both legal and illegal—was an important element in achieving the productivity and prosperity of the decade. Immigration also contributed to the economic transformation required for the United States to compete in a global economy. With more than 14 million newcomers (legal and illegal), the 1990s reached numerical levels that out-numbered the previous all-time high set during the first decade of the 20th century. The national security threat posed by international terrorism led to the largest reorganization of the federal government since World War II. With regard to immigration, the act expanded the authority of law enforcement agencies to search, monitor, detain, and remove suspected terrorists, and allowed for the detention of foreign nationals for up to seven days before the government files criminal or immigration charges.
It also strengthened border enforcement, especially along the northern border with Canada.Laws that followed include the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act of 2002 (EBSVERA), which tightened visa screening, border inspections, and tracking of foreign-born persons, including foreign students, particularly through broad use of biometric fingerprint records. Attorney General began the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS), a program that placed extra travel screening requirements on nationals from a list of 25 countries associated with an Al Qaeda presence (and North Korea). Additionally, males over the age of 16 who were nationals of designated NSEERS countries and already living in the United States were required to register with the federal government and appear for "special registration" interviews with immigration officials.
The program was discontinued in 2011.In 2005, the REAL ID Act prohibited states from issuing driver's licenses to unauthorized individuals, and expanded terrorism-related grounds of inadmissibility, removal, and ineligibility for asylum. This objective is being bolstered by increased collaboration with foreign governments in law enforcement matters and through international agreements that allow bilateral sharing of information such as Passenger Name Records (PNRs).One immediate result of tightened screening procedures was a dramatic drop in the number of visas the government issued to individuals wishing to visit, work, and live in the United States.

Although this is a numerical high historically, the foreign born make up a smaller percentage of the population today than in 1890 and 1910 when the immigrant share of the population peaked at 15 percent.
About 20 percent of all international migrants reside in the United States, which, as a country, accounts for less than 5 percent of the world's population.The foreign-born population is comprised of approximately 42 percent naturalized citizens, 31 percent permanent residents (green card holders), and 27 percent unauthorized immigrants. Roughly 11.7 million, or 29 percent of the immigrant population is from Mexico, the largest immigration source country. Chinese and Indian immigrants make up the second and third largest immigrant groups, with 1.9 million or 5 percent of the foreign-born population each. The top three regions of origin of the foreign-born population are Latin America, Asia, and Europe (see Figure 1). Table 1. Pierre and Miquelon  The foreign-born population is geographically concentrated, with 65 percent residing in the six states that have long been the country's main immigrant destinations—about 25 percent in California alone (in 2011).
The other immigrant-heavy states are New York (11 percent of all foreign born), Texas (10 percent), Florida (9 percent), Illinois (4 percent), and New Jersey (5 percent). The proximity of several of these states to Mexico and longstanding, continuous immigration to traditional metropolitan destinations in New York, New Jersey, and Illinois created strong networks that have grown over time.While these states continue to draw and represent the bulk of the foreign-born population, newcomers—particularly unauthorized immigrants from Mexico—began to settle in many additional destinations during the 1990s.
Employment opportunities—particularly in agriculture, food manufacturing and construction—mainly fueled the new settlement patterns.
As a result, states like Georgia, Nevada, and many others have become known as the "new growth" or "new destination" immigration states.Ten states, mostly in the south and west, have experienced over 270 percent immigrant population growth since 1990.
They are North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkansas, Nevada, South Carolina, Kentucky, Nebraska, Utah, and Alabama. These changes and patterns help to explain why immigration has become an issue of national political concern and debate.How the Immigration System WorksThe guiding principles, and different ways to immigrate to the United States were largely established by the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act and take place through three primary immigration streams.
The most common ways to immigrate are through the family-based or employment-based channels.Family-based immigration rests on the principle of family unity. Family-based immigrants must be sponsored by a qualifying relative under any of six categories of relatives. Family-sponsored immigration has accounted for about two-thirds of all permanent immigration to the United States over the last decade.Employment-based visas for permanent immigration are dedicated to the nation's economic and labor market needs. Employment-based immigration is limited to 140,000 visas per year, and has accounted for between 12 percent (in 2003) and 22 percent (in 2005) of legal immigration in the last decade. Employment-based green cards are available for five categories of workers, the majority of whom must be sponsored by their employer. Table 2. Table 1 calculates the actual number of visas allocated in each category in accordance with the current 140,000 annual “floor” of employment-based visas.++ The Nicaraguan and Central American Relief Act (NACARA), Pub.
Under the Immigration Act of 1990, 55,000 applicants from countries that are underrepresented in U.S. However, the demand to immigrate greatly exceeds the number of visas Congress authorizes the government to grant. Additionally, no more than 7 percent of immigrant visas can be issued to nationals of a single country. The result has been delays in granting applications for eligible green card petitioners that frequently span many years, especially for immediate family members from Mexico or the Philippines, for example, which are among the top five source countries for legal immigration but face severe delays in getting a green card.Over the past 150 years, the levels of legal immigration have varied, from over 1 million people per year during the early 20th century to a trickle during the Great Depression and World War II (see Figure 2).
Immigrants legalized under IRCA caused the number of authorized immigrants to peak in the late 1980s. The 1990s and 2000s, until the recession, have registered historic highs in overall immigration levels. Figure 2.
Admissions may also be made from an "unallocated reserve."The United States admitted large numbers of refugees after World War II, in response to migration waves that occurred in the war's aftermath and in accord with international refugee protocols adopted by the United Nations. In 1980, Congress passed the Refugee Act, a measure that adopted the definition of a refugee in U.S. Offering protection to these refugees, however, was at odds with the Reagan administration's cold war strategy of providing support to Central American governments being challenged by left-wing rebels. As a result, Salvadoran and Guatemalan asylum claims were approved at extremely low rates, while between 1981 and 1990, almost one million Salvadorans and Guatemalans are estimated to have entered the United States unlawfully.During the same period as the Cold War ended, large resettlement programs for refugees from Southeast Asia and the former Soviet Union have been replaced with admissions from a more diverse set of countries. One exception is Cuba, a communist country from which hundreds of thousands have fled since its 1959 revolution. This massive emigration led to a 1994 agreement intended to prevent Cubans from trying to reach the United States by boat under life-threatening conditions. In FY 2011, there were 36,452 new immigrants from Cuba, the vast majority entering as refugees.In the 1970s and 1980s, refugee and humanitarian emergencies led to annual admissions of more than 200,000 during some years. Burma (16,972) Iraq (9,388) Bhutan (14,999), Somalia (3,161), and Cuba (2,920) were the top five refugee-sending countries of FY 2011.
That year, 24,988 individuals were granted asylum (defensive and affirmative), a slight uptick from FY 2010 after about ten years of steady decline.
There are over 70 categories of visas for nonimmigrants, including tourists, business visitors, foreign students, H-1B workers, religious workers, intracompany transferees, diplomats, and representatives of international organizations.
Nonimmigrant visas typically have strict terms and conditions, and allow for periods of stay ranging from a few weeks or months to six or more years.
Temporary tourism and business visitors represent the vast majority of nonimmigrant visa holders. Nonimmigrant visas issued to foreign students have increased significantly during the last decade. The 447,410 student visas issued in 2011 is more than 50 percent greater than the number issued in 2001. Much of this growth has been driven by the exponential rise in students from China, who now represent 35 percent of all foreign students. A combination of reasons, including inadequate language skills needed to pass the citizenship exam, fear of the exam, an expensive filing fee of $680, and lack of knowledge about the naturalization process, can all discourage potential applicants.Since the 1990s, a series of new laws and policies have affected naturalization trends.
IRCA brought about historically high naturalizations in the mid-1990s as the 2.7 million unauthorized immigrants who obtained LPR status under the law's legalization program became eligible for naturalization. They reduced noncitizens' access to federal benefits and legal protections, thus incentivizing naturalization. Immigration policymaking in the United States has been preoccupied with the issues it represents for much of the four decades since.
The numbers of unauthorized immigrants who were not eligible for IRCA's legalization but remained in the United States, in addition to immigration spurred by rapid job creation in the 1990s and early 2000s, combined with powerful push factors in Mexico, have caused the unauthorized population to grow by 300,000 to 500,000 per year between 1990 and 2006.
The arrival of unauthorized immigrants in large numbers has revitalized certain communities and contributes to local economic growth.
The ten leading countries of origin also include the Philippines, India, Korea, Ecuador, and Vietnam, which represented 85 percent of the unauthorized immigrant population in 2011.Roughly 46 percent of unauthorized adult immigrants are parents of young children. Unlike other traditional immigration countries, such as Canada and Australia, for example, the United States does not have a federally-driven immigrant integration policies or an agency responsible for making sure immigrants effectively become part of U.S. Instead, integration policies are limited, underfunded, largely ad hoc, and often target narrow immigrant groups, such as refugees or migrant workers.Historically, schools, churches, employers, and community-based groups have taken the lead at the local level to spearhead immigrant integration efforts that include English classes, job training, and health care clinics. In recent years, several states and cities have launched integration initiatives aimed at improving opportunities and services available to immigrants.Federal policies that affect immigrant integration outcomes include the No Child Left Behind Act passed in 2001 that required schools and funding for states to ensure that limited English proficient (LEP) children become proficient in English. In 2009, the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) was expanded to cover authorized immigrant children.
Additionally, the federal Adult Education program funds English education and GED preparation.Access to basic rights and mainstream institutions in American society like most jobs in the labor market, public education, community and emergency health care systems, and citizenship have been the pillars of successful integration, despite that fact that they do not represent explicit, formal policy efforts.
Integration is commonly measured by comparing indicators such as income, education, health, and living standards for foreign and native-born populations. Despite the absence of broad immigrant integration policies, the foreign born have historically become well integrated in the United States. At the same time, today's large numbers of foreign born, especially the sizable unauthorized population who may gain legal status if CIR is enacted, pose substantial immigrant integration challenges for all levels of government and society—as well as for the individuals themselves—in the years ahead.Immigration EnforcementAs illegal immigration intensified during recent decades, immigration enforcement has been the dominant focus of the federal government's response to immigration for at least 25 years. For most of the period since the Border Patrol was created in 1924, chronic lack of funding and adequate resources prevented it from carrying out its mission of preventing illegal border crossings. That began to change with stepped up border enforcement during the 1990s.Since then, the federal government has invested billions of dollars into personnel, infrastructure, and technology on the border. More than $11 billion was spent on border enforcement in FY 2011.As a result, crossing points that were traditionally used by people entering illegally into the country have been largely closed off, making it difficult, dangerous, and expensive to cross.
Deportations, federal partnerships with state and local law enforcement agencies, and efforts to discourage hiring of unauthorized immigrants are all parts of the equation.Since 1986, the government has carried out more than 4 million deportations (or removals). Annual removals have climbed steeply for the last 15 years, from roughly 30,000 in 1990 to 188,500 in 2000, to over 400,000 in 2012.

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