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DESCRIPTION: Henricus Martellus was the one mapmaker who linked the late medieval cartography, just emerging from social, religious, academic and technological constraints, to mapping that reflected the Renaissance and the new discoveries. No one at that time had any knowledge of the true position and outlines of East Asia, yet the representation of East Asia is identical on both the Martellus maps and the Behaim globe.
Who had most to gain from such a reckless exaggeration of the extent of Eurasia and who was the first to do so? The Arctic coasts on the Martellus map and those of north and northwest Europe resemble those of the Fra Mauro planisphere of 1459 (#249) rather than those of the Ulm Ptolemy of 1482. In the volume of Imago Mundi, found amongst the possessions of Christopher Columbus after his death, there are numerous notes or postils written in the margins or below the printed matter. Note that in the year a€?88 in the month of December arrived in Lisbon Bartholomew Diaz, Captain of three caravels which the Most Serene King of Portugal had sent to try out the land in Guinea. Another peculiar feature of the Martellus map is the enormous peninsula commencing due south of Aureus Chersonesus [the Malay peninsula] at 28A° south, thereafter widening to reach China. It has become clear to some cartographic scholars that South America was represented as a huge peninsula of southeastern Asia on many world maps of the 16th century, from the Zorzi sketches of 1506 to the Livio Sanuto map of 1574. It is not so well known that this very same peninsula existed already under the name of India Meridionalis on earlier maps, drawn before the arrival in the western hemisphere of Christopher Columbus.
However, the Martellus maps show a very good representation of the South American hydrographic system, including all the great rivers in the sub-continent.
A deeper study of the same maps has made possible the identification of several capes on the Atlantic coast, the swamps of the Rio Negro in Brazil, and Lake Titicaca. There was thus no known pre-Columbian historical exploration of South America by the European nations.
The earlier maps extant include the so-called mappaemundi drawn by medieval churchmen in Western Christendom. In order to detect this peninsula on pre-Martellus maps, we needed an identifying criterion.
The following is a theory expressed by Paul Gallez regarding the depiction of South America prior to Columbusa€™ voyages.
In the southernmost part of South America (?), there are the words, next to a strait: Hic sunt gigantes pugnantes cum draconious [Here live some giants who fight against the dragons]. Traditionally, the so-called Legend of the Patagonian Giants is attributed to Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellana€™s voyage. The east-west extent from the Canaries to the coast of China is about 235A°, which agrees with the Toscanelli-Columbus concept and with the 1489 Martellus map now in the British Library. The sheets of paper on which the Yale map is drawn are of different sizes, which excluded the possibility that they were printed map sheets, for they would then have had to be the same size to fit within the map portfolio.
Roberto Almagia (1940) stated that he had identified no less than three manuscript maps of the world signed by Martellus, all virtually identical with that in the codex in the British Library. When Columbus left Lisbon in 1485 for Spain, Bartholomew, with his highly trained skills as a cartographer in the Genoese style, stayed on in the map workshop of King John II. These two world maps by Martellus represent, along with Martin Behaima€™s famous globe of 1492, the last view of the old pre-Columbian world as perceived by Western Europe before the great expansion of the world picture during the subsequent twenty years. The Yale example shows more of the Ocean Sea in the Far East than does the British Library manuscript.
Very little is known about Henricus Martellus Germanus, a mapmaker working in Florence from 1480 to 1496. The Indian Ocean is open to the south, but Martellus retains its eastern coast, which Ptolemy had called Sinae, home of the fish-eating Ethiopians.
Martellus retains other Ptolemaic features, such as the appearance of the northern coast of the Indian Ocean with a flattened India and a huge Taprobana. Although Martellusa€™s world maps in the Ptolemy manuscripts show an extension of the inhabited world as 180A°, those in the Insularium make it 220A° or more, an attractive feature to those who dreamed of reaching Asia by sailing west.
Most of the text still isna€™t legible, but some of the parts that are appear to be drawn from the travels of Marco Polo through east Asia. The work of Henricus Martellus Germanus epitomizes the best of European cartography at the end of the 15th century.
Wolff, Hans, a€?The Conception of the World on the Eve of the Discovery of America - Introduction,a€? in Wolff, Hans (ed.), America.
AlmagiA , Roberto, a€?I mappamondi di Enrico Martello e alcuni concetti geografici di Cristoforo Colombo,a€? La Bibliofolia, Firenze, XLII (1940), pp. AlmagiA , Roberto, a€?On the cartographic work of Francesco Roselli,a€? Imago Mundi, VIII (1951), pp.
Caraci, Ilaria L., a€?La€™opera cartografica di Enrico Martello e la a€?prescopertoa€™ della€™America,a€? Rivista Geografica Italiana 83 (1976), Florence, pp.
Caraci, Ilaria L., a€?Il planisfero di Enrico Martello della Yale University Library e i fratelli Colombo,a€? Rivista Geografica Italiana 85 (1978), Florence, pp. Crino, Sebastiano, a€?I Planisferi di Francesco Roselli,a€? LaBibliofilia, Firenze, XLI (1939), pp.
Francesco Rosselli was one of the earliest known map stockists and map sellers; in addition he was an important map-maker whose cartographic output spans the decades of the great discoveries. The mapa€™s most prominent feature is, like the Martellus model, the new outline of Africa, now quite separate from Asia, and reflecting the rounding of the Cape by Bartolomeu Diaz in 1487. First, by 1486 the mathe-matical junta had solved the problem of establishing latitude by measuring the height of the mid-day sun.
While Ptolemy is most frequently associated with geography and cartography, he also wrote important works in a number of other fields including astronomy, astrology, music and optics. Although no original manuscript of this text has survived the ravages of time, several manuscript copies, dating from the closing centuries of the Byzantine Empire (ca.
For these and other reasons, Ptolemy knew mathematics to be an important part of cartography.
The first Book of the Geographia is devoted primarily to theoretical principles, including a discussion of globe construction, the description of two map projections, and an extended, through amicable, criticism of his primary source, Marinus of Tyre, a€?the latest of the geographers of our timea€?. In another chapter in Book I, Ptolemy wrote that there are two ways of making a portrait of the world: one is to reproduce it on a sphere, and the other is to draw it on a plane surface. If the second method of drawing the earth is used, that is, if the spherical earth is projected onto a plane surface, certain adjustments are obviously necessary. Ptolemya€™s exhaustive criticism of the imperfect methods of drawing maps adopted by Marinus would lead to the expectation that he himself would have used some of his own recommended projections in constructing his maps. Book II of the Geographia opens with a prologue a€?of the particular descriptionsa€?, which is to say, the maps he was about to present, and a general statement of his mapmaking policy. The fifth chapter of Book VII contains a description of the map of the world, together with an enumeration of the oceans and of the more important bays and islands. In the eighth and last Book of the Geographia, Ptolemy returned to the business of discussing the principles of cartography, mathematical, geographical and astronomical methods of observation, and, in some cases (manuscript or printed copies) there follow short legends for each of the special maps - ten for Europe, four for Africa and twelve for Asia - mentioning the countries laid down on each plate, describing the limits, and enumerating the tribes of each country and its most important towns. Those scholars who have argued that Ptolemya€™s original text contained no maps have neglected careful study of this Book. The obvious way to avoid crowding, Ptolemy said, is to make separate maps of the most populous regions or sectional maps combining densely populated areas with countries containing few inhabitants, if such a combination is feasible. The illustration above gives a diagram of the parts of the known world embraced by each special map found in Ptolemya€™s Geographia. While there is little doubt still lingering that Ptolemya€™s text was originally illustrated by maps, it is not altogether certain that the maps found today in existing copies of the Geographia are indeed similar to those of the original series of maps, since the latter have not survived for comparison.
To further confound the issue, all of the other manuscript copies of the Geographia that are accompanied by maps differ one from another, presenting two basic versions. The other version, B, contains sixty-four maps distributed throughout the text, vice collected together in one place.
Over and above these maps, those manuscripts with maps, both A- and B-versions, are additionally illustrated with a universal map of the entire known world at Ptolemya€™s time, either on one sheet or four sheets; only very rarely are both world maps found together. As with modern maps, Ptolemaic maps are oriented so that North would be at the top and East at the right, because better known localities of the world were to be found in the northern latitudes, and on a flat map they would be easier to study if they were in the upper right-had corner. Displayed on the left-had margin of these world maps are seven Clima [Klima] and Parallel Zones.
Overall Ptolemya€™s world-picture extended northward from the equator a distance of 31,500 stades [one mile = 9 to 10 stades; there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade] to 63A° N at Thule, and southward to a part of Ethiopia named Agysimba and Cape Prasum at 16A° S latitude, or the same distance south as Meroe was north. It has been repeatedly pointed out that the distances set down by Ptolemy in his tables for the Mediterranean countries, the virtual center of the habitable world, are erroneous beyond reason, considering the fact that Roman Itineraries were accessible. The geographical errors made by Ptolemy in his text and maps constitute the principle topic of many scholarly dissertations. Paradoxically, Ptolemya€™s eastward extension of Asia, reducing the length of the unknown part of the world, coupled with his estimate of the circumference of the earth, was his greatest contribution to history if not cartography.
Ptolemy provides a descriptive summary in his text in which he tells us that the habitable part of the earth is bounded on the south by the unknown land which encloses the Indian Sea and that it encompasses Ethiopia south of Libya, called Agisymba. The southern limit of the habitable world had been fixed by Eratosthenes (#112) and Strabo (#115) at the parallel through the eastern extremity of Africa, Cape Guardafiri, the cinnamon-producing country and the country of the SembritA¦ [Senaai].
Ptolemy records, following Marinus, the penetration of Roman expeditions to the land of the Ethiopians and to Agisymba, a region of the Sudan beyond the Sahara desert, perhaps the basin of Lake Chad, and he supplied other new information regarding the interior of North Africa. The eastern coast of Africa was better known than the western, having been visited by Greek and Roman traders as far as Rhapta [Rhaptum Promontory opposite Zanzibar?] which Ptolemy placed at about 7A° S. According to Greek tradition, an extension of 20A° in the width of the habitable world called for a proportionate increase in its length. Ptolemya€™s knowledge of the vast region from Sarmatia to China was, however, better than that of previous map makers. Many faults appear in Ptolemya€™s picture of southern Asia, although for more than a century commercial relations between western India and Alexandria had been flourishing.
Even the more familiar territory of the Mediterranean basin demonstrated that insufficient contemporary knowledge was available and Ptolemy erred in many important cartographical details.
Map on grid system, in Ptolemy, La geographia, 1561-64, 26 x 14 cm, a€?Oxford University Byw.
However, Ptolemy was apparently the first of the ancient geographers to have a fair conception of the relations between the Tanais, usually considered the northern boundary between Europe and Asia, and the Rha [Volga], which he said flowed into the Caspian Sea. In spite of the egregious errors on all of Ptolemya€™s maps, his atlas was indeed an unsurpassed masterpiece for almost 1,500 years.
During the intellectual narrow-mindedness of the Middle Ages even Ptolemy and his methods of map construction were forgotten, at least in the west. The presently known version of Ptolemya€™s works began to surface when the Byzantine monk Maximos Planudes (1260 - 1310) succeeded in finding and purchasing a manuscript copy of the Geographia. Another scholar of the Byzantine age is known to have been interested in Ptolemya€™s Geographia - the noted polyhistor Nikephoras Gregoras (1295 - c.
In 1400 a Greek manuscript copy of the A-version (twenty-six maps) was obtained from Constantinople by the Florentine patron of letters, Palla Strozzi, who persuaded Emmanual Chrysoloras, a Byzantine scholar, to translate the text into Latin.
Again, the original manuscript of Angelusa€™ translation and the first maps of Ptolemy in the Latin language have not survived, but a manuscript copy, dated 1427, prepared under the direction of Cardinal Fillastre, can be found in the library at Nancy, France (thus known as the Nancy Codex). In manuscript form, four other cartographers are significant in editing and influencing the evolution of Ptolemya€™s atlas. After the discovery of copper-plate and wood-engraving, Ptolemya€™s atlas became one of the first great works for the reproduction of which these arts were employed. DESCRIPTION: With the develop-ment of Portuguese seafaring in the 15th century and the subsequent widening if the southern horizon, the problem of a€?harmonizinga€™ or reconciling the traditional world views laid down by Pliny, Ptolemy, Aristotle and Ambrose with that of the new discoveries became increasingly acute. Beyond the equinoctial line Ptolemy records an unknown land, but Pomponius [Mela] and many others as well raise a doubt whether a voyage is possible from this place to India; [nevertheless] they say that many have passed through these parts from India to Spain . This rather refreshing disposition towards agnosticism is exemplified again in the configuration of South Africa. Also typical of maps of the period, the anonymously compiled Genoese map is covered with legends in Latin, castellated towns representing major population centers, princes on their thrones, and loxodromes from the portolan tradition.
This map is now the property of the Italian Government, and is to be found in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence, being catalogued Sezione Palatina No. The Genoese map became the center of controversy in the 1940s when the Italian scholar Sebastiano Crino, suggested that this was a copy of the map that Paolo Toscanelli sent to the Portuguese court in 1474 and later but less certainly to Columbus, was a copy of it, touting the possibility of a sea route to India via the Atlantic. A Genoese flag in the upper northwest corner of the map establishes this mapa€™s origin, along with the coat of arms of the Spinolas, a prominent Genoese mercantile family. The map is elliptical in shape, having a major axis measuring 81 cm and a minor axis measuring 42 cm. Ptolemy is cited by name in several inscriptions, and there is evidence of his influence in the representation of Africa (Ethiopia, the source of the Nile), an enclosed Caspian Sea (Mar de Sara), the southern coast of Asia, and the Golden Chersonese, not named but identified by a legend noting that it is particularly rich in gold and precious stones. Paradise does not appear on the map, and an inscription in southeastern Africa tells us why: a€?In this region some depict the earthly paradise.
Of course, the cosmographers had no objection to monsters - even Ptolemy mentions a few, although he did not put them on his maps.
Although its cartographer explicitly disapproved of fantastic narratives in a legend in the Atlantic (frivolis narracionibus rejectis), Chet Van Duzer points out that the richly decorated map contains a number of fantastic illustrations, and the legends, many of which come from the travel narrative of Niccole dea€™ Conti (c.1395-1469), do not shy away from fantastic subjects. In the eastern Indian Ocean there is an imposing creature with a humanoid head and upper body, but with large horns and ears and wing-like red membranes joining its outstretched arms to its torso, and a fish-like tail. Turning first to Europe for a consideration of the details of the map, it will be noted that the contour of this continent is drawn with a nearer approach to accuracy than is true of the other continents, our cartographera€™s greatest errors appearing in the regions which were beyond those recorded by Ptolemy and the portolan chartmakers. The only mountains indicated in Europe are the Alps, which are made to sweep in a somewhat irregular curve around the north of Italy and the head of the Adriatic. In the northern part of Europe we find sketched a polar bear Forma ursorum alborum, and an ermine or sable, animals whose valuable pelts were obtained by the Hansa of Novgorod and sold by them in Bruges to the Italians. Many regional names appear and many cities are made prominent in each of the continents through the sketch of a building, which building sometimes is a castle, sometimes is a church or cathedral, sometimes is a monastery. England, Scotland, and Ireland are represented as on the portolan charts of the period, over each of which flies a pennant.
In France appear the names Gascona, Lengadoc, Normania, Baiona, Bordeaux, Tolosa, Nar-bona, Montpellier, Arguesmortes, Avenio, Massillia, Lion, Dijon, Bourges, Renes, and a few undecipherable names.
In Italy we find Italia, Masca, Calabria, Si-cilia, Sardinia, Corsica, Niza, and Venezia, which last our author has made especially prominent, while Genoa itself has been omitted altogether.
In central and eastern Europe we find Bavaria, Boemia, Prutenia, Bruges, Dancic, Famosura [Frankenburg?], Poana, Praja, Ratisbon, Inbrunch, Vienna, Pruna, Potavia, Ungaria with Juanin (Raab), Burgaria, Polonia, Carcovia, Rossia, and near this last the classic names Sormatia prima and S. We also find the region Zichia designated on the north and northwest slope of the Caucasus, and, on the Black Sea, Savastopoli, Kaffa, Pidea, Flordelis, Turlo and Moncastro. On the Hellenic-Slavic peninsula we find the names Sclavonia and Albania, which had but recently withstood an attack of the Turks; here also are Macedonia, Grecia and Morea. But it is perhaps in respect to the islands of the southeast that the map is of greatest interest.
It is not easy to determine the significance of a gulf that extends far into the east coast of Asia north of Borneo and Java. The name Sine, or Sina, which was never used in the middle ages, and which in all probability the Genoese map-maker took from Ptolemy, suggests that the gulf is likewise from Ptolemy, and in order to find space for the new discovery it has been placed farther north. The northeast coast of Asia is in part determined by the form of the map, and in part is arbitrarily drawn, as are also the numerous islands, not one of which we are able to identify.
The Genoese map abandons the northeastern quarter of Asia to the apocalyptic peoples: surrounded by impassible mountains and in the north and east by the ocean is a large territory in which are placed trees and fortresses. In addition to the usual medieval depiction of the mythical Gog and Magog the Genoese map also contains a large number of drawings of zoological interest. The main African interest lies in the fact that, as a departure from Ptolemya€™s conception, the Indian Ocean, as is also shown on the Vesconte, Bianco, the Catalan-Estense, Leardo and Fra Mauroa€™s maps (#228, #241, #246, #242, and #249), is not landlocked, and, significantly, the southern extremity of Africa does not run away eastwards, as on the Catalan-Estense map. The southern coast of the continent, from Arabia and the Persian Gulf to Further India, exhibits the Ptolemaic influence in particular, though our Genoese gives evidence of possessing a good knowledge of some of the most recent reports of travelers. The peninsula Guzerat is better drawn than by Ptolemy, and the Bay of Cambay appears as a deep inlet of the ocean into which a broad rivera€”perhaps the Mahia€”empties. In the interior of Ceylon a lake appears which may owe its origin to a statement made by Pliny or maybe an attempt to represent some one or more of the numerous artificial reservoirs or tanks for which the island is famous. In their outlines there is a certain similarity between the islands Ceylon and Sumatra as represented by our Genoese mapmaker and the same islands as they appear on the maps of Ptolemy. The name Sumatra, which our cosmographer, together with Conti, considers to be the native name, seems first to have become a more or less familiar one in Europe in the 14th century.
The long southern coast which, according to Ptolemy, makes of the Indian Ocean an enclosed sea, and which in part appears in the Idrisi and the Sanudo maps (#219, Book II, #228), has been omitted here, and the great gulf of Ptolemy on the east of the peninsula becomes in the Genoese map an open sea, corresponding to the account of Conti and other travelers, which sea had been found difficult of navigation because of continually unfavorable wind. Concerning the two large islands lying off the east coast of Asia, a legend gives the following information: These islands are called Java, of which the greater in circumference is three, and the other two thousand miles.
Marvelous beings are represented in parts of the Indian Ocean, such as an animal with the body of a fish and the head of a woman, that is, a siren; also a fish with a humanlike head and large fins with sharp spikes thereon.
Of particular importance are the other legends in the Indian Ocean apparently derived from Conti.
We find on other world maps similar information concerning the construction of ships which sailed the Indian Ocean, as well as information concerning trade routes, such as the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235). Ibn Batuta also describes them minutely, making mention of ships that could carry a thousand mena€”six hundred seamen and four hundred soldiers. A river taking its rise on the east side of this mountain quadrangle, and emptying through two mouths into the Indian Ocean, cannot be identified, as the chart here contains numerous errors.
It is of special interest that in a region so significant by reason of its physical features, where the Pamir Highlands, the Hindu Kush, the Himalaya and the Quen Lun unite, our cosmographer represents a second Iron gate where Alexander imprisoned the Tartars, or a wall with a strong gateway. In the interior of Southeast Asia there is a large lake with the legend: The waters of this lake are very pleasant and sweet for drinking. Marco Polo relates a similar story, but adds, as does Conti, the simple facts that he himself observed, that is, that diamonds are obtained in India through mining and through the washing and the sifting of the sands. No rivers are represented by the Genoese cosmographer in Northeast Asia, but we find twice inscribed the legend Inaccessible mountains. On their appearance, the Mongols were thought to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes who had departed from the Mosaic law; and even in the Mohammedan world their coming was regarded as a sign of the approaching end of the world.
As a characteristic representation of the animal world, we find sketched in Southeast Asia a snake with a human head.
The geographical nomenclature in the interior of Asia is very numerous, including the names of cities, countries and topographical features.
The cities represented on the frontier of Asia Minor are probably Angora, Burssa and Philadelphia.
In Arabia Arabia Deserta is distinguished from Arabia Felix, and the extreme southeast part of the peninsula, that is, Oman, is called Fenicea et Sabba, suggesting that the Phoenicians once occupied the basin of the Persian Gulf. On the east side of the Caspian Sea, in Turkestan, there are only two cities represented, Testango and Organzin.
Conti, as before stated, divided India into three parts, but the Genoese cartographer, following the ancients, refers to two only, representing therein numerous cities and legends, most of which apparently he has taken from Conti.
Of the several regions only Maabar is especially designated in a legend reading: This province is called Mahabaria. Among the cities, Cambay is especially distinguished, which at that time was the most important commercial city of India, and which the Genoese cartographer calls combayta, making use of the Spanish term instead of the Italian Camcaia or the Latin Combahita. West of the Ganges delta, on a mountain, lies the large city Bizungalia, which Conti called Bizenegalia, and which seems to have remained a city of importance well into the 16th century.
The land north of the Ava River (Irawadi) as far as a great parallel mountain range, including apparently the entire Irawadi region, the Genoese cosmographer calls Macina, inscribing the legend: This province of Macina produces elephants.
Turning to the continent of Africa, we find its Mediterranean coast, as on the portolan charts, well represented; likewise the Atlantic coast as far as Cape Bojador, which had recently been reached by the Portuguese. On the west coast, in about the position where one should look for the Gulf of Guinea, a gulf having one large and two small islands extends into the mainland, as is represented by Sanudo, Leardo and Fra Mauro.
In about the latitude of this gulf on the west coast we also find one indicated on the east coast which appears to be the Bay of Zanzibar. In the representation of mountains of Africa we find the Atlas range, which stretches along the north coast eastward to the Great Syrtus, a second range west of Egypt, stretching in a southerly direction. The hydrography of Africa is likewise Ptolemaic, especially that which pertains to the Nile.
A monastery, or a city, with numerous towers over which a cross is drawn, is located in the lake and bears the name Maria of Nazareth.
That the Christian Abyssinians made use of the elephant in war during the middle ages, Marco Polo relates, who, in his travels, had gathered considerable information concerning that region of Africa. On the Catalan world map of 1375 (#235) a war elephant is also represented in Nubia, and the same picture appears again in India with the addition of a driver.
Not only does there appear to be some confusion relative to the representation of the Nile River, but the hydrography of other parts of Africa is very confusing.
The reference to the character of the land in Africa and its different products is very full, attention being drawn particularly to the animals. The extreme southeastern part of Africa has the following legend: In this region certain ones have depicted the paradise of delights.
A sea monster illustrating a passage from Bracciolini's Facetiaea€”the ultimate source of the demon-like sea monster on the Genoese world map of 1457a€”in Sebastian Branta€™s 1501 edition of Aesopa€™s Fables. Does the Genoese World Map represent an intermediate step between a heterogeneous medieval conception of space and a more modern homogeneous one? He shows a critical approach in dealing with his sources, backing up his decisions or listing information, which is a very innovative feature. As shown above, social customs and spatial perceptions are connected, and the mapmakera€™s intent to provide a near-natural depiction of the world might be related to the Christian faith.62 It is problematic to presume a homogenous conception of space is operative in the later Middle Ages or the Early Modern period, just because a mapmaker painted a mappa mundi using coastlines drawn from portolan charts, since geography is but one dimension of a mapa€™s content.
These continuities could perhaps explain why, as Evelyn Edson and Emilie Savage-Smith write, [the medieval cosmological modela€™s] a€?overthrow in the 17th century caused a profound spiritual and psychological disorientation from which we have yet to recover.a€?63 Studying conceptions of space in mappae mundi reveals how these conceptions change over time.
Axial (a) transrectal US image shows a midline anechoic cystic lesion arrising from the base of the prostate. Axial fat-sat T2-weighted MR image show a midline high-signal-intensity prostatic cyst (arrow) originating from the prostate and extending beyond the prostatic base.
Axial (a) and sagittal (b) B-mode sonographic images show a midline hypoechoic mullerian duct cyst with thickened walls and hemorrhagic contained material. Sagittal T1 spin-echo (a) and axial T2 spin-echo weighted (b) MR images show a small, high-signal-intensity oval-teardrop shape lesion (arrow) just lateral to the midline along the course of the right ejaculatory duct just posterior to the bladder neck. Axial B-mode image shows multiple cysts that contain clear fluid located in the peripheral zone (arrow).
Axial B-mode (a) and Color Doppler (b) sonography images obtained in the craniocaudal direction show a complex prostatic lesion (pink arrow), with solid and cystic component, fine septations and small puntated calcifications (pink arrowhead).
Axial (a) and sagittal (b) B-mode US shows a right complex ampulla cyst of vas deferens (A) that could correspond to a solid node vs spermatic material retention with distal obstrution of the vas deferens and seminal vesicle (arrows). Axial (a) and sagittal (b) B-mode TRUS shows a dilated bladder neck and prostatic urethra resembling a midline prostatic cyst, especially on the axial image (pink arrow).
Axial (a) and sagittal (b) suprapubic sonograhy show a paramedial cystic lesion adjacent to the prostate (P).
Axial B-mode (a) and Power-Doppler (b) suprapubic US that shows a left ureterocele with right urinary jet (pink arrow). The normal development of the male genital tract is the result of the differentiation of wolffian derivatives and the involution of mullerian derivatives in response to an androgenic stimulus produced by the developing testes.
The mullerian duct degenerates except for a small portion at their cranial ends that gives rise to the appendix testis and the prostatic utricle.
The cephalic end of the prostate gland is referred to as the base and the caudal end as the apex.
The central zone is the conical portion of the gland located above the verumontanum and between the peripheral zone and the proximal urethra and transitional zone.
The distal portion of the vas deferens is seen as a slightly dilated tubular structure (ampulla) medial to the seminal vesicle. The peripheral zone is typically hypointense on T1-weighted images and homogeneously hyperintense on T2- weighted images. The seminal fluid demonstrates low signal intensity on T1-weighted images and high signal intensity on T2-weighted images. The intraabdominal portions of the vas deferens are seen as bilateral symmetric tubular structures with low signal intensity on both T1- and T2-weighted images. Prostatic cysts may be described as either intraprostatic or periprostatic cysts by their location.
Utricular and mullerian duct cysts are located in the midline behind the upper half of the prostatic urethra. They may as well cause ejaculatory impairment by obstruction of the ejaculatory ducts in the midline. There have been case reports of mullerian duct cysts and prostatic utricle cysts containing carcinoma. They arise from the verumontanum but they don't extend above the base of the prostate.
Communicated with the prostatic urethra (unlike the mullerian duct cysts): may result in postvoid leak. Mullerian duct cysts are originated from the remnants of the mullerian duct as a result from focal failure of regression in utero and focal saccular dilatation of the mesonephric duct.
They may also cause ejaculatory impairment by obstructing the ejaculatory duct in the midline. When patient is turned to the lateral side, notice the hemorrhagic level within the cyst (c). The presence of an obstructing lesion such as a stone or utricular cyst helps distinguish acquired cysts from congenital ejaculatory duct cysts.
All findings are related to a 54 years-old patient with recurrent prostatitis and orchiepididimitys, probably justified by the cyst at the ejaculatory duct.
Coronal T2 spin-echo weigthed MRI (c) that shows high-iso-signal-intensity level inside the cyst corresponding to hemorrhagic component (arrow), a finding that is consistent with a ejaculatory duct cyst with spermatic contained material. Retention cysts may occur in any zone of the prostate but the pathogenesis of prostatic retention cysts is unknown. The imaging diagnosis rests on their location in the peripheral zone or on lack of other evidence of BPH. Note that the TZ enlarges and compresses the central zone, which may apparently seem as if the cyst lies in the central zone.
They may form a cystic lesion anywhere in the prostate secondary to acute bacterial prostatitis (mainly caused by Escherichia coli). Transrectal US typically demonstrates hypo or anechoic areas with thin or thick walls due to surrounding edema.
Little is known of this important German cartographer, probably from Nuremberg, who worked in Italy from 1480 to 1496 and produced a number of important manuscript maps.
No meridians, parallels or scales of longitude are given, but estimates based on measurements of the map indicate about 230A° from Lisbon to the coast of China, or 240A° from the Canaries. The actual latitude of the Cape of Good Hope is 34A° 22a€™ south based on land measurements by Diaz, who landed three times on the south coast. He reported to the same Most Serene King that he had sailed beyond Yan 600 leagues, namely 450 to the south and 250 to the north, up to a promontory which he called Cabo de Boa Esperanza [Cape of Good Hope] which we believe to be in Abyssinia. It indicates that he was high in the confidence of the King as an expert cartographer, otherwise he would not have been present at such a secret occasion.
It was done probably in Seville after he joined his brother, entering the postil in Imago Mundi and altering his prototype map at the same time.
It seems that the prototype originally showed the Cape at 35A° south, well clear of the frame at about 41A° south, as one would expect of a competent cartographer.
It is a relic of the continuous coastline that linked Southeast Asia to South Africa in Ptolemaic world maps that displayed a land-locked Indian Ocean, and it needs a name to identify it in argument.
This is the India that Columbus was looking for, because it was marked in the right place on his maps. In the post-Columbian series, the isthmus of Panama is represented with its true width, because it had been heard of by Columbus and other explorers from the aborigines; in the pre-Columbian series, the union of the peninsula with Asia is much broader, because nobody had exact information about it.
The pre-Magellanic maps have South America extending only to some degrees South; on post-Magellanic maps the land extends to 53 degrees South. On these pre-Columbian maps, the drainage net is much better drawn than on any other representation made before 1850. So Gallez believes that the deep and sound European knowledge of South America before its exploration by Columbus and his Spanish and Portuguese challengers has been firmly established.
But the detail of its hydrographic features mapped by Martellus in 1489 is a fact, even if this fact remains historically unexplained.
In this way we have identified the Dragona€™s Tail on three maps drawn between 1440 and 1470.
As cultured persons, both Pigafetta and Magellan would have seen such maps as Walspergera€™s or others of the same family, and they would surely have taken aboard some copies of them.
Long in the possession of a family from Lucca, it went to Austria in the 19th century and was bought for Yale in 1961.
Vietor, then Map Curator of Yale University, reported a gift by an anonymous donor a€?in the form of a magnificent painted world map signed by Henricus Martellus, approximately six feet by four feet (180 x 120 cm).
In a private communication of June 1972, Vietor stated that X-ray examination had revealed no evidence of printing on the paper sheets and that it was hand-drawn, lettered and colored.
It was not foretold on Folio 1 and is clearly an unexpected addition to the codex of picture-islands. He was engaged in building up a large map of the world based on Donus Nicolaus and on Portuguese charts.
On his globe, South Africa, between 23A° and 28A° south, extends a horn of land for hundreds of miles due eastward into the Indian Ocean. Among the thousands of islands Marco Polo reported off the coast of Asia, an enormous Sumatra and Java are found in the south, while to the northeast is the huge island of Cipangu [Japan].
The map is remarkable for its exciting new information, although being imperfect because of its acceptance of classical and medieval antecedents. On the world map in his Insularium at the British Library, he shows the results of Bartholomew Diasa€™ rounding of the Cape of Good Hope in 1488, listing the names of the various ports and landmarks along the way. This was the edge of Ptolemya€™s map - he did not show the full extent of Asia, noting that a€?unknown landsa€? lay beyond. In the north, Greenland is a long, skinny peninsula attached to Europe and north of Scandinavia, a concept derived from the Claudius Clavus map of 1427. One of the Insularium manuscripts at the Laurentian Library in Florence seems to be a working copy, as it has many cross-outs and corrections on the maps and in the texts.
His intelligent effort to reconcile modern discoveries with traditional knowledge, especially Ptolemy, provides a workable model for the world map in a time of rapid change. He worked in Florence prior to 1480, then was away from Italy for about two years before returning to his home town where he was active until his death some time after 1513.
The cartography of such maps is very poor: for instance, on the maps of Hieronymo Girava 1556, Johann Honter 1561, Giacomo Gastaldi 1562 and Francesco Basso 1571, the Rio Amazonas has its source in Patagonia and flows from south to north. He composed a Table of Reigns, a chronological list of Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman sovereigns dating from Nabonasar to Antoninus Pius, a biographical history of kingship. He was interested in the earth, all of it, not just the habitable part, and tried to fit it into a scheme of the universe where it belonged. Marinus had given this matter considerable thought, rejecting all previously devised methods of obtaining congruity on a flat map; yet, according to Ptolemy he had finally selected the least satisfactory method of solving the problem. There is also an introduction to data collection, evaluation, preparations for drawing, how and in what order to mark boundaries, and how to use the appended tables.
When traveling overland it is usually necessary to diverge from a straight line course in order to avoid inevitable land-barriers; and at sea, where winds are changeable, the speed of a vessel varies considerably, making it difficult to estimate over-water distances with any degree of accuracy. The Indian Ocean, which is assumed to be bordered on the south by an unknown continent, uniting southern Africa with eastern Asia, is stated to be the largest sea surrounded by land.
It is these legends which, in some editions, have been placed on the reverse of the maps, and they appear to have been originally intended for that purpose. In Chapter Two Ptolemy said, a€?It remains for us to show how we set down all places, so that when we divide one map into several maps we may be able to accurately locate all of the well-known places through the employment of easily understood and exact measurements.a€? On the other hand, some scholars even go so far as to say that maps were already drawn before certain portions of the text was addressed, so that they could be used as models for the completion of other portions of the text. For instance, in a single map embracing the entire earth, he said, there is a tendency to sacrifice proportion, that is, scale, in order to get everything on the map.
If several regional maps are made to supplement the general world map, they need not a€?measure the same distance between the circlesa€?, that is, be drawn to the same scale, provided the correct relation between distance and direction is preserved.
It demonstrates how Ptolemya€™s world had been systematically divided into twenty-six regions, each of which is mapped on a separate sheet. The reason for this doubt lies in the question of authorship of the maps which accompany extant copies. According to map historian Leo Bagrow, one version, A, contains twenty-six large maps included in the eighth Book of the text, each folded in half and, on the back, having a statement of the region portrayed, its bounds and a list of principle towns. In some manuscripts of the B-version, and in those without maps, the texts from the backs of the maps are combined together in a special edition, divided into chapters numbered 3-28.
Of the Greek manuscripts of the Geographia, as a whole or in part, known today, eleven of the A-version and five of the B-version have maps. The meridians are spaced from each other a€?the third part of an equinoctial hour, that is, through five of the divisions marked on the equatora€?. In Ptolemya€™s time, the latitude, or distance from the equator, was generally astronomically calculated from the length of the longest and the shortest day. The numbers on the right of the Clima give the number of hours in the longest day at different latitudes, increasing from 12 hours at the equator to 24 hours at the Arctic Circle. The a€?breadtha€? of the habitable world according to Ptolemy then equates to 39,500 stades [3,950 miles]. The earth was only 18,000 miles around at the equator; Poseidonius had stated it, Strabo substantiated it, and Ptolemy perpetuated it on his maps. Of these, the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean] is the largest, Our Sea [the Mediterranean] is the next and the Hyrcanian [Caspian] is the smallest. This parallel also passed through Taprobane usually considered the southernmost part of Asia.
As to the source of the Nile, both Greeks and Romans had tried to locate it, but without success. Ptolemy extended the west coast of Africa with a free hand, and even though he reduced the bulge made by Marinus more than half, it was still way out of control. He shows, for the first time, a fairly clear idea of the great north-south dividing range of mountains of Central Asia, which he called Imaus, but he placed it nearly 40A° too far east and made it divide Scythia into two parts: Scythia Intra Imaum and Scythia Extra Imaum Montem [Within Imaus and Beyond Imaus]. His Mediterranean is about 20A° too long, and even after correcting his lineal value of a degree it was still about 500 geographical miles too long. Ptolemy was also the first geographer, excepting Alexander the Great, to return to the correct view advanced by Herodotus and Aristotle, that the Caspian was an inland sea without communication with the ocean (the Christian medieval cartographers were a long time in returning to this representation of the Caspian). Its wealth of detail still constitutes one of the most important sources of information for the historian and student of ancient geography. Many of the legends and conventional signs that he used are still employed by cartographers with only slight modifications. Ptolemya€™s works were, however, thriving and contributing valuable insight to knowledgeable Arabs and those having access and understanding of the Arab or Greek language (it was only in the Islamic states and in these languages that the works of the Alexandrian scientist were preserved (see monographs #212, #213, #214-17, lbn Said, al-lstakhri, Ibn Hauqal, al-Kashgari, etc.
Very few scholars, let alone other literate persons in Western Europe were familiar with the Greek language at this time, therefore this translation was a great stimulus to a€?popularizinga€? Ptolemy.
Curiously enough it was first printed at Vincenza in 1475 (the date printed of 1462 is in error) without maps! The evidence is purely circumstantial, though the map would have been more encouraging to anyone hoping to circumnavigate Africa, and Crinoa€™s thesis has had no other advocates. Oddly, there is no city view of Genoa [Janua], while Venice is represented by an impressive set of buildings. Much scholarly ink has been spilled over the meaning of this caption, particularly cum Marino. It therefore indicates the longitude of the habitable world as about twice that of the latitude. Hugh of Saint Victor had described the world as being the shape of Noaha€™s Ark, and Ranulf Higden world maps were oval (#232). It is interesting that the maker of the Genoese map mentions peculiar customs (cannibalism, people who have no names) but no a€?monstrous races,a€? that is, people with aberrant physical characteristics, other than the pygmies. Gog and Magog are enclosed in northeast Asia, Noaha€™s Ark rests on a mountain range in Armenia, and the Red Sea is red, though there is no text about the passage of the Israelites through its waters. There are four prominent sea monsters in the Indian Ocean, which ocean thus remains a venue for exotic wonders.
The legend says that the creature sprang out of the water and attacked some cows pasturing on the shore, and then was captured and mounted and exhibited in Venice and elsewhere.
By reason of the limited space, the geographical details inserted in this section of the map are not numerous; indeed, of no part of the map can it be said that the author has crowded it with details. The Rhone, the Rhine, the Po and the Danubea€”the latter with an extensive deltaa€”have been inscribed in a manner which leaves no doubt as to their identity, while into the Black Sea, which with the Sea of Azov is well drawn, flow the rivers Don and Dnieper, and into the Caspian Sea flows the Volga, though no names are affixed.
Here we also find the representation of a ruler, Lordo Rex with genuine Mongol features, the chief of the Golden Horde. To the south of Ireland, in the ocean, we find the following legend: Concerning Ireland two [stories] are told. The names of nine cities in addition are given in northern Italy: Florentia, Ravenna, Ancerra, Borletta, Bor[i], Rana, Galta, and Napoli, with one illegible. After the Alexandrian, the second main authority for the eastern portion is Nicolo Conti, the Venetian traveler, who reached the East Indian islands and perhaps southern China, returned to Italy in 1439 and whose narrative was written down by Poggio Bracciolini shortly after 1447.
In the extreme east are two large islands, Java major and Java minor, and to the southeast two smaller islands Sanday et Bandam.
In this enormous prison, labeled Scythia ultra Ymaum montem [Scythia beyond Mount Ymaus], is the word MAGOG in large letters (perhaps in Ezekiela€™s sense as a country?). The remarkably strong ebb and flow of the waters in the Persian Gulf at the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, observed by Conti, is thought by the Genoese cartographer worthy of mention: Sinus persicus in quo mare fluit et refluit velut oceanus [The Persian Gulf, in which the sea ebbs and flows as in the ocean]. This section of the coast could not well remain unknown to travelers coming from the mouth of the Indus River. The legend on the Genoese map relates in part to the Chinese junks, in part to the trade with India, which in the 15th century was in the hands of the Arabians, from whom the Portuguese seized it. Near the Persian Gulf in Arabia a mountain is represented, out of which flows a river, emptying north of Mecca, which doubtless is the Betius of Ptolemy. This is doubtless one of the passes lying somewhat to the west, where Scythia on the north joins with the highlands of Iran, and is probably the Khyber.


This lake, mentioned in the fabulous stories concerning India in the middle ages, is, again, derived from Conti. In the extreme northwest, in genuine medieval fashion, a leopard and a griffin have been sketched. In this part of Asia the cosmographer places the land of Magog, whence Jews, Mohammedans, and also Christians of the middle ages, expected the coming of the destructive races at the last day. In Armenia appears Azerum, and to the southeast of this, in an incorrect position, Sauasto. In the interior, Jerusalem, Damascus, placed far to the north; Antioch and, less accurately placed, Tiberias. Among the cities Media Arabie appears most conspicuous, and the tower decorated with a flag, and lying on the coast, is undoubtedly Dschidda, Contia€™s Zidem. In the interior are Tauria, a center of trade with remote Asia and India; and Ragis, the ancient Rhagas, a residence of Mohammedan princes, and, since the destruction by the Mongolians, a vast ruin, out of which in part the neighboring Teheran is built.
Testango, which Pizigani calls Trestago, is Tysch-kandy on the Mertwyi-Kultuk Bay, whence the commercial highway led from the Caspian Sea over the Ust-Urt plateau to Organzin, the ancient capital city Chowaresmiens on the Darjalyk. By this we are to understand Coromandel, lying on the east coast, since it appears evident the legend refers to Meliapur. Meliapur is distinguished by a Christian church with a cross and the legend, Here lies the body of the apostle Saint Thomas. The Genoese cartographer appears to have known the trend of the coast even to Cape Verde, although his representation of the coast southward of Cape Bojador is far from correct in its details. These last-named cartographers call this gulf Sinus Aethiopicus, while the Genoese cartographer, the name being repeated many times, designates the mainland as Ethiopia, and his legend here reads: Contrary to the tradition of Ptolemy, this is a gulf, but Pomponius speaks of it with its islands.
Before this bay, that is, in the open waters of the Indian Ocean, is represented a fish with a swinea€™s head. In the extreme south of the continent the Mountains of the Moon are represented as snow-covered, with the following explanatory legend: These are the Mountains of the Moon, which, in the Egyptian language, are called Gebelcan, in which mountains the river Nile rises, and from which, in the summer-time, when the snows melt, a very large stream flows. It was the Abyssinian Christians whom the cosmographers, at the close of the 14th century, had to thank for information concerning their country. Marco Polo ascribes the use of war elephants to the inhabitants of Zanzibar, while Masa€™udi expressly states that their land was rich in elephants, which, however, were neither tamed, nor were they used in any manner.
A river empties in the Syrtus west of Masrata, which comes from a lake in the neighborhood of Wadam, and which is called by Idrisi Palmenoase, a river five daysa€™ journey south of the Great Syrtus.
In addition to the elephant and the crocodile, a camel is represented in the southwest, and near it a mythical animal, which may be a dragon or a basilisk, and which, according to tradition, inhabited Africa in antiquity and in the middle ages. For instance, the name Ethiopia appears six times, and in addition, in Western Europe, Ethiopia interior, and in the east, Ethiopia Egypti. To tackle this question, it is necessary to hypothesize on the mapmakera€™s intentions and study the way he handles the space on his map. Just as important are the various dimensions of meaning on the Genoese World Map relating to faith and social life. Today, in character with the preferences of our own culture, we are persuaded to live our everyday life in a homogeneous, absolute space, neatly separated from time, notwithstanding that Albert Einstein disproved this notion.
Compare, for instance, this Catalan-Estense map (#246), the Walsperger world map (#245) and this Genoese world map, all of approximately the same date, ca. 9: Ejaculatory duct cyst (big pink arrow) associated with both seminal (pink arrowhead) and deferens (small pink arrow) ectasic ducts. 13: Cystic degeneration in a patient of 69-years-old with Bening Prostatic Hypertrophy with enlarged transitional zone which indentation into the vesical floor. 16: Seminal vesicle cyst in a 39-year-old man with hematuria and renal left hypoplasic kidney. 20: Abnormal location of Foley’s cuff at the prostatic urethra which can mimic cystic prostatic lesion.
21: Ureterohydronephrosis with ureterocele mimetizing a prostatic cyst in a 12 year-old boy with obstrutive urinary symptoms and pelvic pain. Suprapubic sonograhy shows a better defined complex cystic lesion with thick walls (pink arrow).
Ptolemya€™s geographical writings, largely unknown to Western Europeans during the earlier Christian Middle Ages in Europe, became the basis for the Renaissance in geography. His entire hopes of gaining support from King John in 1485 for such an enterprise as sailing westward to Cathay rested on his argument that it lay only 130A° to 140A° to the west. A manuscript copy of Polo and his travels was given by the Doge of Venice to Prince Pedro in 1427 and was thereafter in the Kinga€™s Treasury in Lisbon. Measurements of altitudinal height of the sun by astrolabe or quadrant were accurate on land but could be 2A° or more out on the rolling deck of a ship.
23 is in the handwriting of Bartholomew, and was identified as his by Bishop Bartolomeo de Las Casas, who knew him well. He says that in this place he found by the astrolabe that he was 45A° below the equator and that this place is 3,100 leagues distant from Lisbon [19,850 km]. It was to influence the Catholic Sovereigns who were in the dark owing to the intense secrecy by Portugal regarding discovery. There is no record extant of anyone reporting that they had seen any land or island south of the equator, nor did anybody pretend to have explored the inner part of a trans-Atlantic continent and to have mapped its rivers. We may thus believe that this knowledge already existed before Martellus, and we should look at older maps in search of the sources that he could have had at his disposal. They thus knew that, following their maps, they would have to sail to the south along the coast of the Dragona€™s Tail until they reached the Land of Giants, and that at the end of that land, they would find a passage to the West, to the Sinus Magnus, and thus a way to the Moluccas. It shows a great deal more ocean to the east of Asia with several large islands in it, including Japan in the far northeast. Signora Carla Marzoli of Milan, in a private communication, stated that this large map a€?had left Italy into the possession of family centuries ago and had been lodged in a Swiss bank for safety, for a long time.a€™ In 1959, through trade channels, she learned that this map was for sale.
It uses the homeopathic (heart-shaped) projection, as far as can be judged, for it lacks meridians and parallels and scales.
They all omitted Cipangu but he found a separate map of Cipangu in a codex which had the same outlines as those in the Behaim globe of 1492. It was, like all important maps at that time, drawn on sheets of parchment which could be joined together almost invisibly, and mounted on linen.
In the Indian Ocean, the islands of Madagascar and Zanzibar, rather poorly drawn, add an intriguing aspect. It was the most accurate delineation available to Martin Behaim when he constructed his globe exhibiting the pre-Columbian world. On the Martellus map there is a long peninsula to the east of the Golden Chersonese (Indochina), featuring the mysterious port of Cattigara. The Mediterranean and Black Seas and the Atlantic coasts are taken from sea charts, while the east coast of Africa, as yet unexplored, also follows Ptolemya€™s design. Here the habitable world is extended to 265A°, with northern Asia coming right up against the right-hand border. According to historian Chet Van Duzer who is participating in a new (2014) digital image scanning of the Yale Martellus, a€?In northern Asia, Martellus talks about this race of wild people who dona€™t have any wine or grain but live off the flesh of deer and ride deer-like horsesa€?.
The role of experience was clearly important to Martellus, for in his copy of the Laurentian Insularium he includes a verse about his own travels, noting that he has been traveling around for many years, and adding that it is worthwhile but difficult to set a white sail upon the stormy sea.
It is a cleanly-engraved copperplate, with finely-stippled sea and six characteristic loose-haired wind-heads grouped round the border of the map. A legend at the bottom referring to the date 1498 is clearly an error for 1489, and has been copied as such from the 1489 Martellus manuscript world map with obviously similar geographic content to that of Rosselli. These maps depicted graphically the theory that Cipangu [Japan] was but 3,500 miles (5,635 kilometers) westward, and only 1,500 miles (2,415 kilometers) further lay the shores of Cathay [China].
23 is in the handwriting of Bartholomew, and was identified as his by Bishop Bartolomeo de Las Casas, who knew him well.A  Arthur Davies has made a long study of the writing of the Columbus brothers and states, without a shadow of doubt that it is in the hand of Bartholomew. Little is known personally of this pivotal man aside from the general period during which he was active ca.
His Analemma was mathematical description of a sphere projected on a plane, subsequently known as an a€?orthographic projection,a€? which greatly simplified the study of gnomonics.
He was also interested in the relationships between the earth and the sun, the earth and the moon, in scientific cause and effect of climate; and above all, he was concerned with a scientifically accurate portrayal of the spherical earth in a convenient readable form. These Byzantine copies of the Geographia are comprised of eight a€?Booksa€? which Ptolemy introduces by supplying two very influential definitions - that of chorography and geography. Marinus had laid out a grid of strait lines equidistant from one another for both his parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Because while Ptolemy employs his conical projection in his first general world map, for the remaining twenty-six special regional maps he uses the rectangular projection of Marinus with due observance of the ratio between the longitude and latitude at the base of the map.
Books II-VI and the first four chapters of Book VII are devoted to a complete catalogue of some 8,000 inhabited localities laid down in the twenty-six special maps of the geography.
Nevertheless Ptolemy concluded that the most reliable way of determining distances was by astronomical observation, and by no other method could one expect to fix positions accurately.
In addition, a description of a projection of the inhabited hemisphere on a plane, by which it could retain its circular outline, or globular aspect is also given. The better known regions have many place-names, while the lesser known have few, and, unless the map is carefully drawn, it will have some crowded, illegible areas, and some where distances are unduly extended. Ptolemy repeated that it would be not too far from the truth if instead of circles we draw straight lines for meridians and parallels.
Generally these sheets are of about the same size, but the scales vary according to the space required for the legends. Did Ptolemy actually design and construct the maps himself, were they made by a draftsman working under his supervision, or were they added, perhaps as late as 1450, by an energetic editor who thought the text needed some graphic emendation? The geographical coordinates of these towns are given, not in degrees, but in time; the longitude is expressed in hours and minutes corresponding to the distance from the meridian of Alexandria (one hour = 15 degrees, one minute = 15 minutes of a degree), and the latitude is expressed in terms of the length of the longest day, in hours and minutes (the greater the distance from the equator, the longer the day in summer).
Some of the manuscripts without maps contain references to accompanying maps, since lost, and in others, spaces have been left for maps to be inserted.
In other words, the total span of twelve hours, representing the length of the habitable world, was to be partitioned by a series of thirty-six meridians spaced five degrees apart at the equator and converging at the North Pole.
The earth was accordingly divided into a number of zones, parallel to the equator and within which these days had a certain length, for instance of 12 -13, or 15 -16 hours. Ptolemy a€?correcteda€? this length to 180A° (9,000 miles), still 50A° (2,500 miles) too long, an error arising from using the Fortunate Islands as his prime meridian which he placed about seven degrees (350 miles) too far to the east.
It is very unlikely, in view of the secrecy attached to all maps and surveys of the Roman Empire.
This a€?shorter distancea€? that a mariner would have to travel west from the shores of Spain in order to reach the rich trading centers of Asia may have contributed to Columbusa€™ belief, or that of his royal sponsors, that they could compete with their rival neighbors, Portugal, in the newly opened sea-trade with India by sailing west. The Emperor Nero had sent an expedition into Upper Egypt, and it had penetrated as far as the White Nile, about 9A° N latitude.
On the same approximate parallel he located the region called Agisymba, inhabited by Ethiopians and abounding in rhinoceri, supposedly discovered by Julius Maternus, a Roman general. A more obvious area to stretch the length of the world was in eastern Asia where there was every likelihood of additional territory yet unexplored. Asia and Africa are extended considerably to the east and south, far more so than on any previous maps, but not without cause. His Mare Nostrum, from Marseilles to the opposite point on the coast of Africa, is 11A° of latitude instead of the actual 6.5A°.
This is especially true in the study of the earliest tribes that encompassed the Roman Empire in the first century of the Christian era, who were at that time barbarians, but who later bore the burden of civilization in Europe. He originated the practice of orienting maps so that North is at the top and East to the right, a custom so universal today that many people are lost when they try to read a map oriented any other way. Planudes constructed a map based upon the instructions found in Ptolemya€™s eight books and subsequently, through Athanasios, Patriarch of Alexandria, had a copy of the Geographia, with maps made for Emperor Andronicus III. He is also credited with the four-page world map found in some manuscripts, chiefly the B-version.
When Chrysoloras was unable to complete the translation, it was finished by one of his students, Jacobus Angelus of Scarparia, between 1406 and 1410. In all, seven editions were printed in the 15th century, of which six were provided with large maps in folio, and thirty-three in the following century (a selected list taken from Tooley accompanies this monograph).
However, the map is not well preserved, a fact due in part to careless handling, in part to its peculiar mounting which evidently is very old.
The map was made not for practical use but for display, probably in the library of the Spinola family. It has been read to refer to Marino Sanudoa€™s map, to the knowledge of sailors (though ungrammatically), and to Marinos of Tyre. It is, however, but mere conjecture to assert that our draughtsman had a Marinus map before him while working out his sketch, though it conforms to the geographical notion of that ancient cartographer.
A standard way of describing the earth, from Bede to the Catalan Atlas (#235), was to compare it to an egg. But since this is a description of the cosmographers, who make no mention of it, it is omitted from this narration.a€? Who are the cosmographers, who also appeared in the caption cited above but in a more negative context? Angelo Cattaneo has identified the source of this legend as Chapter 18 of Pero Tafura€™s Andancas e viajes de Pero Tafur por diversas partes del mundo avidos, written c.
Between the Dniester, at that time the western boundary of the Mongol empire, and the Dnieper is the city Lordo, a name that often appears in references to treaty relations established between the Mongols and the people of the Occident.
Here we also find Lisbona, Sibilla, Taragona, Barcelona, Saragosa, and a few other names which are illegible. From the names given which so frequently appear in the history of the period that of Constantinople is omitted.
All these are taken from the Conti narrative: Java major is thought to be Borneo, and Java minor the island now known by that name. West of the Golden Chersonese is an animal with the tail of a fish, a humanlike head and large horns and ears, with outstretched arms so attached to the body as to make them serviceable in flying or swimming. Heinrich Wuttke (Karten der seefahrenden Volker) provides a transcription of the captions in the margins and in the figure. In the place of Ptolemya€™s Taprobana two islands are represented, the larger of which, though appearing in outline to be Taprobana, is rather to be taken as a representation of Sumatra, while the smaller bears the name Ceylon.
The inhabitants of this Taprobana, which in their language is called Ciamutera, are barbarians, having large ears in which they wear ornaments, and they dress in linen clothes. According to a conjecture of Yule, the name Sumara, which appears in a manuscript of Marco Polo as the name of one of the kingdoms of the island, is only a corruption of Sumatra. The other legend, near the picture of a three-masted ship, reads: The Indian Sea is filled with many islands, rocks and sand-banks. Chinese junks, after an interval of five hundred years, again sailed the Indian Ocean at the end of the 13th century. In addition to the sails, which were made of bamboo matting and attached to four or more masts, these Indian ships had rudders, which were handled by from ten to thirty men.
Marco Polo called it the Sea of Ghel, or Ghelan, since Gilan, the city whence silks came, was to the Italians the best-known city on its shores. A mountain range farther eastward, and stretching in a northeast-southwest direction, is the east Iranian mountain range, along which flows the Indus. Here was a national highway over which, immediately preceding this period, the wild people of central Asia so frequently came into southern Asia. In these rather remarkable sketches we probably have a reference to the lakes of Udaipur and Dbar on the southern highlands of Mewar, which lakes in fact lie between the Indus and the Ganges. Yule refers to it as one known in the fourth century of the Christian era, in which allusion is made to the hyacinth or jacinth. In Turkestan is the legend King Cambellannas, son of the great Khan, by which legend is probably meant Timur, who reunited the numerous small kingdoms into which, about 1350, Dschagati had fallen. On most of the early maps of the middle ages this land of Gog and Magog is represented, but with the advance of knowledge of Asia the names were given to lands further northward.
Of the cities which are here most distinguished there may be named Sinope, which is adorned with a Genoese banner. Of the cities of Parthia only the name Yier appears, by which perhaps Dschordschan is meant. Maabar, it should be noted, is not to be confounded with Malabar, or Melibar of Marco Polo. There was scarcely a Christian traveler from the time of Montecorvino and Marco Polo, returning with information concerning the so-called Thomas Christians, who had failed to visit Meliapur near Madras, since the place of Saint Thomasa€™ burial was a sacred spot not only to Christians but also to Mohammedan pilgrims.
The Arnona Civitas of the Genoese cartographer seems to lie in about the position of Contia€™s Cernove, reached by him in a fifteen daysa€™ journey from the mouth of the river. The southern coast of Africa is made to extend in a flattened curve toward the east, which representation is similar to that on the world maps of Sanudo, of Leardo, and of Fra Mauro (#228, #242, #249). A legend here reads: This animal, called the sea hog, gathers its food with its snout like the land hog. This legend gives us the Arabic name for the Mountains of the Moon as Gebelcan, which is doubtless the same as Gebel Camr. The Blue Nile, however, is represented according to most recent information from Abyssinia; this river, uniting with the Atbara, forms one river which flows out of a large lake, in which an island is represented. It may be noted that even today the banks of this lake, as well as its islands, are the site of numerous churches and monasteries.
There can be no doubt that in the lands on the west side of the Red Sea elephants were captured by the Ptolemies in great numbers, tamed and made use of in war, as Ptolemy Euergetes testifies in the inscription from Adulis that he employed Troglodytic and Ethiopian elephants against those from India. It is difficult to determine whether by this Wadi Schegea or Wadi um el Cheil is to be understood. One here recalls the description which Idrisi gives of a dragon living on an oasis to the east of Sahara, so enormous in size that it was often mistaken for a mountain. But since that is a representation of cosmographers who have given no description of it, therefore an account of it is here omitted.
What is clear is the mapmakera€™s declaration of intent, his striving for accuracy and a near-natural depiction of the world, all of which make his map look rather modern. Using these histories, he concentrated his attention on certain regions, emphasizing especially Asia, distinguishing certain locations through different forms of depiction, thereby creating a hierarchical space. Perhaps in answering certain questions one should not look too hard for historical transitions or changes in cartography, as this tempts one to privilege current representational conventions. Therefore, although this study focuses on maps that are centuries old, it just might enhance our understanding of the current conflict between our daily experience and our theoretical knowledge of space and time. Remarck the elongated and thickened vas deferens urethelial wall (small arrow) that corresponds to signs of inflammatory changes. Notice that both seminal vesicles are enlarged due to possible obstruction from the cyst (small arrows). The Martellus delineation included some Ptolemaic dogma in its continental contours and projection but significantly modified and improved upon the ancient model with regards to its contents. The coast of Cathay is approximately 130A° West of Lisbon on the Martellus map, on the Behaim globe and in the Columbus-Toscanelli concept. Copious marginal notes, in the handwriting of Bartholomew and his older brother Christopher, are found in the Admirala€™s copy of the printed book of Marco Polo published at Louvain between 1485 and 1490. The coasts charted by Diaz have been fitted into the circular outline of the world of the Fra Mauro hemisphere, representing such a marked trend to the southeast that the Cape of Good Hope seems to be due south of the Persian Gulf, whereas it is due south of the Adriatic.
Yet the Martellus map shows South Africa extending across the frame of the map to 45A° south. He has described this voyage and plotted it league by league on a marine chart in order to place it under the eyes of the Most Serene King himself. This dates the legend as 1489, probably in January of that year, just before Bartholomew went to Seville.
Arthur Davies, in his discussion of this map refers to it as the Tiger-leg peninsula; in others it is referred to as Catigara. The best preserved copy is in the British Library and there is also a poorer copy in the University of Leiden. Considering that in 1489 Martellus knew about the inner courses of many South American rivers, we have no reason to doubt that, forty years earlier, Andreas Walsperger (#245) knew of the Patagonians. The meeting with the Tewelche in Saint Julian was the full confirmation, for Magellan and Pigafetta, of what they already knew from their maps. The Laon globe (#259), made in France about 1493 (probably by Bartholomew Columbus when he served Anne, Regent of France) has the Tiger-leg to 40A° south. She examined it and saw its connection with the Martellus map in the British Library and with the conceptions of Columbus. Fortunately, Martellus copied most of the nomenclature and legends on to the smaller map, now in the British Library, so the a€?Yalea€™ Martellus can recover them without difficulty. Next come three regional maps, striking because of the enormous nomenclature on the coasts.
The three manuscript maps were larger in scale and showed more detail than the codex world map. This large map, 180 cm by 120 cm, formed a standard Portuguese world map, continually added to by new discoveries, including those of CA?o and Diaz.
Some historians claim that their presence indicates the map cannot be dated before 1498, when Vasco da Gama returned with news of his voyage to India.
Modern Africa is so long, however, that it breaks through the frame at the lower edge of the map. Unlike Ptolemya€™s Asia, Martellusa€™ version has an eastern coast with the island-bedecked ocean beyond and additional names taken from Marco Polo.
From this we can see that in the Insularia Martellus used modern information when he had it, incorporating it into a classical format.
Martellusa€™s depiction of rivers and mountains in the interior of southern Africa, along with place names there, appear to be based on African sources.
He suggests that the reader might prefer to stay safely at home, and learn about the world through his book. Like its model, the projection is the barrel-shaped (homeoteric, or modified spherical) a€?second projectiona€™ of Ptolemy.
Columbus thus had documentary support for his beliefs about oceanic distances from his readings of earlier cosmographers, Cardinal Da€™Ailly (#238) and Paolo Toscanelli (#252). Its shape, outline and position are identical with the representation of Cipangu on the Behaim globe. His work entitled PlanisphA¦rium [the Planisphere], described a sphere projected on the equator, the eye being at the pole, a projection later known as a€?stereographica€?. More than any one of the ancients, Claudius Ptolemy succeeded in establishing the elements and form of scientific cartography.
He defines chorography as being selective and regional in approach, a€?even dealing with the smallest conceivable localities, such as harbors, farms, villages, river courses, and the likea€?. Its position under the heavens is extremely important, for in order to describe any given part of the world one must know under what parallel of the celestial sphere it is located.
He seems to have studied and made astronomical observations in Tyre, the oldest and largest city of Phoenicia, which, even at that late date, maintained important commercial relations with remote parts of the world.
This was contrary to both truth and appearance, and the resulting map was badly distorted with respect to distance and direction, for if the eye is fixed on the center of the quadrant of the sphere which we take to be our inhabited world, it is readily seen that the meridians curve toward the North Pole and that the parallels, though they are equally spaced on the sphere, give the impression of being closer together near the poles.
Traditional information regarding distances should be subordinated, especially the primitive sort, for tradition varies from time to time, and if it must enter into the making of maps at all, it is expedient to compare the records of the ancient past with newer records, a€?deciding what is credible and what is incrediblea€?.
It is remarkable that such questions never seemed to have occurred to Ptolemy, as: What is there to be found beyond Serica and Sinarum Situs? Ptolemy himself never actually employed this manner of projection, which has since, through more or less modified, been preferred by geographers for maps representing one of the hemispheres. Some map makers have a tendency to exaggerate the size of Europe because it is most populous, and to contract the length of Asia because little is known about the eastern part of it. As for his own policy, he said, a€?in the separate maps we shall show the meridians themselves not inclined and curved but at an equal distance one from another, and since the termini of the circles of latitude and of longitude of the habitable earth, when calculated over great distances do not make any remarkable excesses, so neither is there any great difference in any of our mapsa€?.
As this diagram shows, each regional map would encompass, besides its own proper territory, some parts of the neighboring countries.
Ptolemy does not state specifically in his text whether he personally made any maps, and proponents of the theory that Ptolemy made no maps for this Geographia base their case on the notation in two of the existing manuscript copies, that a cartographer named AgathodA¦mon of Alexandria was the author of the accompanying map(s). It is no less difficult, also, to determine when the maps of the two versions (A and B) were made. The meridians in the southern hemisphere are extended from the equator at the same angle as those above it, but instead of converging at the South Pole they terminated at the parallel 8A° 25a€™ below the equator. The concept of the division of the earth into zones began as early as the sixth century B.C. While Ptolemya€™s map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination. More specifically, Ptolemya€™s knowledge concerning the fringes of the habitable world and civilization was broader than earlier writers, such as Strabo (#115), but in some respects it was a little confused. With Thule as the northern limit of Ptolemya€™s habitable world, he thus extended the breadth of this world from less than 60A° (Eratosthenes and Strabo) to nearly 80A°.
The silk trade with China had produced rumors of vast regions east of the Pamir and Tian Shan, hitherto the Greek limits of Asia.
These distortions represented an actual extension of geographical knowledge and are doubtless based on exaggerated reports of distances traveled. 80) containing sailing directions from the Red Sea to the Indus and Malabar, indicated that the coast from Barygaza [Baroch] had a general southerly trend down to and far beyond Cape Korami [Comorin], and suggested a peninsula in southern India.
While Ptolemy's map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination.
To be sure, there are other geographical fragments, individual maps and charts, isolated examples of the best in Greek, Roman, and Arabic cartography, but Ptolemya€™s Geographia is the only extant geographical atlas which has come down to us from the ancients. His map projections, the conical and modified spherical, as well as the orthographic and stereographic systems developed in the Almagest, are still in use.
This particular copy has not been recovered, however another copy attributed to Planudes is preserved, in part, in the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos. It was also during this time, the 14th century, that the twenty-six maps of the A-version were divided up into sixty-four. This oldest Latin translation of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (confusingly and arbitrarily titled Cosmographia by Angelus) was at first disseminated in numerous, often splendidly decorated manuscript copies. A re-issue of the preceding, but with a new title-page, an account of the New World by Marcus Beneventanus, and a new map of the world by Ruysch, Nova Tabula. The most important edition of Ptolemy, containing the 27 maps of the ancient world and 20 maps based on contemporary knowledge, under the superintendence of Martin WaldseemA?ller.
Maps, with the exception of Asia V, printed from the same blocks as 1522 edition, and like them almost unaltered copies on a reduced scale of the maps of the 1513 edition. To prevent the crinkling of the parchment, as would appear, it has been mounted on four boards of suitable width and of about half an inch in thickness, which boards have been adjusted to fold.
In support of the last idea, it is noteworthy that the map appears to extend 225A° by 87A°, the extent of the habitable world, according to him. This abandonment of the more common circular form enabled the cartographer to show features that were increasingly squeezed on 15th century mappaemundi. The main purpose of the analogy seems to have been to describe the various spheres surrounding the earth (egg white, shell), but the idea of an egg shape could have been derived from these works. In the Indian Ocean are shown a mermaid and a fish with a devila€™s head, while on land nearby is a snake with a human head.
Prester John is represented behind a wall, protecting him from the future rampages of Gog and Magog. This monster is said to attack the ships of the Indians, usually breaking them immediately, but its crest can get stuck in the ship's wood and as a result the creature, unable to escape, kills itself.
Sara was the capital of the Kipchak, and in the 14th century was a city of great importance, but in 1395 was destroyed by Timur.
Though the names Sanday and Bandam have not been satisfactorily explained, the reference in the legend to spices and cloves makes it fairly certain that they are islands of the Moluccas group. If we have here an attempt at a representation of the Gulf of Siam, the city Pauconia is probably Bangkok.
A legend gives the following information: This species of fish, recently [caught?] in Candia, feeds upon the meadows of the shore like cows. A legend near this reads: The island of Ceylon, having a circumference of three thousand miles, is rich in rubies, sapphires, and cata€™s-eyes, and produces cinnamon from trees similar to our willow tree. Marco Polo, the first traveler from the west who seems to have brought definite word from Sumatra, called it Java the Less, under which name, however, according to the Genoese cartographer, we are to understand Java or Borneo. Their ships, therefore, are constructed with many compartments, to the end that if they are broken in any part, the remaining parts may be sufficiently strong to complete the course. Marco Polo, who, on his homeward journey, sailed in one of them as far as Malabar, gives us a detailed picture of these boats. The larger vessels also carried small boats, which were used, as Marco Polo states, a€?to lay out the anchors, catch fish, bring supplies aboard, and the like. Mons Synai, near the northern border of the Red Sea, is represented, on the summit of which is the Convent of St.
Aside from the Volga and the Ural, two other rivers are here represented, rising in a range of mountains that extends in an east-west direction.
This river forms through its four outlets a conspicuous delta, and receives from the neighboring mountain range two tributaries.
Indeed, from the most ancient times this important highway was the connecting link between northern and southern Asia, and its architectural ruins a€”the fortifications erected by the different peoples at different timesa€”point to its significance. It was one known to the Byzantines, to the Arabs, and to the Chinese, but it seems to owe its origin to India. King Cambalech, that is, the Great Khan, is represented in a picture as ruling Cathay, and the King of India is represented on horseback with sword in hand. Here the cosmographer seems to rely in the main on Arabic sources, and especially on Idrisi. On the Persian Gulf lies Ragan, by which Arragan is probably to be understood, whose ruins are found in the vicinity of the present Babahan, with Fars on the Ab Ergum. Destroyed first by Genghis Khan in 1221, and again by Timur, this great Asiatic frontier commercial city in the time of Conti was in ruins. The tradition that the holy Thomas preached Christianity in India, suffered martyrdom, and was buried in a mountain had its origin in very early times.
Conti gives a vivid description of this part of the Ganges River, up which river, as he states, he sailed for the space of three months; and from his description one might conclude that he had passed entirely through Hindustan, and that after he had made the desired commercial observations he turned about to make a long sojourn in Maharatia, perhaps one of the four important cities to which he refers. The southern continental boundary of the Indian Ocean appearing on Ptolemya€™s world maps, reduced to a long and narrow peninsula by Sanudo and Fra Mauro, is still further reduced by the Genoese cartographer. The name Djihal-alqamar, Mountains of the Moon, according to a conjecture of Kiepert, was derived in Ptolemya€™s time erroneously from Djibal-qomr, Blue Mountains. Meroe, however, does not, as with Ptolemy, lie on a river island, but on a river peninsula.
The large island Dek, or the Holy Daga Island, dedicated to Saint Stephen, is now inhabited by hermit monks, and to it the outside world is not admitted. In Tunis a river is made to empty into the Mediterranean, which is probably the Medscherda, with one branch emptying on the north side of the Gulf of Tunis, and with another into the Gulf of Hammamet.
It had the form of a snake in that it crawled on the ground, but had large ears extending forward. Professor Fischer thinks this is to be understood as signifying that the Genoese cosmographer based his information on pre-Christian authors, that is, Pliny and Ptolemy, while omitting his own view concerning the position of the earthly paradise. The mapmaker saw apparently no inconsistency in depicting different times simultaneously or one element in multiple locations, melding time and space seems to be effected unconsciously. In studying cosmological models of the Middle Ages, it would be more constructive to look for continuities that might even expose our modern understanding of homogeneous space as an illusion. The position of the seminal vesicle (SV) indicates the superior orientation of the prostate.
Kimble demonstrated that, as far as 13A° South, the nomenclature of West African coasts is 80% identical in the two maps but bears no relation to the nomenclature of any other map of the period. The minor differences in location between these three must be seen against the enormous exaggeration of the extent of Eurasia which they exhibit in comparison with all previous estimates.
The only other claim that the Cape was at 45 degrees south is in the hand of Bartholomew Columbus. It suited Columbus admirably and it is likely that Bartholomew made the change at his direction. It is shown to more than 25A° south in the Cantino map of 1502 (Book IV, #306), Canerio map of 1504 (Book IV, #307), the WaldseemA?ller maps of 1507, 1513 (Book IV, #310) and many others.
The map is surrounded by a dozen puffing classical wind heads, and for the first time in a non-Ptolemaic map, there is a latitude and longitude scale on the side.
At her request, Roberto Almagia and Raleigh Skelton examined it and pronounced it authentic. The first is of Western Europe and Morocco, cut off in the east through the center of France; the second starts from this line and extends east as far as Naples and Tunis. The Martelli were a prominent merchant family in Florence, and Enrico Martello sounds Italian enough.
If the two Ptolemy atlases can be dated as the first and last of his works, it is interesting to see that he reverts to the pure Ptolemaic form for the world in the later edition, with the lengthened Mediterranean and the closed Indian Ocean. Ita€™s likely that this information came from an African delegation that visited the Council of Florence in 1441 and interacted with European geographers. This provided him with the ammunition to further promote his plan to sail west to reach the Indies.
The Martellus map in the British Library is less than 20 inches (50 cm) from west to east, and is on a scale one-quarter that of the Yale map.
90 to 168 (during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius) and that he lived in, or near, Alexandria Egypt. This he did through his second great treatise, Geographike Syntaxis, called by him, a€?the geographical guide to the making of mapsa€?, and, in later centuries, shortened to simply Geographia, or (incorrectly) Cosmographia. Geography, he said, differs from chorography in that it deals with a€?a representation in picture of the whole known world together with the phenomena that are contained thereina€?. Otherwise how can one determine the length of its days and nights, the stars which are fixed overhead, the stars which appear nightly over the horizon and the stars which never rise above the horizon at all.
This a€?tutora€™ of Ptolemy had read nearly all of the historians before him and had corrected many of their errors (presumable errors relating to the location of places as contained in travelersa€™ itineraries). Ptolemy was well aware that it would be desirable to retain a semblance of spherical proportions on his flat map, but at the same time he decided to be practical about it. With one exception (an Italian translation by Berlinghieri), every editor of Ptolemya€™s Geographia has published, not the original maps, but a modification of them by Nicolaus Germanus (Donis), who, with praiseworthy exactness and without any further alterations, reproduced the originals, on a projection with rectilinear, equidistant parallels and meridians converging towards the poles. It is an exception when geographical or descriptive remarks are added to this bare enumeration of names. Therefore if a geographer were obliged to fall back on the reports of travelers, he should exercise some discrimination in his choice of authorities. What could be found to the north of Thule, or to the south of Agysimba and Cape Prasum: Where would you arrive if you sailed westward from the Fortunate Islands?
And some cartographers surround the earth on all sides with an ocean that, according to Ptolemy are a€?making a fallacious description, and an unfinished and foolish picturea€?.
But, as is also usual in modern atlases, these neighboring areas of the map are only roughly sketched, while the principle area is shown in full detail. From these same manuscripts it is stated that a€?he drew them according to the instructions in the eight books of Claudius Ptolemya€?. Certain indications point to the Byzantine period, with the exception of AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map. And it is highly probable that Ptolemy the astronomer, who is usually discredited by later geographers because of his methods and the kinds of information he compiled, had no more standing among some of his influential contemporaries than he would today in the most approved geographical circles of the civilized world.
The only good reason for discussing a few of the glaring faults of the Geographia is that it was the canonical work on the subject for more than 1400 years.
In the northern regions, for example, he had been ill-advised with regard to Ireland, and positioned it further north than any part of Wales; likewise, Scotland was twisted around so that its length ran nearly east and west. Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times.
All such information was of doubtful origin, and in laying down the coastline of Eastern Asia, Ptolemy ran the line roughly north and south.
Ptolemy, apparently following Marinus, ignored this document, or else never saw it because the shape of his India is unduly broadened and foreshortened. Leaving the habitable world from the Strait at the Pillars of Hercules to the Gulf of Issus, it passed through Caralis in Sardinia and Lilybaeum in Sicily (30A° 12a€™ and 37A° 50a€™ N). Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception, or any later one until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times.
There is nothing in the literature to indicate that any other such systematic collection of maps was ever compiled, with the exception of the maps of Marinus, about which almost nothing is known, save what Ptolemy has mentioned.
The listing of place-names, either in geographical or alphabetical order, with the latitude and longitude of each place to guide the search, is not so different from the modern system of letters and numerals employed to help the reader, a little convenience that is standard on modern maps and Ptolemaic in origin. Four new mapsa€”France, Italy, Spain and Palestinea€”being based on contemporary knowledge. The map of the world is the first to show contemporary discoveries, and the first map to bear the name of its engraver, Johannes Schnitzer de Armssheim. The other 6 mapsa€”northern Europe, Spain, France, Poland, Italy and the Holy Landa€”are based on contemporary knowledge. Includes the Tabula Terra Nova, the first map specifically devoted to the delineation of the New World. In certain parts the colors are yet brilliant, though softened with age; in other parts they have almost disappeared, and nothing has contributed more to this destruction than the nibbing of part-on-part.
Without an expert and minute palaeographical investigation, it is impossible either to accept or reject the attribution to Toscanelli, but Crino presented a case which requires further examination. What we now know about Marinos is mostly from Ptolemya€™s criticism of him, but the Arab geographer al-Maa€™sudi reported in the 10th century that he had seen Marinusa€™ geographical treatise. Jerusalem does not appear in the center of the map but is considerably to the west of a center located south of the Caspian Sea. Another possibility is that the oval form represents the mandorla, or nimbus, which surrounded Christ in many medieval works of art.


The title of Ptolemya€™s work, as it circulated through Italy in the 15th century, was usually given as Cosmographia rather than Geography, a less familiar Greek term. As we might expect from a Genoese map, good use has been made of the nautical chart as well. Van Duzer adds that Tafura€™s account derives from Poggio Bracciolinia€™s Facetiae, written between 1438 and 1452, which describes a very similar monster that attacked some women by the seashore, and was killed and exhibited in Ferrara. Between the Dnieper and the Don the author has made a suggestive reference to the custom of that migratory folk of transporting their houses about with them on wagons drawn by oxen, a custom also attributed to the early Teutons and the Huns. Saratellis, if this is a correct reading of the name, is probably the Saracanco of Balducci Pigolotti.
We may have in this gulf one of the earliest cartographical representations of the Yellow Sea and the Gulf of Petchili.
In this island there is a lake, in the middle of which is a noble city whose inhabitants, given over to astrology, predict all future events. Conti gives to the island a circumference of about two thousand miles, as does Marco Polo, which is very nearly correct.
These, moreover, are supplied with several masts, from three to ten, and having sails made of reeds and palm-leaves joined together, they pursue their courses with great rapidity.
When the ship is under sail, she carries these boats slung to her side.a€? Many of the vessels had as many as four decks, and even the smaller ones, fifty or sixty cabins. Catherine; and we also find here the highlands of Armenia, out of which flow the Euphrates and Tigris, these highlands being especially distinguished by a representation of Noaha€™s Ark.
From the mountain range on the northern border of Parthia, a great range stretches diagonally across the entire Asiatic continent, to the gulf indicated on the east, to which gulf reference has been made. Very properly, the name of Alexander is associated with it, since through his founding of Alexandria ad Caucasum the southern region was secured against the attack of the northern barbarians, the Scythians, who, in the language of the middle ages, were called Tartars. They owe their origin in part to artificial dams, and serve the purpose of reservoirs for artificial irrigation. Northern Asia is properly made to appear as a region covered with pine forests, a representation which is to be found on no other early world map, and which seems to suggest that the Genoese mapmaker was in possession of somewhat detailed information concerning the character of the region. He places Magog north of the mountain range stretching entirely across Asia, Gog south of the same, and on the border range several towers are indicated. In the highlands of Iran appear the names Media, Zilan, Parthia, Aria, Aracosa, Gedrosia, Cormania and Persis. This place, incorrectly located on the coast, is not referred to by Conti, nor is it to be found on any other map.
The name Machin seems clearly to be a modification of the Sanskrit Maha Chin, that is, Great China, a name which the Persian and the Arabic writers frequently used for Manzi, the southern part of China.
Legends are here inscribed on either side of a broad scroll, wherein the author refers to his work and gives the date of its composition, which legends are almost illegible. This seems to refer to the snow-peaks of the Kilimanjaro and Kenya, as seen from a great distance, which mountains send their waters toward the interior of the continent. Even the irrigation canals, which lead out from the Nile in Nubia and Egypt, are represented by the Genoese cartographer.
About the time that the Genoese cartographer produced his map he could well have received excellent information concerning Abyssinia.
A similar river, dividing into two branches near its source, empties into the sea in Algeria east and west of Algiers, and a smaller one east of Ceuta.
Medieval cosmographers place this now in East Africa, now in East Asia, but more frequently in the latter.
Taking his stated aim for truth seriously would imply that all of these features were part of his truth. South of that limit, however, the Martellus map gives the outlines and nomenclature of the voyage of Bartholomew Diaz in 1487-88, while the Behaim globe has invented nomenclature corresponding to nothing in Portuguese cartography.
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that he copied a map which was originally designed to support the ideas of Columbus. Due south of the Malay peninsula, at 28A° South, there appears an enormous peninsula which widens and turns north to join China again with the largely circular concept of the Fra Mauro map. On the face of it, seeing it on the Martellus map, it asserts that Diaz had proceeded north along the cast coast of South Africa to beyond Natal. Columbus hoped Spain would support a voyage westward to Cipangu, 85A° away, and to Cathay 130A° to the west. Of course, this is mostly symbolic, as neither Henricus Martellus nor anyone else had a complete set of accurate coordinates. The sheets of the a€?Yalea€™ Martellus, together with certain regional maps, were acquired by the patron. The one piece of information he gives us about himself, that he had traveled extensively, suggests a career in business.
Again, with the Tigerleg or the Dragona€™s Tail, there has been an controversial attempt to identify it as an early map of South America, turning Ptolemy's a€?Sinus Magnusa€? into the Pacific Ocean. Clearly, Ptolemy maps were considered as illustrations for a revered and ancient text and did not have to include the latest news. Three other surviving maps contain some of this same information, but the Martellus map covers more territory than any of them, making it the most complete surviving representation of Africansa€™ geographic knowledge of their continent in the 15th century. The splendid manuscript of Martellus preserved in the National Library at Florence contains thirteen tabulA¦ modernA¦, but is probably later than the earliest printed editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography.A  However, Martellus revised the Ptolemaic world map based on Marco Poloa€™s information on Asia, and he incorporated the recent Portuguese voyages to Africa.
Due south of the Malay peninsula, at 28A° South, there appears an enormous peninsula which widens and turns north to join China again with the largely circular concept of the Fra Mauro map.A  This peninsula does not exist in fact, and seems to be a repeat of the Donus Nicolaus map of the world in the Ulm Ptolemy, cut away by the circular outline of Fra Mauro. On the face of it, seeing it on the Martellus map, it asserts that Diaz had proceeded north along the cast coast of South Africa to beyond Natal.A  His furthest point, in fact, was the Rio de Infante [Great Fish River] on the south coast, at 34A° south. Although the Columbus brothers knew that Marco Polo had returned from China by this sea route, they inserted this great obstruction of Tiger-leg by 1485.
During the second century, Alexandria was not only the richest city in the world, with regard to learned institutions and treasures of scholarship, but also the wealthiest commercial place on the earth. This work is actually the first general atlas of the world to have survived, rather than a a€?Geographya€? with a long textual introduction to the subject of cartography. As he proceeds to elaborate his definition of geography, it becomes apparent that Ptolemy conceived that the primary function of geography was a€?mapmakinga€?, and that, to him, geography was synonymous with cartography. He had, moreover, edited and revised his own geographic maps, of which at least two editions had been published before Ptolemy saw them. Finally, Ptolemy thought, about all one could do was to locate unfamiliar places as accurately as possible with reference to well-known places, in as much as it is advisable on a map of the entire world to assign a definite position to every known place, regardless of how little is known about it. The longitudes would be determined from the meridian of Alexandria, either at sunrise or sunset, calculating the difference in equinoctial hours between Alexandria and point two, whatever it might be. As mentioned earlier, the original text called for twenty-six regional or special maps, which in all extant manuscript copies bear a strong family resemblance and are laid down on the projection apparently used by Marinus in the form of isosceles trapezoids.
However, this statement has never been dated and, confusingly, AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map employs a projection unlike any proposed by Ptolemya€™s text. But, again, when they were constructed - totally and faithfully copied from the originals, or constructed from Ptolemya€™s instructions but without benefit of original models - is significant in trying to determine the degree of similarity to their a€?prototypea€™ and the possibility of additions or corrections based upon more contemporary knowledge.
Different from what is now accepted as the meaning, this word in ancient maps had a purely geographical, not a meteorological significance, although they also perceived that the climate of a region was somewhat related to its distance from the equator. Similarly he showed the length of the Mediterranean as 62A°, whereas, in reality it is only 42A°.
Geographers of the 15th and 16th centuries relied on it so heavily, while ignoring the new discoveries of maritime explorers, that it actually exerted a powerful retarding influence on the progress of cartography.
Instead of continuing it to the Land of the LinA¦ [seacoast of China] he curved it around to the east and south, forming a great bay, Sinus Magnus [roughly the Gulf of Siam]. Carthage is positioned 1A° 20a€™ south of the parallel of Rhodes; actually it is one degree north of it.
Corrected and amended by a succession of editors, this version also formed the basis upon which all of the editions of the 15th century are built. The text is a metrical paraphrase by Francesco Berlinghieri, and is the first edition in Italian. The greatly increased number of a€?modern mapsa€? makes this in effect the first modern atlas. On the question, of main interest here, as to the correspondence between the letter of 1474 and the map of 1457, it is possible, however, to form some opinion.
The highly pictorial character of this well-preserved map leads us to think of it as more traditional than it actually is. In the 14th century didactic poem, a€?Il Dittamondoa€? Fazio degli Uberti, described the inhabited world as long and narrow (a€?lungo e strettoa€?) like an almond (mandorla), with no apparent religious significance.
Certainly, neither Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, nor Pliny had given a location for Paradise, save for fantasies about the Fortunate Islands, and the Genoese mapmaker appears to associate classical with scientific geography.
These fantastic creatures join other wonderful but real animals, such as a giraffe, a leopard, a crocodile, two monkeys, and a swordfish. Illustrations of the monster which are very similar to that on the 1457 Genoese map accompany excerpts from the Facetiae which are appended to various 15th and 16th century editions of Aesopa€™s fables.
Such a wagon with driver and oxen, rather crudely sketched, is represented moving eastward, near which appears the legend, Ubi lordo errat. The other [story relates] that certain of their trees bear fruit which, decaying within, produces a worm which, as it subsequently develops, becomes hairy and feathered, and, provided with wings, flies like a bird. According to Pigolotti, Sara could be reached in a day by water from Astrakhan, Saracanco in eight days by water or by land.
Longer legends take material from Conti on the funeral practice of wife burning (a€?if they refuse out of fear, they are forced to do ita€?), the cultivation of pepper, the collection of human heads in Sumatra, the sea-tight compartments of Chinese junks, the practice of tattooing, and the availability of spices and multicolored parrots. Sanday sends saffron, nuts, muscatas, and maces to the Javas, Bandan an abundance of cloves. Magog (Gog is missing), the Tatars, the Ten Lost Tribes, the Antichrist and the Alexander story are mixed as though they naturally belonged in the same place - as they by then did, at least in the literature and exegesis directed to the literate but not learned. The position of Ceylon was now well known, being here placed to the east of a peninsula that we can recognize as the southern point of India.
In its outlines Further India, UltraIndia (Southeast Asia) is Ptolemaic, a fact which is especially noticeable in the very prominent peninsular character. And these [ships], loaded in particular with spices and other aromatics, sailing rather often to Mecca in Arabia, trade with the Western merchants through an exchange of their goods.
South of the Caspian Sea we find a quadrangle framed by mountains that appears to be Parthia, according to the representation of Ptolemy. The Genoese cosmographer must have had information concerning the numerous towers scattered here and there over this pass. They are remarkable for their natural surroundings, and for the palaces of the rulers of Mewar erected on their banks. In the extreme north appears the figure of a man casting himself into the sea, whose act is explained in the following legend: It is the custom of these people, as old age comes on, to cast themselves from the steep precipices into the sea.
The people Gog appear as a group of dwarfs covered with a shield, who are attacked by two cranes. On the Sea of Marmora is Palolimen and Diascinolo which on English charts is represented as Eskel Bay, a semicircular harbor with a very good anchorage twelve kilometers east of the mouth of Susurulu Tschai. Including in part Indo-China, the name Machin may also include Southeast Asia, for which there is support in certain 15th century references, as there are people of Southeast Asia among whom the custom of tattooing prevails; this being particularly true of the Laos and the Burmese.
One of them seems to read: This sea is called the ocean which, according to cosmographers, stretches out infinitely in every direction, covering the earth except about a fourth part here laid down.
It was doubtless through Arabic merchantmen that the Alexandrian geographer derived his information, on a visit to the east coast of Africa. On an island in a lake of Abyssinia there appears to be a floating house, and near it the legend: In this lake there is an island, Tana by name, which contains forests and groves and a great temple of Apollo. In 1439 Pope Eugenius IV named an apostolic delegate to that region, and sent a letter to Prester John, the ruler of Abyssinia; and we also learn that an Abyssinian ambassador appeared at the Council of Florence in the year 1441.
If the Genoese cosmographer, in the well known regions, represents somewhat arbitrarily his watercourses, we can certainly expect to find this in the less known regions. Three human figures are introduced to represent the political and ethnographical situation, one a turbaned Mohammedan ruler of Egypt, with the inscription Dominus; the other a crowned head with black hair, carrying a banner, on which is a cross with the inscription, Presbyter Johannes Rex, denoting the Christian ruler of Abyssinia. The north coast of Africa embraces Mauretania, to which Regnum fesse and, in part, Regnum Trenecen belong.
Calata is probably Idrisia€™s Al Cal, near Msila in the highlands of the Schotts, a significant city before the rise of Bougie, the capital city of the kingdom of the Hammaditen. The correspondence between the Behaim globe and the 1489 Martellus map consequently ended in 1485, when Diego CA?o had returned from his first voyage after reaching 13A° south (Cape Santa Maria in the Congo, 1482-1484). Yet that map could not have been completed until early in 1489 for it had complete details of the discoveries of Bartholomew Diaz in his voyage of 1487-88, when he circumnavigated the Cape of Good Hope (capo da€™ esperanza) and reached the Indian Ocean.
At that latitude one degree was thought to be 50 miles (80 km), according to the Toscanelli letter, so that Japan was only 4,250 miles (7,200 km) west. No wonder that, having regard to his maps, he concluded that this river flowed from Paradise.
Martellus assembled the paper sheets, stuck them on a canvas backing, made his characteristic rectangular picture frame for it and colored the seas in dark blue. His surviving work includes two editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography, a large wall map now at Yale University, and five editions of the Insularium Illustratum of Cristoforo Buondelmonti. The correspondence between the Behaim globe and the 1489 Martellus map consequently ended in 1485, when Diego CA?o had returned from his first voyage after reaching 13A° south (Cape Santa MariaA  in the Congo, 1482-1484). It would show King John that even if the Portuguese reached India they could not reach the Spice Islands (which were on the equator east of Tiger-leg) without having to make long voyages into the southern stormy seas.
To have included Cipangu would have required a scale reduced one-sixth, too small to permit of legible nomenclature.
It was a place where seafaring people and caravans from all parts of the known world would use to congregate, thereby providing the opportunity to collect knowledge of far away lands and seas. Here for the first time are documented the duties and responsibilities of the mapmaker, his limitations, and the nature of the materials he was to work with.
The final drafts were nearly free from defects and his text, which we know of only through Ptolemy, was so reliable in Ptolemya€™s estimation that a€?it would seem to be enough for us to describe the earth on which we dwell from his commentaries alone, without other investigations.a€? According to Ptolemy, the most significant feature of the maps of Marinus was the growth of the habitable world and the changed attitude toward the uninhabited parts.
When such a conical surface is extended on a plane, a network with circular parallels and rectilinear, converging meridians arise. Unlike Marinus who listed longitude on one page and latitude on another, Ptolemy began the tradition of listing the positional coordinates together and in a usable system that was practical to follow. Some of the other conspicuously modern conventions include the previously noted lack of ornamentation, his method of differentiating land and water, rivers and towns, by means of either hachures or different colors, and his use of a€?standardizeda€™ symbols all of which is accepted at first glance without a thought being given to the origin of the technique. This particular world map is usually found at the end of Book VII, preceded by three chapters containing some practical advice, a general description of all known areas of the world and the three principle seas (the Mediterranean, the Caspian and the Indian Ocean), with their bays and islands, and instructions for drawing a sphere and maps on a plane surface. It is noteworthy here to point out that, regardless of when these existing manuscript reproductions were made, they somehow escaped the pictorial fancies such as sketches of animals, monsters, savages, ships, kings, etc.
The eastward extension of Asia is also exaggerated, measuring about 110A° from the coast of Syria to the outermost limits of China, instead of the true distance of about 85A°.
The Geographia was both a keystone and a millstone, a pioneering effort that outlived its usefulness.
The northern coast of Germany beyond Denmark, Cimbrica Chersonese, is shown as the margin of the Northern Ocean, and running in a general east-west direction. Continuing it around to the south until it joined Terra Incognita at the southern limit of the habitable world, he made a lake of the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean]. For the most part, the lands beyond the Ganges were not well known until a thousand years later when the brothers Polo first acquainted western Europe with the existence of a number of large islands in that part of the world. Byzantium is placed in the same latitude as Massilia, which made it more than two degrees north of its true position. It is also the only edition with maps printed on the original projection with equidistant parallels or meridians. Kimble, there are at least three distinct influences, in addition to the portolan [nautical] chart tradition, that can be detected in these examples: Classical, Christian and Arab. Oversized crowned or turbaned kings, monstrous and simply exotic animals, an elephant bearing an elaborate howdah, and scary sea monsters associate with more scientific signs, such as flags and city symbols. Ptolemya€™s maps, while not exactly oval, were wider from east to west than they were high (north to south). A partially finished network of rhumb lines appears on the map, and on the right are two scale bars, though they are more a sign of intention than reality. One such edition is Sebastian Branta€™s Esopi appologi sive mythologi cum quibusdam carminum et fabularum additionibus (Basel: Jacobus de Phortzheim, 1501), in which Bracciolinia€™s text about the monster is cited and accompanied by an illustration of the monster quite similar to that on the 1457 Genoese map. A good picture of a Mongol appears on the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, and also one west of the Black Sea, being drawn about the time of the destruction of their rule. The reference appears to be to a marine animal, perhaps the dugong, which, resembling a cow and accustomed to graze in the fields along the seashore, was captured in the East and brought to Venice.
In this as well as in other parts of extreme southern Asia the Geonoese cosmographer seems especially to exhibit an acquaintance with the record of the distinguished Italian traveler Nicolo di Conti who referred to Ceylon as Zeilan.
Cannibals inhabit a part of this island, who, continually waging war with their neighbors, make a collection of human heads as treasures, and he who has the most heads is the richest. It stretches toward the south, terminating in a prominent Golden Chersonese, a name which the legend suggests: Here gold is found in abundance with jewels and precious stones. In the Gulf of Iskanderun a river empties, flowing out of the northeast, recognizable as the Dschihan, on which lies the city Antioch. These mountains clearly are the Taurus, Paropamisus and the Emodas of Ptolemy, the continental axis of Asia, that is, the Hindu Kush, the Quen Lun, the Nan Schan, and the other border mountains of eastern central Asia today, which in their spurs reach almost to the Gulf of Petchili. As in questions relating to the Nile, Ptolemy showed himself to be better informed than were geographers of later date, even to very recent times, so it also appears that his representation of the mountain systems of Asia, though somewhat altered by our author, was remarkably well done in the larger general features. This statement concerning the lakes as represented on our map is supported by the fact that a mountain appears to the southwest, from which a river flows to the south, at the mouth of which lies Cambay.
A legend gives the following explanation: These are of the generation of Gog, who do not exceed the height of a cubit, who do not attain the age of nine years, and who are continually molested by cranes.
On the same strait, but farther to the southeast, lies a second city, Caila, near which is the legend, Caila, where they use the leaves of trees instead of papyrus. The Genoese cartographer clearly considers Burma a part of Machin, which since the 13th century had belonged to China. This sea, disturbed by the force of the moon, ebbs and flows around the earth every lunar day, as Albertus says in his Natural History. In support of the statement that the Genoese cosmographer was well informed concerning Abyssinia may be found the representation of a war elephant carrying a tower filled with armed men. A third figure, unmistakably a negro, in the southwest, holds a ball (?) in his hand, and is described in the following legend: These are the people who live degenerate lives, among whom there is no distinguishing name, who behold the rising and the setting sun with direful imprecations. This was the time when Martin Behaim, as a member of the King Johna€™s mathematical junta, was able to study the map and proposals of Columbus.
He returned from this voyage in December 1488 and, within a year, full details, including rich nomenclature, had appeared on the map of Martellus made in Italy; this despite the utmost secrecy on the part of King John of Portugal. The fact that the map had been put away in a Swiss bank for perhaps 60 years explains why it went unobserved. Martellus had been required by his patron to include in the codex a world map and regional maps which had just come into his possession in 1489. The historian Roberto Almagia has pronounced that Henricus Martellus was an excellent draftsman, who drew upon the latest information and improved the maps he adapted for his collections. This was the time when Martin Behaim, as a member of the King Johna€™s mathematical junta, was able to study the map and proposals of Columbus.A  On the 1489 Martellus map there is an inscription next to the Congo that mentions the commemorative stone (PadrA?o) that CA?o erected at Cape Negro during his second voyage (1485-87) when he reached as far as Cape Cross. For King John and for the Catholic Sovereigns it showed that Spain could easily reach Cathay and then the Spice Islands, secure from all interference from Arabs or Portuguese in the Indian Ocean.A  Columbus may have deceived himself regarding the existence of the Tiger-leg but, since it suited his plans so admirably, one suspects that he asserted its existence just as he later made the Cape of Good Hope to be at 45A° south. The second major difference is that, while the coasts from Normandy to Sierra Leone, on the Yale map, are based on the world map of Donus Nicolaus of 1482, the corresponding coasts on the British Library Martellus uses a Portuguese map for them. In spite of such scant personal knowledge, Claudius Ptolemya€™s writings have had a greater influence on cartography, and on geography in general, than that of any other single figure in history.
141), a composition dealing with astronomy and mathematics, more commonly known by its hybrid Greco-Arabic title, the Almagest, in which he lays down the foundation of trigonometry and sets forth his view of the universe. This single treatise remained the standard work on geographical theory throughout the Middle Ages, was not superseded as such with the 16th century, and constitutes one of the fundamental tenants of modern geodesy. Cartography is not an artistic endeavor according to the Greek scholar, but should be concerned with the relation of distance and direction, and with the important features of the eartha€™s surface that can be indicated by plain lines and simple notations (enough to indicate general features and fix positions). Marinus was a good man in Ptolemya€™s estimation but he lacked the critical eye and allowed himself to be led astray in his scientific investigations.
Lest the proportions of certain parts of the mapped territory should be too much deformed, only the northern or the southern hemispheres should be laid down on the same map by this projection, which is consequently inconvenient for maps embracing the whole earth.
This particular projection shown of the general map of the habitable world, the one believed to be employed by Ptolemy in his original general map, is laid down in the lazy mana€™s projection he talked about, the modified conic instead of the spherical projection that he recommended for a faithful delineation of the eartha€™s surface. Many scholars ascribe these three chapters to AgathodA¦mon, as the descriptive text for his map. As can be seen from these world maps, Ptolemy divided the northern hemisphere into twenty-one parallels, noted, again, in the margin of this maps.
To judge, therefore, from the map, Ptolemy discarded both the older Greek belief that the earth was surrounded by water, and Herodotusa€™ description of the Phoeniciana€™s circumnavigation of Africa. And there were no good maps of the East Indian Archipelago until after the Portuguese voyages to the Indies.
This particular error threw the whole Euxine Pontus [Black Sea], whose general form and dimensions were fairly well known, too far north by the same amount, over 100 miles. Inscriptions on the map, as well as recently discovered geographical features, however, proclaim the map to be a document of cartographic thinking similar, if not as large and ambitious, to that of Fra Mauro (#249). For a 15th century mapmaker, this form made convenient room for discoveries in the Atlantic and in Asia.
The Genoese mapa€™s sea monsters reflect the cartographera€™s interest in exotic wonders, which is everywhere in evidence on the map, and typical of the scientific outlook of the early modern period, which was driven by curiosity and took a great interest in marvels. The Italians were then in close relations with the Golden Horde from Moncastro, Kaffa, Sudak, and Tana as centers, and were, therefore, in a position to know intimately their customs and manner of life. Bandan, moreover, has parrots of three kinds: red ones, those of variegated color with yellow beaks, and white ones the size of hens.
That rare animals at the time of the construction of our map were brought to Italy, where they were viewed with astonishment by the natives, certain observations of Benedetto Dei bear witness. This description of Taprobana appears clearly to have been taken from Conti, and it is very interesting to observe that our cartographer, not in a very successful manner, has attempted to bring the report of Conti into accord with Ptolemy.
The Caucasus stretches across the isthmus between the Black and the Caspian seas, and as numerous rivers rising in the Caucasus empty into the former, the mountain range had to be drawn nearer the Caspian Sea in order that there might be sufficient space for the range and the representation of the Iron Gate near Derbent. The Ptolemaic Imaus, which divides Scythia into Hither and Further Scythiaa€”Scithia citra ymaum montem and Scithia ultra ymaum montesa€”is very prominently represented on our map.
Herein in particular does the value of the Genoese map appear in a comparison with the larger map by Fra Mauro (#249), although the latter is richer in details. Even today in northeast Asia, there may be found a people among whom suicide is common, the result of a belief that should one depart this life before the feebleness of old age comes on, a life of happiness in the hereafter is secured. Idrisi also represents the people Gog as dwarfs, and our cosmographer identifies them as the pygmies of Pliny, who placed them in the mountains of the north of India, exactly as does the Genoese cosmographer, in a beautiful valley protected from the cold winds, where they are molested only by the attacks of the cranes. On the west coast only the name Altoluogo appears, which name one finds on almost all sea charts. The city Calacia, lying in the interior, seems more difficult to distinguish, which city is referred to by Conti, but is not definitely located. Caila is Contia€™s Cahila on the Gulf of Manaar, Marco Poloa€™s Cail, and Ptolemya€™s Colchi.
It appears from this that Albertus Magnus was one of the Genoese cartographera€™s authorities. The furthest point reached by Diaz, the Rio de Infante [the great Fish River], is duly recorded as ilha de fonti.
His great talent for such an exacting task was his skill as a draughtsman-cartographer experienced in altering the scale of maps of islands that he was copying. Someone with access to it and to the reports of Bartholomew Diaz, drew the prototype of the Martellus map.
According to the historian Arthur Davies, this is conclusive evidence that the prototype originally terminated at 35A°, with the legend correctly placed near it. Here he explains his belief that the earth is a stationary sphere, at the center of the universe, which revolves about it daily. According to Ptolemy, even Marinus had made mistakes, either because he had consulted a€?too many conflicting volumes, all disagreeing,a€? or because he had never completed the final revision of his map. However, Ptolemy rigorously applies the conical projection only to the northern part of his map of the world. The parallel bounding the southern limit of the habitable world is equidistant from the equator in a southerly direction as the parallel through Meroe is distant in a northerly direction. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310 in Book IV) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. Crone, is that the letter definitely refers to a chart for navigation, while the 1457 map is primarily a world map drawn by a cosmographer. By the end of the century, the circular form was becoming impractical, and once the Americas were added to world maps, it was gone almost completely. The demon-like monster in particular is evidence of the cartographera€™s research in recent travel literature to find sea monsters for his map.
If this is so, this is the first time that the much sought after spice islands appear clearly on a map. Mention may be made of the peacock which he brought from Alexandria for Cosimo de Medici; also of a chameleon, and, more important than all, of a big serpent with 100 teeth which he seems to have brought to Florence from Beirut (possibly a reference to the crocodile). This city is distinguished by a strong tower and the legend: This is Derbent, which in their language [means] a gate of iron. It branches in diagonal directions westward of the sources of the Indus, that is, nearly twenty degrees farther westward from the continental axis than it is represented by Ptolemy. In the representation of the Indus, for example, with its five branches, our author follows Ptolemy. The river Ava, as well as the southern parallel tributary of the Ganges, and the two Chinese rivers, the one flowing to the southeast and the other to the northeast, come from a mountain which is further explained by the legend: In this mountain carbuncles are found. Two legends are here inscribed, the one relating to the medieval geographical myth concerning the ten lost tribes of Israel, and the other to Antichrist. This identification of Gog with the pygmies of classical antiquity is peculiar to this map. There may have been a Persian maritime city by this name on the coast of Oman, since by reason of favorable winds and gulf currents the two coasts of the Persian Gulf stood in such close relations that again and again in their history Persian rule controlled the Arabic coast, and Arabic rule the Persian coast.
For centuries, even into the 16th, Caila was the central point of commerce between China, Further India, and the archipelago of the east and the trade centers of the Mediterranean.
Though the geography of India as here laid down presents difficulties, there are difficulties which are equally great along the east coast.
The other legend for which Professor Fischer failed to get an intelligible reading asserts that: Beyond this equinoctial line Ptolemy records an unknown land, but Pomponius, and in addition many others, raising a doubt whether a voyage is possible from this place to India [the Indians], say that many have passed through these parts from India to the Spains, and .
With some degree of certainty we may identify the Wadi Draa, represented as flowing through many lakes and emptying south of Cape Bojador. On the Mediterranean, from east to west, we find Larissa, Alexandria, Senara (in the Medicean atlas, Zunara, and Vesconte also gives Zunara).
Even today, the best source for information on the voyage of Diaz is the Martellus map of 1489. The extra ten degrees in shifting the Cape to 45A° south meant more than twenty degrees extra distance in a voyage to India. Two peculiar features in the region of South Africa suggest that Bartholomew Columbus was that someone. When Bartholomew altered the prototype map to 45A° south, he was unable to remove the legend.
While his proofs of the sphericity of the earth are still accepted today as valid, Ptolemy rejected the theory of the rotation of the earth about its axis as being absurd. To represent the known parts of the southern hemisphere on the same sheet, he describes an arc of a circle parallel to the equator, and at the same distance to the south of it, as Meroe [MA¦roe] is to the north, and then divides this arc in parts of the same number and size, as on the Parallel of Meroe. That paradox notwithstanding, though, Ptolemya€™s depiction of a southern Afro-Asian continent and a land-locked Indian Ocean provided little comfort during the intervening 1,300 years to those early explorers, and later the Portuguese, in their attempts to find an all water route to India. Further, the Toscanelli chart presumably depicted the ocean intervening between the west coast of Europe and the a€?beginning of the Easta€™.
Conti describes them as lying on the extreme edge of the known world: beyond them navigation was difficult or impossible owing to contrary winds. The Iron Gate, usually associated with Alexander the Great and the apocalyptic people, Gog and Magog, has an important place on the world maps of the middle ages.
In the region at the foot of the mountain between the Indus and the Ganges we find the Indian desert represented. Judging from the rivers that spring there from, and from this legend, we are led to conclude that the mountain-land is eastern Tibet.
The one to the east of Inaccessible mountains, designated here as Ymaus mons, reads: From this race, that is, from the tribe of Dan, Antichrist is to be born, who, opening these mountains by magic art, will come to overthrow the worshipers of Christ. The towers referred to above are explained in the following legend: King Prester John built these towers in order that those shut therein might not have access to him.
In the account of his voyage Vasco da Gama gives information concerning the city and kingdom of Cael.
Whether the rivers emptying still further southward represent the numerous rivers which empty south of Senegal and Cape Verde, it is not possible to determine. On the portolan charts there is always represented a large bay in the southeast corner of the Great Syrtus, which must have been an important harbor.
The policy of secrecy of King John was shattered in one great leakage by someone in a unique position to know all the details. Moreover, and perhaps this was the decisive factor, it would take Portuguese ships to nearly 50A° south to round Africa, into what Diaz had already found to be the roughest seas encountered anywhere in the world. Moreover, and perhaps this was the decisive factor, it would take Portuguese ships to nearly 50A° south to round Africa, into what Diaz had already found to be the roughest seas encountered anywhere in the world.A  Bartholomew, in 1512, gave evidence in the Pleitos (the great lawsuit of the Columbus family versus the Crown of Spain) and declared that he had gone about with his brother in Spain helping to gain support for his enterprise. However, Marinusa€™ treatise on geography, with its maps, should still be ranked among the most important of the lost documents of the ancients, if for no other reason than that it was the foundation upon which Claudius Ptolemy built. The network is then obtained by joining the intersections to corresponding points on the equator. The twenty-one parallels are spaced at equal lineal intervals and each one is designated by (1) the number of equinoctial hours and fractional hours of daylight on the longest day of the year and (2) the number of degrees and minutes of arc north of the equator.
On the map of 1457, this ocean is split into two, and falls on the eastern and western margins. In the southern sea there is a note: In this sea, they navigate by the southern pole (star), the northern having disappeared.
Doubtless it was the medieval wall stretching from the mountains to the sea near Derbent, closing the road along the Caspian Sea to the peoples of the steppes on the north, that called forth the legend of the Iron Door. In contrast, the Ganges is represented according to recent information, that is apparently from the record of Conti. The representations of our cosmographer are here very erroneous, and the errors may perhaps be attributed to Conti and Poggio, since one is led to conclude by a careful study of the Conti narrative that it is not simply the story of a practical merchant traveler, but a story often adorned by the additions of a learned copyist.
The other reads: Here dwell the ten lost tribes of the Hebrew race with the half tribe of Benjamin, who, unrestrained by their law and being degenerates, pass an epicurean existence. These towers stretch along the crest of the mountains, as if intended to protect the more highly civilized parts of China from the wild people of north and central Asia.
Farther southward, Antioceta, a fortification on the coast often referred to in the 15th century; also corocho, the ancient Corycus, northeast of the mouth of the Selefke. The tree whose leaves, it is stated, are used for paper is not the paper-mulberry tree, but the fan-palm. It owes its origin as a harbor to a high, rocky headland, perhaps formerly an island, which extends from the southwest to the northeast and continues in a long chain of rocks. For example, the first parallel of latitude north of the equator was distant from it a€?the fourth part of an houra€? and a€?distant from it geometrically about 4A°15a€™a€?. Though Crino raised many points of interest, he did not establish his case beyond reasonable doubt. The Carbuncle Mountains and the art of obtaining these valuable stones play an important role in the records of all cosmographers of the middle ages. It seems probable that we have here an early reference to the Great Wall of China, which appears on no other medieval map.
This is Straboa€™s Cape Korykos with the Koryken Cave, where in Greek, in Roman, in Byzantine, and also in Armenian times stood a fortification. Calacia, or Calacatia, according to Batuta, is Kalahat, Kalhat, Kilat or Kilhat, in Oman southeast of Muskat, where its ruins may yet be seen near a small fishing village of the same name. The fanlike leaves, about two hundred square feet in size, the Singhalese are said to use in the place of paper.
Each island-picture is surrounded by a frame, drawn and painted in ivory to give the impression of a carved wood frame, suggesting a picture hanging on a wall. One other parallel is added south of the equator, identified with the Rhaptum promontory and Cattigara and about 8A° 25a€™ distant from a€?The Linea€?.
Biasutti argued that the horizontal and vertical lines on the map are parallels and meridians taken from the world map of Ptolemy, and that the longitudinal extent of the old world approximately corresponds to his figure of 180 degrees. However, Conti did not himself visit these islands, though he gives their position as fifteen daysa€™ journey east of Java major and minor, to which their products were brought for transportation to the west. Two of these tributaries on the left seem to be the Brahmaputra and the Barak, though the larger one on the north may be intended as the Irawadi, since on this lies Ava, and above it is a legend taken from Conti: Rather the Ganges which otherwise is called the Dava. On the Catalan world map of 1375 appears a legend with an interesting pictorial representation. Abulfeda and Raschiduddin, his contemporary, refer to the great wall as the Wall of Gog and Magog.
Here we find Tarsso and Layazo, which in the middle ages was a harbor of Lesser Armenia, and an important terminal on the commercial route to India. The ancient Pusk olay manuscripts in the Buddhist monasteries were all written with an iron stylus on such paper, that is, on the leaves of the talipot palm, prepared by cooking and drying. Such picture-islands occupy nearly all the folios, making an Atlas of Islands, and are then followed by a superb picture-map of Italy, taken from the 1482 world map of Donus Nicolaus. All of the parallels north of the equator are located theoretically with the exception of three: Meroe, Syene and Rhodes. It is difficult to see, therefore, if this map of 1457 was similar to that sent to Portugal, where its importance lay, for this information was accessible to all inquirers. Cloves at that time came only from the small islands of the Moluccas lying west of Halmahera, which perhaps the Genoese author has attempted here to represent. The word is Persian, signifying gate or narrow pass, and is a name often met with in Persia. Though our cosmographer makes certain mistakes in relation to the chief stream of India, yet his representation of the hydrography of Asia is near the truth, and, as stated, is much better than that given by Fra Mauro.
A mountain is indicated with a deep valley out of which a bird flies, having a piece of meat in its beak, and out of the same valley a river flows which in its course forms the boundary between India and China. As the builder of this wall, our cosmographer in his legend names Prester John who appeared on the Catalan map of 1375 in the Nubian and the Abyssinian regions, and from that time on the name seems to have been connected with the last-named region, though, as the Genoese map shows, it did not completely disappear from central Asia. Kalhat, from the time of Idrisi to the arrival of the Portuguese, was the most important harbor and port of departure from Oman and the entire Persian Gulf to India, as was earlier Sohar and later Muskat.
The islands in this codex were copies from the Ulm Ptolemy, from the Isolario of Bartolomeo de li Sonetti printed in Venice in 1485, and from other sources. The first one, Clima I per Meroe, (so called because it passes through Meroe, near modern Shendi, a city of Africa at 17A° N latitude) was established traditionally as 1,000 miles below Alexandria and 300 miles from the torrid zone; it was also known as the royal seat and principal metropolis of Ethiopia [Africa]. The interest of the cartographer seems more probably to have lain in Contia€™s description of the oriental spice islands and the possibility of reaching them by circumnavigating Africa.
The name Sanday is unknown, and Bandan is only a corruption, and should not be confounded with Banda, as cloves do not come from that island. As the Indus and its delta received special consideration, so also did the Ganges, the mouth of which is marked by the following legend: The mouth of the Ganges River, the width of which is fifteen miles, on whose banks grow canes so large that they exceed [the size of] the arm, and the islands grow nuts which we call Indian. There is support for the belief that in the letter of Alexander III, the ruler of Abyssinia is to be understood, although the great majority of the allusions to him seem to support the idea that the original Prester John was a central Asiatic ruler. It appears that at the time the Genoese map was drawn the shipping from the Persian Gulf and from Ormuz followed the coast from Oman almost to Ras-el-Hadd, and from that point with the monsoons direct to India. His work is clearly related, though not closely, to the great map of Far Mauro, his contemporary. The wall stretching landward along the mountain ridge is yet, in part, well preserved, and one can follow its ruins for a distance of many miles. According to popular tradition, it extends along the entire ridge of the Caucasus, and so it appears on this map extending from the second iron door, or pass, across Asia.
From Maharatia, Conti states that he made a thirteen daysa€™ journey eastward to the Carbuncle Mountains, that is, to the border mountains of Burma, which the Genoese mapmaker attempts to represent.
The first European who actually visited the Moluccas was the Italian Varthena, about seventy years after Contia€™s expedition to the East. A legend on the map of the Pizigani makes it clear that the wall from Derbent was originally constructed to protect the Persian territory from the people of the steppe region.
The islands were considered as lying on the boundary of the habitable and known world, and as marking the limit of navigation.
This account of Gallo was copied, almost verbatim by Serenega in 1499 and by Giustiniani in 1516. Bartholomew left Genoa as a youth in 1479 and officially made only one further visit to Italy, in 1506. Gallo could have acquired knowledge of the role of Bartholomew only from his own lips, in 1489.




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