Dating advice early days,free kundli software sites,how to make a presentation visual novel - New On 2016

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Many men will do anything for the right woman and when you learn the skills that work with men, that woman will be you. If you want to find a great man and a strong, committed relationship then you've come to the right place. For many women dating is not an enjoyable experience because really all they want is to get straight to the happy, loving, secure relationship. But dating is not just about settling for the first man that comes along and putting up with his sloppy behaviour. There really are plenty of wonderful men out there for women who have the right dating and relationship skills. Stop looking for Mr Right and start to seek out a fun life and the relationship will fall into place. You don't owe anything to a man you have never met and if he thinks otherwise, he's got issues.
Or, when you feel good about yourself, you will naturally attract men anywhere so work on this. Like traps these lie in wait for the unwary woman who then wonders why the man seems to be avoiding her or does not call her back. Save yourself wasted time and frustration by learning what can drive a man away before you've even had a chance to get to know him. Most men are like boys and they will try to push your boundaries to see how far you will go.
Guys are suckers for a woman who knows how to make them feel good, however, and this is what you will learn if you follow the advice on this page. You must attract a man on a deep emotional level and be making him feel good about your relationship if you want him to commit.
I promise you that when you have the right skills, if you're with a man who is capable of commitment, then he'll be the one asking you. Most women who are looking for love and not finding it don't even know that they are making certain mistakes which tend to put men off wanting the whole relationship. When you do, you will captivate and enchant him rather than wondering why he isn't interested. The biggest mistake that a woman can make in dating is allowing herself to fall for a man without getting to know whether he would make a suitable partner. Having decided early on that he is "the one" she then chases after him and overwhelms him with her expectations of a relationship far too early on. She makes excuses for him and blinds herself to warning signals because she just wants the relationship so much.
She gives too much of herself and puts up with him pushing her boundaries in a bid to win him over and make him fall in love with her.
If he hesitates she clings desperately to the relationship becoming needy and emotionally unstable and eventually pushing him away.
You must not attach too early on and you must be prepared to let him go early on if he does not live up to your standards. You can never guarantee the outcome of dating unless you are desperate in which case it will always fail.
When you start to do all this, you will really feel that it's your choice as guys respond positively to your power as a charismatic, attractive woman. You will find plenty of early relationship tips on these pages to help you find dating success and win the love of your dream man so keep reading.
Just because you think you're ready to slow down and move at a steady pace doesn't mean you're out of the woods yet. This may sound like an extension of moving too quickly, but there's much more to it than that. If you let the relationship develop at its own pace, things will happen naturally, when the time is right. By the same token, there is a time and a place to bring the people who are important to you into a relationship. The single biggest favor you can do for yourself and someone you're dating is to move forward with an open mind.
I'm not saying your answer should be, Love, marriage, 2.5 kids and a dog, but a little honesty never hurt anyone.
So many dating articles are devoted to what makes a good relationship, but so few talk about what kills it. The idea of telling it like it is may seem harsh, it may seem cruel, but sometimes it's necessary. When planning that memorable first outing, avoid a few classic mistakes and increase your chances for a second date. Oriented with North at the top, the world map contains a wind rose with eight divisions, the center of which is situated on the western shores of the Mar Capara [Caspian Sea] the northern division is marked with a star and the eastern division is marked by a cross. While no color copy, or color photograph of this map has survived it is known that the map was produced in color with the seas left white, except for the Red Sea that is colored in vermillion. The continental landmass is surrounded by a large expanse of ocean which several times mentions Mari Oziano magno.
The influence of the Genoan and Catalonian nautical maps is marked particularly by the detailed indications of the then recently discovered islands in the Atlantic, the Canaries and the Azores. In Asia, most of the regional notations are consistent with Mongolian domination, a crown with the notes Medru, Calcar, Monza sede di sedre [the Mangi of northern China], and Bogar Tartarorum [the Great Bulgarian or Golden Horde]. As for the calendar appended to the world map, it shows the figure of a child whose body parts correspond to the twelve signs of the Zodiac, a classic representation of a miniature Adam. This map contains areas of Asia with names used in the Mongol dynasty; some rivers and cities have similar names as those in a€?The Travels of Marco Poloa€?, and it shows that before the map was drawn the cartographer had referred to the maps made by Chinese Yuan scholars. What requires special notice is there can be seen a remark on the V-shaped land on the upper left of the de Virga map that says: a€?the known furthest extreme of the worlda€?.
The latter de Virga world map has been missing since 1932, when its owner withdrew it just days before an auction to be held by Gilhofer & Ranschburg in Lucerne, Switzerland, according to the cartographic historian Albert DA?rst, who describes the map minutely in a 1996 article in the journal Cartographica Helvetica. Thompson, a psychologist who serves as director of the Multicultural Discovery Project at the University of Hawaii, supposes that de Virga lacked precedents for expressing medieval European surveys of the Americas on a planisphere and thus depicted the New World in an odd configuration a€” to the north and west. A sketch of the northern section of de Virgaa€™s world map reveals the legacy of a survey by Nicholas of Lynn, according to Gunnar Thompson. Thompson is not the first to argue that pre-Columbian American discovery by the Norse and others resulted in early cartographical representations of the Americas. Unlike the case of the so-called Vinland Map (#243), there was no reason to dispute the authenticity of de Virgaa€™s world map when it emerged from oblivion in 1912, and there is no reason to dispute it now.
De Virgaa€™s African outline is startlingly advanced compared with the works of his contemporaries in Venice and elsewhere. Juxtaposing de Virgaa€™s world map with a 1511 Venetian edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (compiled by Bernardus Sylvanus with maps by Andreas Matheus Aquavivus) underscores the realism of the former.
Although the map also depicts a somewhat foreshortened coastline from the Algarve to Brittany, the coast is at least recognizable past the English Channel and beyond the Scheldt, up the west coast of Danish Jutland. The Danish king exacted payments from ships on their way to and from the Baltic toward the Hanse cities (a medieval alliance of cities that controlled trade between the eastern and western sides of northern Europe).
Although inaccurate by modem standards, de Virgaa€™s delineations of the Baltic Sea and Scandinavian Peninsula fairly represent contemporary Hanse knowledge. His map adequately depicts the western part of the Baltic with an arm dipping south, as well as the eastward-tending inner Baltic with the Finnish Bay and a north coast comprised of Finland and southeast Sweden combined with Danish Scania. Nevertheless, many Hanse would have heard about or experienced a part of this cold arm reaching north into the unfamiliar regions just a little past the Scanian peninsula.
Logically, the land mass in the mapa€™s northwest corner, featuring a crown and the name Norveca (repeated in three more places, probably to indicate the three major Norwegian towns) would then represent his concept of southwest Sweden detached from Danish Scania and of southern Norway from its join with Sweden at least as far north and west as Bergen. Showing the rather wide southern end of Norway in this manner would also be in keeping with Hanse information. Although he clearly did not know the shape of Norway, de Virga would have been aware of the countrya€™s existence. It is tempting to assume that medieval churchmen who had spent time in the Far North contributed to Romea€™s knowledge of this remote region and that this knowledge long had been diffused through various channels of culture and learning. Whereas modern scholars are able to fit topographical descriptions or information from travel accounts into an existing geographic image, such visual aids did not exist during the Middle Ages. Thompson and other writers support their claims about pre-Columbian European cartographic awareness of the Americas by calling into service the supposed 1360 voyage of Nicholas of Lynn, as well as an Arabic mention of Greater Ireland. Gunnar Thompsona€™s theory regarding the de Virga mapa€™s Norveca rests on his conviction that the cartographical record of American discovery reaches back through the Middle Ages. The map was re-discovered in a second-hand bookshop in 1911 in A ibenik, Croatia by Albert Figdor, an art collector.
When Figdor died on 22 January 1927, his magnificent collections became the property of his niece Margarete Becker-Walz, the wife of a prominent Heidelberg lawyer. Father Fischer was the only scholar in Becker-Walza€™s part of Europe who combined a belief in medieval cartographic manifestations of the Norse discovery of America with sufficient scholarly stature to allow an approach to the map's owner.
That year brought an opportunity to revive his interest when he was asked to comment on a manuscript atlas about to be auctioned by Gilhofer & Ranschburg a€” an atlas he had been allowed to keep at Stella Matutina for the purposes of study. If Becker-Walz withdrew the map from the auction on Fischera€™s advice and withdraw it she did a€” neither of them would have had much opportunity to proceed further. For Margarete Becker-Walz and her husband, as Jews living in Heidelberg, the situation would have turned ugly sooner.
After Germanya€™s surrender in 1945, Nazi loot was found stored all over the former Third Reich in town offices, houses used as billets, officersa€™ clubs, and cattle barns. This map by the Venetian cartographer, Albertin de Virga, shows Marco Poloa€™s a€?Southern Continenta€? southeast of Asia.
DESCRIPTION: While some earlier scholars would have labeled these maps as a€?the epitome of medieval European cartographya€?, due to the very ecclesiastical form and content, they were, indeed, an exception in this perioda€™s mapmaking. In his recent book, Body-Worlds, Opinicus de Canistris and the Medieval Cartographic Imagination, Karl Whittington writes that on the 31st of March, 1334, this Italian priest named Opinicus de Canistris fell sick. As mentioned above, Opicinusa€™ drawings survive in two manuscripts, both kept in the Vatican Library in Rome. There is no way of knowing how many other drawings Opicinus completed, and certainly no reason to believe that all or even a majority of his works have survived. Victoria Morsea€™s 1996 doctoral dissertation for the first time performed a large-scale study in order to demonstrate the logic of Opicinusa€™ works. It was not unusual during the later Middle Ages to bring together the body and the earth in pictorial representations. The relationship on the page between texts, diagrams, and pictures throughout Opicinusa€™ work is an especially important issue.
According to Whittington the captions on most of the drawings seem to interact with them in the following way: Opicinus created the visual material first, usually to address a particular theological question or theme. The elaborate, complex, and beautiful drawings that Opicinus created in the years following his illness and vision are the subject of this monograph.
What we see, then, is an embodied map a€” a picture of the eartha€™s surface that is also a depiction of human bodies. Opicinusa€™ beliefs and hypotheses about the earthly, the heavenly, and the human are encoded in the very structures of his drawings. Over half of Opicinusa€™ 80 drawings in the Vaticanus and Palatinus manuscripts include at least part of a portolan chart.
Opicinusa€™ body-maps are far more complicated than any of the examples above, and the question of what they mean is more difficult to answer. In a number of drawings, Opicinus used the most basic form of the body-worlds - presumably the one that he describes having received in his 1334 vision. As in all of Opicinusa€™ drawings of the body-worlds, each figure takes on a specific identity, though in this example these identities are complex. It seems most likely that the figure depicts a sort of hybrid a€” a personification of Christianity, with Christ at its head and its heart, surrounded by elements of the cosmic order. Its chest is bare (we can see the cloak falling away from the shoulder on the northern coast of France), but the lower roundel covers the place where a breast is often revealed in Opicinusa€™ female European figures.
In three folios near the end of the Vaticanus manuscript, Opicinusa€™ cartographic drawings add one more layer of meaning on top of the basic arrangement outlined above: he superimposes a gridded local map of Pavia, his hometown, on top of a single portolan chart. According to Whittington the precise placement and scale of the two maps is certainly not accidental; the maps have been placed in a precise relation to one another in order to create and explain correspondences between them.
In contrast to this relatively simple correspondence, another caption shows how complicated his spatial interpretations could become. As a final word on this drawing, I want to return to one more visual feature: the form of the local city grid. In the two previous examples, Opicinus constructed a drawing using only one portolan chart; on fol. This doubling and mirroring of the portolan chart served a specific purpose: as Victoria Morse has argued, it allowed Opicinus to contrast the world as it was seen and known with the possibility of an alternate world converted to a state of grace.
Each of the four land-figures bears an emblem on its chest a€” these signify the intention or motivation of each character. On the bottom half of the page, however, similar captions placed on the white chart actually point to cities on that chart, rather than on the one below.
Even after all of the figures in the drawing have been identified, its meaning remains elusive. There is one caption on the page that offers a tantalizing comment on its form and content. This quoted caption outlines the general principle that Opicinus follows in these drawings that employ mirroring or correspondence a€” that the multiplied forms are generators of multiple truths and realities. Many Vaticanus drawings contain more explicit imagery of birth and reproduction; metaphors of birth and rebirth seem to have been one of Opicinusa€™ primary ways of expressing the spiritual transformation that he underwent following his illness of 1334.
The interest in the local ramifications of the pregnancy of the European figure is explored even more closely in two drawings in which Europe is actually pregnant with a tiny map a€” fols.
DESCRIPTION: A good example of Protestant theologian Heinrich Buntinga€™s Europa, Europe as a Queen. Chinese paintings, and may also be of some assistance even to the more sophisticated scholar or collector of Chinese paintings in bridging some of the diverse gaps that still exist in our collective assessment of individual works.
Chinese ethnicity, and generally trained through the traditional private master-pupil relationship. This approach to learning by copying was the standard method by which all Chinese artists learned to paint. Taipei Xiaozhong xianda album, does add some credence to the notion that the Taipei album may in fact be by Wang Shimin himself. Based on the theories of scholar painters of earlier periods, chiefly Su Shi (1036,1101) and Mi Fu (1051-1107) of the Song, Zhao Mengfu (125-1322) of the Yuan, and Dong Qichang (1555-1636) of the late Ming, the Qing dynasty literati painters, who generally were also connoisseurs and collectors, established an orthodoxy of correct models, techniques of painting, and most important, standards for brushwork.
A A A  This approach to learning by copying was the standard method by which all Chinese artists learned to paint. A A A  In a remarkable set of twelve hanging scrolls, now in the Shanghai Museum, painted in 1670, Wang Jian transformed these compositions once again, but this time into full~size vertical scrolls of uniform dimensions. A A A  Based on the theories of scholar painters of earlier periods, chiefly Su Shi (1036,1101) and Mi Fu (1051-1107) of the Song, Zhao Mengfu (125-1322) of the Yuan, and Dong Qichang (1555-1636) of the late Ming, the Qing dynasty literati painters, who generally were also connoisseurs and collectors, established an orthodoxy of correct models, techniques of painting, and most important, standards for brushwork.
It's about ensuring that you create a happy, secure, stable and loving relationship with someone who wants to make you happy. Moving too quickly is the number one mistake people make when embarking on a new relationship. The landmasses are colored in yellow, although the islands are in a variety of colors; the mountains are in a greenish-brown, the lakes in blue, and the rivers are colored brown.
The Holy Land, marked with the names of Jordan and Gorlan [Jerusalem], does not, as with many previous medieval maps, exactly occupy the center of the map.
Africa is decorated with the common representation of the Atlas Mountains, which spread over the northern part of Africa like a serpent, and by the Mountains of the Moon towards the south which surrounds twice the region where the Ylon [the river Nile] and several other rivers flow. There is also a plan for fortifications marked simply M[on]gol [Caracorum, in Greater Asia]. On the left is a table of 100 letters, alternating black and red, which allows the reader to calculate the date of Easter as either 2 April 1301 or 18 April 1400. It is known that he is also the author of a nautical map of the Mediterranean Sea, of the classical type, which has flowery ornamentation similar to this world map and signed in the same way: A. According to some scholars this remark could not possibly be written by a European, because if one looks at the map it is easy to see the furthest part from Europe is not the V-shaped land, but China, so obviously this remark is originally from the ancient Chinese. The Venetian cartographer Albertin de Virga does not loom large in medieval map literature: all we know of him is what we can learn from two of his maps.
DA?rst notes renewed interest in the map after a recent claim by a researcher at the University of Hawaii, Gunnar Thompson, that de Virga indicated large parts of North and South America in the upper left section of the map, but DA?rst does not comment on Thompsona€™s theory. He contends that the continent labeled Norveca represents Americaa€™s east coast from Labrador to Florida, that the land northeast of Norway is Venezuela and Brazil, and that the island situated southeast of Asia delineates the coast of Peru. Nor is he the first to claim that an elusive medieval travel account of the Arctic, called Inventio Fortunatae (circa 1360), was written by Friar Nicholas of Lynn, who, according to Thompson, not only crossed to North America but also surveyed the lands well enough to later provide cartographical evidence. On the contrary, there are very good reasons to wonder why we should disregard the mapmakera€™s own nomenclature, particularly given the evident care with which de Virga executed the task he had set himself. De Virga appears to have had an unusual ability to calculate shapes and distances on the basis of second-hand information provided to him, most likely by sailors probing the African coasts and from reports by merchants familiar with the trans-Saharan gold route. Although the 1511 maps incorporate American discoveries, they indicate little knowledge of the Far North and are otherwise regressive, considering what de Virga knew a century earlier. Trouble comes after the Skaw (northernmost Jutland), where in order to enter the Baltic Sea a ship had to head south in the Kattegat (a strait separating Sweden and Denmark) before passing through a narrow sound separating the island of SjA¦lland from the Scanlan.
The Scania herring trade was so important that this extra piece of Denmark would have been known to Venetian merchants, who flocked to the Flanders markets in order to trade with the Hanse bringing their cargo south.
Such information would have been available to de Virga either from Hanse merchants or through Venetian merchants returning from trips to the North to buy salted herring, stockfish (wind-dried cod), and other commodities. The entire northern arm (now called the Bothnian Bay), beginning at about 60 degrees North, lay outside the Hanse merchantsa€™ scope, as it was devoid of significant trading centers.
Perhaps de Virga, after hearing a description of this assumed northward passage into the unknown (rather than a closed bay), decided it must lie just to the west of Scania, rather than to the east where the waters were much more familiar to the Hanse.
That the land mass called Norveca has nothing to do with either Greenland or North America should be abundantly clear from the nomenclature alone; it also is firmly connected to the world Albertin de Virga and his contemporaries already knew. As the center of the stockfish trade, Bergen had served as the chief Hanseatic port in Norway throughout the Middle Ages, and any Hanse skipper worth his salt would have known the route there.
Anyone living in Venice around 1415 who had commercial ties or who was curious about geography would have known that Norway lay far to the north, that it dominated the stockfish trade, and that the country was mountainous and probably very large. In reality, information flowed primarily in the opposite direction from the 11th century onward.
Medieval readers must for themselves conceptualize distances and exotic locations, and as a result, their inventions wandered all over the map, both literally and figuratively.
In addition to the regular Ireland associated with the British Isles, the Arabic geographer Abu-Abd-Allah Mohammed al-Idrisi, 1099-1180, (#219) noted a Greater Ireland in the northwest Atlantic, supposedly a reference to known land on the American side. Others have expressed a similar belief, including those who believe the Vinland Map at Yale University is a genuine mid-15th century expression of Norse discovery in America. At first, the Austrian authorities refused to allow the collections out of the country, but after much legal wrangling and string-pulling, the well-connected Frau Becker-Walz managed to auction off the bulk of Figdora€™s art works and furniture in 1930. Why Margarete Becker-Walz withdrew the map at the last minute from such a distinguished antiquarian auction house is a matter of speculation.
In 1932, besides being at the height of his reputation as a cartographic historian, he was no longer in von Wiesera€™s shadow.
Given his close relations with the auction house at the time the de Virga map was being offered for sale, it is highly likely he would have seen Auction Catalog Number 8 with its photograph of the map. Arrests, boycotts of Jewish businesses, and dismissals from academic and other public positions began almost immediately after the Nazis came to power. Some of these stolen articles are slowly finding their way into the antiquarian market, and with luck we may again see de Virgaa€™s world map.
The island-continent is called a€?Ca-paru or Great India.a€? The map was made between 1410 and 1414.
Opicinus was a minor functionary and scribe at the papal court, which had moved to Avignon some thirty years earlier, and luckily for us he kept a kind of day-book that still survives. Numerous scholars such as Camille, Kris and Salomon point to Opicinusa€™ a€?frequenta€? self-representation in the drawings. Medieval mappaemundi often organized the land-forms of the earth around the shape of a crucifix (sometimes even a cruciform body), medieval astrological drawings commonly showed human figures at the center of cosmic and planetary networks, and the concepts of macrocosm and microcosm had been fully developed for a millennium. It is possible, and productive, to partially separate Opicinusa€™ texts from his diagrams and pictures, especially those that represent his body-worlds vision. Opicinusa€™ works present a conundrum when it comes to audience and reception, since there is no textual or visual evidence that anyone ever actually saw the drawings. Their unusual forms complicate our most basic assumptions about what and how medieval artists could represent. These structures form the core of the drawingsa€™ disorientation and strangeness a€” maps are piled on top of other maps, sometimes transparent and sometimes opaque, in a seemingly endless play of permeability and superimposition. Some drawings contain one chart, others up to four; sometimes the continents and seas are embodied, while other times they are left plain.
His drawings are so diverse and disorienting that generalizations about their design or meaning are difficult and often misleading. These drawings depict a single Africa and a single Europe, separated by the Mediterranean Sea. The figure of Africa appears to be a woman; she is labeled Babilon maledicta [cursed Babylon] by the small caption above her forehead. Captions suggest various identities: Christ, Opicinus, and a female personification of prudence are all indicated. The face is smooth and beardless (many male figures in Opicinusa€™ work wear beards), and has long, flowing hair. According to Whittington it is mainly a confrontation between two figures: a figure of Babylon (probably representing Islam) and a figure of Christianity.
This interplay between the local and the global is not unusual within Opicinusa€™ texts and captions on other drawings, which often comment on the everyday world of his youth and family (we must remember that he made these drawings in Avignon, not Pavia), but the specific visual alignment of parts of Pavia with parts of the Mediterranean region is unique in these three drawings.
In the bottom right corner of the page is a caption that reads, a€?Just as the islands of purgatory pay a tax to the Roman Church, so too the Chapel of St. Opicinus seems to say that when any two maps are placed in relation to each other, if they are true empirical representations of Goda€™s created earth, one will find correspondences between them.
One interprets the significance of the placement of Opicinusa€™ home parish district, around the Chapel of Saint Mary, delineated with a red outline near Tunisia and Sicily on the lower map.
84v each part of Opicinusa€™ hometown is given multiple interpretations, usually based on its placement on the portolan chart, but other times simply based on etymological connections, family stories, dreams, or coincidence.
Certainly the drawing contains multiple levels of reality: it is an allegorical depiction of three body-world characters in contact and dialogue, a depiction of the structural connections between local and regional realities, and a series of interpretive musings about the significance of these connections for Opicinusa€™ own life and family. As the reader may already have noticed, this grid strongly evokes the rhumb-line grids that were placed over contemporary portolan charts.
61r he uses the skeletons of two portolan charts of the Mediterranean region, which have been rotated and overlapped to form one image. 61r, parts of each of the charts remain intact, while others are distorted or hidden by the overlapping forms.
In this particular example, the map shows the natural world at the bottom and the spiritual world at the top: labels on the drawing indicate that Affrica naturalis ypocrita and Europa naturalis occupy the continents of the smaller chart while Affrica spiritualis and Europa spiritualis talk to each other in the larger chart above. Europa naturalis bears a tarasque (a river demon from the Rhone) and Europa spiritualis contains an image of Christ showing his wounds, his side-wound situated suggestively close to Avignon, where Opicinus was living when he made the drawing. The message itself is simple enough: one must abandon the external senses that lead to sin in order to follow the internal senses to redemption. 58r of the Vaticanus Opicinus combines four small embodied portolan charts to create juxtapositions between the four seasons, the four cardinal directions, and the four states of the soul.
82r, we see many of the principles and techniques of the other drawings pushed to the limits of recognition and interpretability. On its surface lie two complete portolan outlines that retain the white color of the paper. On the upper half of the page, the brown labels all point out the location of cities on the colored chart, even though all lie on the space of the white chart; they indicate the continued presence of the map below, even when it is obscured by the upper chart. At the precise center of the drawing, a cruciform shape is formed by the two mirrored shapes of Asia Minor and the Holy Land; Asia Minor forms the two arms, and the land below forms the body of a cruciform vestment. While other drawings seem designed to convey a single allegory or a primary confrontation between figures (which are often reinforced by the particular cartographic forms that Opicinus chose for the drawing), this drawing resists this type of analysis. According to the letter, this is a heretical position, since one species cannot be transformed into another. 84v, there are several depictions (or suggestions) of male genitalia in the Vaticanus manuscript, each of which is unique. 1350), a Pavian who worked at the papal court in Avignon, drew a series of imaginative maps, while acknowledging in a text written between 1334 and 1338 his use of nautical charts. Following the model of the calligrapher, the best painters sought to master the styles and techniques of a number of different artists and gradually to synthesize the results into an individual personal style. 4 In either case, the album embodies the attitudes of early 17th century literati towards the artistic process. The assumption was that a skilled artist was capable of capturing the essence of each large-format model and recreating the essential stylistic features and spirit of the original through his scaled-down copies. In the case of the literati scholar-painters, the student not only mastered the techniques of painting but also aligned himself, through the selection of appropriate models to copy, with the great masters of the past.
7 Wang ]ian probably painted this series, or other versions of the compositions depicted in this album, many times.
The same composition could be ascribed to different artists, even by the same copyist, but this did not lessen the value of either the original or the copy. Using calligraphy as a model, the Qing literati reinforced the notion that brushwork should be the principal criterion for judging quality in painting.
It is crucial, therefore, that the visual templates themselves are accurate representations of the categories they purport to represent. It is for this reason that it is useful to study copies and forgeries in addition to original works, using the former to chart the evolving image of early masters down through the subsequent ages. Today, we fly all over the world to view blockbuster exhibitions in Shanghai, Beijing, Tokyo, New York, London, and Taipei.
Wai-kam Ho, editor, The Century of Tung Ch'i.ch'ang 1555-1636, volume 2, Seattle and London, 1992, p. One of the first priorities of the work was a complete examination of all previous exploration and excavation in the precinct, particularly that of Margaret Benson carried out in 1895-7.
The remaining part, the extension or neck, is occupied by a calendar and two tables with inscriptions relating to the calendar. The names of various locations are written in either red or black ink, always on the inside of a small box or cartouche. The three known continents, Europa, Africa, and Axia, underlined on the map for emphasis, are harmoniously placed (in part) around the Mediterranean Sea, drawn tolerably with exactness like the European portolan [nautical] charts, and (on the other hand) around the Indian Ocean, which is decorated with multi-colored archipelagos similar to the Arab maps.
A large gulf that opens into the ocean carries the notation Dara Four Asiner close to some islands.
On the shores of the Indian Ocean there are the kingdoms of Mimdar and Madar [Malabar?], along with many islands with the following note which, without a doubt, relates to Sri Lanka: Ysola d alegro suczimcas magna. This suggests that when making the de Virga map, the mapmaker copied a Chinese map and left this remark unchanged.
The first, a 1409 sea chart, shows the Mediterranean and Black Seas as well as the eastern Atlantic shores up to the southern Baltic region, incorporating the British Isles. Medieval European cartographers knew the world was round and would have known how to represent areas that a€?spilled overa€? to the west or east. We also need to ask why a cartographer would fail to name a poorly known region if, indeed, he was familiar with it. However, de Virgaa€™s depiction of the Atlantic coast suggests that even this cartographera€™s ability to conceptualize coastlines could not entirely transcend gaps in the information available to him. Nevertheless, it would have been difficult for de Virga to visualize the intricacies of the Baltic entrance solely from descriptions of the rounding of the Skaw, the route south along the east coast of SjA¦lland taken to pass through the sound, and the passage east (actually, east followed by northeast) into the Baltic Sea. Furthermore, Bothnian Bay freezes over so early in the winter and is so often bedeviled by heavy fogs that few sailed those waters in the early 15th century. Repeated trade restrictions prevented trading farther up the coast, however, at least legally.
Nobody could describe its shape and extent, but on several maps of the early 15th century Norway appears as a rectangle framed and bisected by mountains. Adam of Bremena€™s writing about the North depended more on the European accounts available to him than on the information brought to him by the Danes, and medieval Norse literature demonstrates greater awareness of Adama€™s writing, as well as other European geographical and cosmographical works, than of information derived directly from their own northern background. No published author has been more fervently convinced of a cartographical record of Norse transatlantic sailings than the German Ptolemaic scholar Father Josef Fischer, S.J.
The map was analyzed by Doctor Professor Franz von Wieser, of the University of Vienna, a well-known Austrian cartographical scholar.
We can discount a sudden discovery that the map was fake, for no one doubts its authenticity. He may have found the time ripe to rebut his former mentora€™s criticism of his views on Norse cartography. Father Fischer was still at the Jesuit college of Stella Matutina in Feldkirch and would soon have felt both the worsening relations between Germany and Austria and the anti-Catholicism of the Nazis. It would have made little difference to Becker-Walz in the long run if she had converted to Christianity, as Figdor in his time had done. Those wishing to hasten the process might start by looking into the fate of Margarete Becker-Walz and her husband Ernst Walz, an important Jewish citizen of Heidelberg and a defiant supporter of the Weimar Republic to the republica€™s bitter end.
It was not until more than a century later that Francisco Pizarro, a Spaniard, finally reached Peru. In a passage that describes what sounds like a stroke, Opicinus details how his body slowly became paralyzed; he temporarily lost his ability to speak, and much of his memory. Opicinus almost always dated the Vaticanus drawings, which were composed between June and November of 1337. The passage describes a visionary experience: through oculus meis interioribus, Opicinus is granted a new view of the earth, one in which the land and the sea take on human attributes. Most examples, however, lie in the realm of the theoretical, the academic, or the theological.


A significant problem with many previous studies of Opicinusa€™ drawings is that they take a few lines of text, from folios of the Palatinus, or from distant pages of text in the Vaticanus, and use them to a€?explaina€? the content of Opicinusa€™ strangest imagery.
The captions (and some of the texts), then, are often the evidence of Opicinusa€™ self-analysis a€” he uses himself as a case study, personalizing the drawings through the text. Simply put, we do not know if they were ever viewed as more than a curiosity by those who encountered them.
Visual parallels to these drawings certainly exist: body-maps have been produced in numerous periods, including such famous examples as the Ebstorf Map (#224, Book II, a medieval world map that placed Christa€™s body in the corners of the earth), the Leo Belgicus (a map of the Netherlands and Belgium formed into the shape of a lion, the earliest example of which dates from 1583), or the Europa Regina, a depiction of Europe as a royal female (see below). In these drawings, Opicinus was not trying to express a single concept or doctrine, but rather to visualize the possibilities raised by an entire new way of looking at the world, based on what he had seen during his visionary experience of 1334. The varied formats of these diagrams cannot be taken for granted a€” their arrangements form a crucial and underexplored aspect of their meaning. But looking at them as a group, perhaps the first thing one notices is that the map itself is incredibly accurate. The drawings in this first a€?categorya€? are not all alike, and there is no evidence that Opicinus thought of them as a group, but finding language to describe and categorize their forms is a critical first step in their interpretation. This folio includes a cartographic picture in the upper two-thirds of the page, and text at the bottom.
She is a rare example of a figure with a distinct racial identity: Opicinus darkened her skin with a grey-brown wash, in a clear reference to an African or Middle-Eastern skin tone. One could even identify Europe in this drawing as a kind of conglomerate figure of Christianity. The strongest indicator that the figure is female is the small child lying over Lombardy a€” the area always associated with the womb of the European figure.
The simplicity of this contrast stands out despite the extensive texts and interpretations written around it.
Binary themes in similar drawings include a contrast between the mouth of hell and the temple of the Lord (fol. Opicinus played with this arrangement differently in each of the three drawings, changing the scales and position of the two maps, presumably seeking different correspondences. On the page we see the body-worlds with which we are now familiar: here, a female Europe confronts a female Africa, and the Mediterranean devil lies between them, his head to the east.
84r, in which the scale of the portolan chart is completely different (much smaller in comparison to the grid of Pavia); here, Opicinus identifies different correspondences and comes to different conclusions as a result of the change in scale.
Yet the drawing is all about experimentation, layering, and play; to claim that creating or interpreting a drawing like this is a burden or struggle may be a modern misperception.
But Opicinus piles on meanings, multiplies forms, and plays with realities seemingly as a form of experimentation. The grid may offer a clue to Opicinusa€™ working process, or the way he was inspired to create these drawings. Each of the two charts is rendered in a different scale, with a larger one oriented toward the top of the page and a smaller one pointed toward the bottom. On each map, the western Mediterranean retains its integrity a€” France, Spain, and the northwestern coast of Africa are clearly visible both at the top and the bottom of the page. In the Italian peninsula of the upper map, for example, which is overlapped by the eastern Mediterranean of the lower map, we see the word Roma written over the sea (on the sea-mana€™s forehead), signaling where the city would have been on the map below.
Both figures of the a€?natural worlda€? are male (a bearded, older figure in Europe and a tonsured monk in Africa), while both of the a€?spirituala€? figures are female (Africa is a robed nun and Europe is a younger woman with long, flowing hair). The question, just as in the previous examples, is how its meaning is changed, activated, complicated, or simplified by its construction within the doubled and overlapped forms of the portolan charts.
Within the drawing, small lines suggest points of correspondence between elements in each of the four quadrants. The three previous drawings were characteristic of a particular type; in contrast, this drawing is unique in Opicinusa€™ oeuvre. At the top of the page are two labels for Europe and Africa: Europe is the aduena rector novus, the strange new priest, and Africa is the parrochia aliena, the parish of another. This is labeled in a caption on the right side of the page, which reads a€?behold the vestment of the Church soaked in blood.a€? Opicinus accentuated the form of the vestment by adding a small cutout for the neck. The longer captions on this folio do not always contain a single focus, and many make no comment at all on the drawing. But spiritually there is truth in this mirror [i.e., in this drawing], since no heresy, fiction or allegory can be found that in this mirror does not give birth, at least in part, to a certain truth? Here, Opicinus seems to say that men do not transition literally into angels of light or darkness a€” the figures of the priest and parish at the top of the page do not actually become the figures at the bottom of the page. Even as Opicinusa€™ drawings make use of the natural world and empirical science, the arrangement of their forms expresses the detachment from reality that characterizes a dream. At first, we would not identify these as genitalia a€” they are simply two small, robed bodies that stand within the genital region of the European body. Four of these drawings depict the body-worlds, and the reproduction always takes place within the body of the European figure. In each of these drawings, Opicinus drew a small copy of the body-worlds over the area of Lombardy, even extending it slightly into the sea near Genoa.
They attempted to transform the methods of their predecessors and use them for their own creative ends.
The copyist hoped to penetrate the internal essence of the original artist's creation and transmit the spirit of the large compositions through his small copies that duplicated the external forms of each composition. Many artists of the same aesthetic persuasion as Wang Shimin produced versions of the same compositions featured in the Xiaozhong xianda album. 13) is a highly attenuated version of the now-familiar composition elsewhere ascribed to either Wu Zhen or Juran.
Ming scholar painters, such as Shen Zhou (1427-1509) and Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) had modeled their styles primarily after Zhao Mengfu and the Four Yuan Masters.
The connoisseur must constantly update his visual database as new discoveries are made and new evidence is revealed. Moreover, connoisseurship in general has been increasingly de-emphasized in art history programs worldwide, in favor of less object-oriented approaches to art. These are sometimes capped by a crown or by a picture of a castle, which indicates the principle countries or kingdoms.
According to its principle commentator Franz Von Wieser, the de Virga map presents itself in some ways a€?like a compromise between the classical medieval world maps and the map of seaportsa€?.
In the southeast, out in the middle of the Indian Ocean, is a large island provided with the note: Caparu sive Java magna, which includes in only one piece of land the distinct geographic features of Zipangu [Japan] and of Java, gathered from Marco Polo. This entire portion of the parchment, separate from the map proper, seems to have been copied from part of some astronomical tables dating from the beginning of the 14th century. The second, a world map, dates from sometime between 1411 and 1414 (a fold of the parchment at the narrow strip between the zodiacal calendar and the map obscures the last digit(s) of the date). The Inventio Fortunatae, though lost, appears to have been real enough, but it is highly unlikely that it was written by Nicholas of Lynn. De Virgaa€™s fellow Venetian cartographers, Andrea Bianco (#241) and Fra Mauro (#249), accorded Norway plenty of space in 1436 and 1459, respectively.
The Book of Roger, which accompanied al-Idrisia€™s maps, says that Ireland, which lies west of the a€?deserted islanda€? of Scotland, is a very large island.
Gilhofer & Ranschburg announced an auction to be held on June 14-15, in Lucerne, featuring many rare items from the Russian Tsara€™s library at Zarskoje-Selo as well as the de Virga world map, a large photograph of which introduced the catalog. Nor would Becker-Walz have decided that she or someone close to her needed it for cartographical study, for there was no such scholar in her family. By April of 1934 Stella Matutinaa€™s large contingent of German students had to transfer to Saint Blaise in Switzerland because the Austrian Jesuit school could no longer grant them valid diplomas. He arrived at the shores of a southern mainland that was already named a€?Peru.a€? And it was already included on Chinese, Venetian, and Portuguese maps. He returned to these folios frequently in the years that followed a€” many include changes, graphic additions, or new captions, which he dated individually (we find dates from the years 1338-1341, especially). Morsea€™s other crucial innovation, in addition to asserting the rational and intentional basis of Opicinusa€™ thought, was to place the Vaticanus manuscript at the heart of her research. Salomon and others characterize the themes of the Vaticanus manuscript as just an extension of those in the Palatinus.
The shapes of Europe, Africa, and the Mediterranean Sea each contain (or form) a human figure; these are the forms that Whittington calls a€?body-worlds,a€? and they constitute Opicinusa€™ most original and perplexing contribution to 14th century visual culture.
One of the things that makes Opicinusa€™ drawings so unusual is that they also incorporate a visual tradition that was practical, empirical, and scientific a€” medieval sea charts, usually called portolan charts. He often kept adding to the drawings over many years, including new details or textual explanations, and dating them to a specific day. As mentioned above, it seems possible that the Vaticanus was never meant to be viewed by others; much of it is arranged chronologically (like a diary), rather than thematically, and the subject matter of the texts and images suggests a private function.
The meaning of such imagery obviously depends on context, but these diverse examples demonstrate how a land, country, or region has often been embodied within a human figure, to show the potential power of that space, or even the dominion of a figure over it. The images of Africa and Europe as human figures were the core of this experience, but the interpretation of the vision was left up to him. According to Whittington the formats of Opicinusa€™ body-world drawings can be grouped into four categories: (1) single portolan charts, (2) portolan charts overlapping with local maps, (3) multiple portolan charts overlapping with each other, and (4) multiple, mirrored portolan charts. The coastlines of the Mediterranean and the relative scale and position of the landforms are almost exactly the same as we know them to be today.
The figure appears to be bare-chested, although no breasts are visible (perhaps they are covered by her long hair). But the label above the head of the figure seems to identify it as Opicinus assuming the identity of a€?the house of God.a€? Another caption in the Mediterranean Sea off the southern coast of France labels the figure as an Ymago Prudentie.
The fact that the face is labeled as Christa€™s would indicate on the surface that the figure is male.
Yet beyond the basic characters and the captions, the drawinga€™s meaning is clearly activated or shifted by the placement of the two personifications within the geographical forms of the portolan chart; after all, it is not difficult to imagine a much simpler way to express this confrontation, using only pictures and no maps.
The scene is full of interesting and surprisingly graphic details, many of them interpreted in the marginal texts. Such interpretations are, I think, meant as models; as Morse demonstrated, Opicinus hoped that the drawings could be used by others to probe their own consciences and personal histories.
Many parts of it must have been intentionally humorous, such as the basket for collecting the sea-mana€™s excrement, the graphic sexual organs, the interpretation of the Europe womana€™s pearl earrings, or the depiction of the Africa womana€™s cloak as a green river.
Even when texts in the Vaticanus indicated the stressors in Opicinusa€™ life a€”spiritual, moral, legal a€” the drawings remain exploratory and even lighthearted. Without any words from him on the subject it is impossible to know where such an idea comes from, but perhaps the grids on the portolan chart(s) from which Opicinus was working reminded him of a gridded map of Pavia that he had seen, or perhaps even made.
The mapsa€™ superimposition encourages the viewer to seek correlations between them, and Opicinus reinforces these correspondences by drawing actual lines and lines of text to connect various parts. He grafts a spiritual system of correspondences and coordinations onto this new representation of the physical world, but specifically includes details that undermine both systems, seeking instead a negotiation between the two.
The rota on the breast of Affrica naturalis shows the mental processes that lead to sin: thinking, imagining, deciding, and delighting in (cogitatio, ymaginatio, electio, delectatio) lead the sinner to consent to sin (consensus peccati). These can either connect the same geographical location between two separate maps (as in the line drawn between the two Carthages on the upper left map and the lower left map), or establish a point of contact between the same physiological parts of two body-worlds on the same map (as in the line drawn between the reproductive areas of the Europe-woman and the Africa-woman in the upper-right map). It contains four complete portolan charts, all the exact same size, placed in careful relation to one another through overlapping and mirroring. This is different from the numerous drawings in the previous category, in which the two charts overlapped one another; here, the two white charts on the surface of the page are both complete diagrams of the region, reflecting one another along an invisible horizontal line in the Holy Land and Asia Minor.
The figures seem to present the encounter between a new priest and his new parish (a situation that Opicinus underwent several times in his early career). The role of this form in the drawing is ambiguous a€” its cruciform shape and its a€?soaking in blooda€? certainly evoke Christa€™s sacrifice, and its position at the heart of the drawing, precisely where the two white maps are mirrored, suggests that it may be significant in the transition between the two. One caption on the left side of the page is a short rant about the mosquitoes that were bothering Opicinus while he made the drawing, while another, longer text at the lower left is an extended metaphorical description of the penis, describing how, like a heretic disobeying the Church, the penis disobeys the orders of the body. It is the caption that tells us something different; over their heads are written the words a€?matrixa€? and a€?virgaa€? a€” womb and penis. Representing pregnancy and birth inside of Europe was a way for Opicinus to convey how both good and evil tendencies enter the world. Some researchers have convincingly explained this positioning of the tiny body-world figures as indicating a Caesarian birth; as Opicinus explains, the two figures are born through Genoa, the a€?forced porta€? in the stomach of the European figure, rather than through Venice, the a€?natural porta€? of the figurea€™s vaginal canal (Opicinus makes the pun about Venetian a€?canalsa€? several times). The earliest depiction of Europe as a woman is believed to be by the 14th century Pavian cleric Opicinus de Canistris for the papal court, then at Avignon. 960~980) and Wu Zhen i??(1280-1354) in the album on paper, but curiously assigned to Wu Zhen and Xu Ben (d. Although Wang had to manipulate the proportions of the landscape elements in order to fit the vertical format, he retains all of the basic forms and compositional relationships among forms. In other words, a painter's individual personality was discernible and significant, but only within the context of a relatively narrow range of acceptable conventions of brushwork techniques and compositional modes.
By adapting large vertical compositions on silk to smaller, less vertical formats, often on paper, the early Qing literati were able to expand the pantheon of acceptable models to include a broad range of artists from remote antiquity who worked in styles as diverse as those of Fan Kuan (c. We can exchange information twenty-four hours a day with colleagues halfway across the world by telephone, fax, and e-mail.
960~980) and Wu Zhen (1280-1354) in the album on paper, but curiously assigned to Wu Zhen and Xu Ben (d.
A thirty year old semi-invalid of a distinguished English family, she had the rare good luck to ask for the concession to a site that seemed unimportant and a site that no one else wanted. The omission of this island by any name also demonstrates, as does the rest of the map, that de Virga did not base his work on the Ptolemaic concepts that had barely begun to enter European thought at the time. Nevertheless, reports written by the Venetian nobleman Piero Querini and two of his crew about their enforced 1431 sojourn in the Norwegian Lofoten islands make it clear that Norway was as exotic to 15th century Italians as the Brazilian jungles were to 19th century European explorers. As Father Fischera€™s mentor, von Wieser kindled the young scholara€™s interest in cartographical and historical material pertaining to the Norse discovery of America. The mapa€™s reserve price was set at 9,000 Swiss francs, and its connection with Figdor and von Wieser was noted. Most likely, someone gave her reason to believe the map would fetch a higher price if written up in a new study of hitherto unsuspected features in de Virgaa€™s work. All Jews at the university, including honorary professors like her husband, had to resign their positions by the end of that year. Western historians have given Pizarro credit for discovering Perua€”even though it was already discovered and mapped by somebody else. The dating of the Palatinus is more complicated a€” the large autobiographical calendar on fol. The Vaticanus was often mentioned by earlier authors, but had never been the object of extensive study, perhaps because its visual material is smaller and less elaborate than the large Palatinus folios. These and other claims are refuted by Whittington with a basic statistical analysis of the manuscriptsa€™ subject matter. Their enigmatic forms, expressions, and arrangements have the power to arrest the attention of modern viewers, reversing expectations about what sorts of imagery were possible in the early 14th century. The a€?world,a€? in Opicinusa€™ drawings, is always represented using these charts; they form the drawingsa€™ structural basis and frame their meanings. Still, crucially, this does not make the drawings, in their inception, a€?abouta€? Opicinus. The large size of the Palatinus folios suggests a more public function, given their physical similarity to large medieval wall maps and portolan charts.
Here one sees before a map of the Mediterranean world a€” Europe, North Africa, Anatolia and part of the Near East are left the white color of the paper, and the seas around them are tinted with a reddish-brown wash. The incredibly diverse drawings that he created in the years that followed were his way of exploring the meaning of this vision and experimenting with different strategies for representing its shape and scope, searching for the arrangements and combinations that would lead him to the deepest meaning.
Opicinusa€™ maps were based on the most modern and technically accomplished cartography of his day a€” marinersa€™ sea-charts, which we call portolan charts. Several folios depict only the western portion of the standard Mediterranean portolan chart, limiting their view to the area between Gibraltar and the boot of Italy. The geographic range of the depicted portolan outline is narrow - we see Gibraltar, Tunisia, France, Spain, and Italy, but none of the eastern Mediterranean, which is cut off by the drawinga€™s lower edge. Little is visible of her lower body, but she wears some kind of cloth wrapped around her waist. However, the most prominent indicator of the figurea€™s identity is the large rota around the face in the Iberian peninsula, which seems to label the figure as Christ. The drawing thus suggests a combination of male and female elements: a pregnant female personification of Christendom, with Christ at the head and heart.
In this first example, where the contrast between the two figures is simple and direct, we can more easily explore two ways that the form of the drawing a€” its geographical frame a€”may change the meaning of these figures.
For example, the Mediterranean figure appears to have two sexual organs a€” one massive penis that seems to be ejaculating onto the southern coast of Spain, and another that he clutches in his fist (presumably in an act of masturbation) near Venice. 84v, numerous captions explore the moral, theological, quotidian, and incidental correspondences created by the overlay of the city grid on the portolan chart. In addition, the monastery with which they were both associated fell near Rome on the portolan chart. The revelation and the experiment were meant to be used by anyone a€” Opicinus is using himself as a test case, taking examples from his own life, family history, and childhood, and using them to interpret the correspondence between the two charts.
These are all examples of Akbaria€™s horizontal allegory, or of allegory as a primarily interpretive act; Opicinus creates the structure (which may or may not have an intrinsic meaning a€” in this case, it seems not to), but the primary work is put into interpretation, play, and the creative exploration of his visual construction.
Opicinus created, an over-determined world because of its opportunities and flexibility, not to build a burdensome system that would collapse on top of him. This basic format is repeated on at least eight other pages in the Vaticanus; again, there are variations in the size and placement of the two maps, but all of these examples include two portolan charts that are laid on top of one another.
In the smaller, lower image, the negative space of the chart a€” the sea a€” is tinted with a light brown wash, delineating the body of the so-called a€?Mediterranean Man,a€? often labeled a€?Lucifera€? His head and beard occupy the eastern Mediterranean (his ear tucked against the Nile delta and curving beard shaping the coast of the Anatolian peninsula), his arms gesture near Italy (one fist plunging violently east of Italy, forming the Adriatic), and his feet poke out near Gibraltar, between the faces of Europe and Africa. On this page he connects the two representations of the Adriatic with a diagonal line that slices through the center of the image, running from Venice on one chart to Venice on the other.
Morse also points out that different renderings of the sea in the two charts likely correspond to their content; the embodied a€?devil seaa€? lies between the natural worlds, while the a€?spiritual seaa€? is left empty, perhaps to indicate its purity. Small lines connect the first four concepts to the eyes, ears, nose, and mouth of the Africa-figure, indicating the complicity of the exterior senses in this pathway to sin.
74v how Opicinus, by framing his allegories within the portolan charts, solidified their meaning into measured form, aligning the worlda€™s shapes with the truths and figures they revealed. The meaning of such lines remains ambiguous, but they do suggest points of contact and interconnection between elements that are otherwise set in opposition to one another. All four of these portolan charts are embodied, creating eight distinct characters: four male figures of Europe, and four figures of Africa (two angels and two male figures).
Rather than containing the figure of the diabolical sea, the spaces of the Mediterranean and Black Seas on these two charts are left as windows through which the viewer can see the other maps in the drawing. The colored worlds below are not labeled, but the figures seem to be a precise mirror of those on top, in both gender and physical appearance.
Opicinusa€™ statement about the generation of meaning seems to apply both to this drawing and to many others that depict multiple levels of reality (usually through multiple iterations of the body-worlds). 82r becomes overwhelming, Opicinus provides the viewer with visual cues to make sense of the drawinga€™s disorienting forms.
This drawing contrasts two complete sets of body-worlds, one overlapping and partially obscuring the other, and two very different depictions of genitalia are found in the area around Venice on both depictions of Europe. In a passage early in the Vaticanus, Opicinus describes how the a€?diabolical seaa€? inseminates an already-pregnant Europe, splitting the child unnaturally into two figures a€” Europe and Africa.
Victoria Morse shows the way that Opicinus read meaning even into the precise position of these two tiny body-worlds over Lombardy below, determining which local cities fell under Africa and Europe. 1403) in the silk versions, were most likely part of a complete album on silk, or perhaps silk and paper. The harsh, raw strength of the brushstrokes and the intimidating angularity of the forms in the original are entirely lacking. Chinese paintings are sold at public auction and in galleries, and are available for study in museums throughout the world. It was assumed that even an woman amateur with no experience could do little harm at the nearly destroyed Temple of Mut, in a remote location south of the Amun precinct at Karnak.
Albertin diuirga me fecit in vinexia, the last number of the date having been erased by a fold in the parchment. The Garden of Eden is depicted at the southernmost tip of Africa with the symbol of two concentric rings, from which emerge the four rivers mentioned in Genesis. This statement leaves no room for alternative interpretations of another a€?islanda€? that was supposedly North America. But in his 1912 published treatise on the de Virga map, von Wieser referred to Fischera€™s work only in a footnote, in which he refuted Fishera€™s conviction that the Danish cartographer Claudius Clavus had brought North America, as well as Greenland, into European cartography. If so, a strong probability exists that those features had to do with the landmass in the northwest corner labeled Norveca. The first 48 contain little visual material besides a few marginalia, while the second half of the book includes some text-only pages, some full-page drawings, and some smaller drawings with extensive text on or around them. 11r, which provides the most complete information about his life, ends with June 1336, suggesting that this drawing was finished by that date. In contrast, Morse demonstrated that the Vaticanus holds the key to understanding Opicinusa€™ thought: its drawings are more intimate and revealing, and it contains over a hundred pages of text.
Portolan charts were modern, cutting-edge diagrammatic maps of the Mediterranean region, and Opicinusa€™ use of them transforms what would otherwise have been old-fashioned, theoretical, and primarily textual drawings into a completely new type of representation.
Interpreting the vision with relation to his own body and life was only one of the tactics that he used.
The drawings in both manuscripts could have been preparatory studies for some larger-scale project or commission that was never carried out. According to Whittington, to explain what the body-worlds a€?mean,a€? one must explore how and why Opicinus harnessed these maritime maps to a completely different purpose from that for which they were created. Others include the entire range of the chart, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Black Sea and the Holy Land.
Small captions and rotae are positioned at various points on the map; some of these are placed to comment specifically on a geographical feature, while others remark more generally on the drawing and its characters. A worm or snake emerges from an otherwise empty circle on her stomach, twisting along the North African coast, its mouth gnawing on the figurea€™s thumb near Carthage. Large red capital letters spell out C-R-I-S-T-U-S, with each letter also being the first letter of one of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit. Opicinus uses the portolan chart to construct a binary system in which values can be opposed, and also to place these allegories or personifications within a space that is, in the broadest sense, real.
On the southern coast of France, a basket-woven pattern is explained in a caption as a basket to catch the excrement of the sea-figure.
For example, in a short passage in the upper left corner of the page, Opicinus mentions that the body of the sea-devil extends beyond the inner city wall of the Pavian map, which he interprets as a sign that malice and mischief are spread out in the city; beyond the old city walls. An over-determined world allowed him to make visible to himself and his potential readers the primary concerns, impulses, histories, and spaces of his world and his body in a way that led to potentially productive connections and revelations. In contrast, the sea of the larger top map is not embodied, and retains the color of the paper.
This line could help the viewer perceive the imagea€™s orientation, by providing a reference point for the location of the same city on each map at this crucial juncture at the center. The sea-figure takes control of the pagea€™s center, superimposing his twisting body over the eastern half of the upper, spiritual chart a€” his a€?negativea€? space dominates the positive space of the other chart. In contrast, a caption on the rota for Affrica spiritualis points to the interior senses (sensus interiores) that indicate spiritual progress: meditation, contemplation, discernment, and rumination (meditatio, contemplatio, discretio, degustatio). They also establish that the body-worldsa€™ identities as both bodies and maps remain significant on their own; because connections rely on their status as both maps and bodies, one is not emphasized over the other.
This window or outline a€” the negative space of the upper drawing a€” provides a view onto a world of color. The mirror of any of his creations, which he acknowledges are fabrications (in the sense that they are imaginary and exploratory), will always contain some new level of meaning.
The two red lines indicate the precise point where worlds are mirrored, and the differentiation in color a€” white, brown, and red a€” brings the forms of the body-worlds into a near-sculptural relief. In the overlapped body-worlds, which are tinted with red and brown wash, we see a small penis depicted inside the figure of Europe, just past the fist of the Mediterranean figure.
It must be acknowledged that both figures are shaped like small penises, but it is also true that in medieval anatomical texts the female genitalia are often described as an interiorized mirror image of a male penis, so perhaps we should not be surprised that the two are a€?personified,a€? if we want to use that term, in similar ways. According to Victoria Morse, Europea€™s pregnancy was also related to local political situations, visualizing the (sexual) corruption of Lombardy within an otherwise holy European body.
She then contrasts this a€?violenta€? delivery of the figures with the small baby depicted on fol.
In 1537 the Tirolese cartographer Johann Putsch celebrated the Hapsburg rule over Europe by presenting a placid a€?Europa Reginaa€? wearing Charles Va€™s Spain as a crown and Ferdinanda€™s Austria as a medal at her waist, representing the triumph of the Hapsburgs. 6 In any case, Wang Hui's version reflects the same attitude of reverence towards the ancients and similarly attempts to faithfully convey the spirit and form of the original compositions. 1046-after 1100), and Gao Kegong (1248-1310), as well as the Four Yuan Masters and Zhao Mengfu.
We have the tools to elevate connoisseurship to an unprecedented level of accuracy but, in order to do so, we must match the diligence, sensitivity, and passion of our predecessors. She worked there for only three seasons from 1895 to 1897 and she published The Temple of Mut in Asher in 1899 2 with Janet Gourlay, who joined her in the second season. That notwithstanding, the parchment is generally in good condition with some folds and tears that inhibit its readability. Those who remained after the infamous Kristallnacht (9a€“10 November 1938) were moved into a€?Jewish Housesa€? the following year.
The representation and interpretation of this divine image of the earth would occupy much of the rest of his life. Other dates in the manuscript are scarce; most scholars agree that the bulk of the drawings were completed between February 1335 and June 1336, with later additions stretching all the way to 1350.
Opicinus was working during a crucial moment in the history of cartography, when numerous artists and mapmakers sought to combine old and new forms.
Most of the drawings suggest other interpretive avenues, through personifications, allegorical confrontations, or superimposition; one does not have to turn to Opicinusa€™ biography to explain them. It is also possible that these works were intended, like several of Opicinusa€™ earlier treatises, for the Pope. In this example, Europe is embodied as a man a€” his head occupies the Iberian Peninsula, his chest and stomach lie in France (where some kind of beast in the ocean tries to bite at his shoulder), his arm arches up through the lowlands and Germany, and his legs occupy the Italian peninsula and the Dalmatian coast. He used this technical, practical, scientific cartography to probe deeper into the nature of God and the created world. But all of the drawings in this category share a single feature: they include only one map, one level of cartographic reality on the page. The two figures that constitute, lie within, or coexist with Africa and Europe are classic examples of Opicinusa€™ body-worlds (the third figure that often appears in the Mediterranean is not included, in this particular drawing). In two outer concentric rings Opicinus places the names of the seven planets and the days of the week. Yet their placement within a map, particularly an empirical one which was actually used for travelling, emphasizes the tenuousness of such binary oppositions. Despite these and other details on the figures, the actual bodies seem less important to Opicinus in these three drawings; the commentary focuses more on the physical interplay and connections between the two overlapping maps.
It is not that he thinks that this image of the two maps placed in this particular arrangement is necessarily a€?correcta€? or a€?truea€? a€” on fol.
84v offers further evidence that Opicinus viewed the portolan charts as empirical representations. At the centre of the page the embodied eastern Mediterranean of the lower map (including the Black Sea) overlaps both the land and the sea of the upper map, so that its eastern half (part of Italy and all of Greece, Egypt, and Turkey) is obscured.
Or, given the opposing genders of the two Europes in the maps, and the fact that the area at the top of the Adriatic was understood as the erogenous zone of the European body, the line could suggest a sexual point of contact a€” even intercourse a€” between the two figures.
It is necessary first to describe and explain the drawinga€™s complex structure, before discussing its content in relation to several captions that surround it. In the space below, the continents are shaded a brick red, while the seas are painted a soft brown-grey.
The interpretive paradigm for this drawing must be one of experimentation; it is the only image in the manuscript with this particular arrangement of forms, and through it Opicinus only seems to have arrived at fragments of meaning. The small caption nearby simply reads Venetie [Venice] and without further explanation it is unclear whether the penis belongs to the European body, depicted lying back against his stomach, or whether he is somehow being penetrated by a small penis belonging to the sea-figure.
Here, reproductive sexuality is a sign of corruption; elsewhere, as we will see, it is a marker of generative spirituality. 74v, which is positioned for a normal delivery through Venice, with its head down and its arms folded peacefully in prayer.
The queena€™s crown (Spain), orb (Sicily), and heart (Bohemia) from a triangle that directs the viewera€™s eye away from Eastern Europe toward the West. In the introduction to that publication of her work she emphasized that it was the first time any woman had been given permission by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities to excavate; she was well aware that it was something of an accomplishment. The right side carries some tears that indicate that the map was nailed on this side to a wooden piece around which it was evidently rolled. Bjornbo, as well as on personal correspondence with him, which ceased just before Bjornbo acknowledged that he had been wrong about Clavus. After 1940 most were deported to the Gurs concentration camp in the Pyrenees and to extermination camps in Germany. In over eighty surviving drawings, now kept in the Vatican Library and referred to by scholars as the Vaticanus and Palatinus manuscripts, he experimented with how he could uncover the meaning that he was sure God had planted in the vision he saw, in the hope that his drawings would help to renew the faith of all Christians. Far more drawings in the Vaticanus portray body-worlds (23), while few in the Palatinus do so (6).
This encounter between the scientific and the spiritual is best explored by looking at the structures that Opicinus used to create the drawings. Another rota lies inside France, near the location that Opicinus usually associates with the a€?hearta€? of the Europe figure a€” Avignon. On a map you can literally sail by sea from one a€?placea€? or a€?bodya€? to the other a€” each place is accessible to the other.
Here, the grid structures the space of the local map, but also shapes the way we view the portolan below.
It looks like a kind of symbolic twin to the spatio-indexical rhumb lines of the original portolan charts.
61r demonstrates that Opicinus was also aware of the dangers of aligning appearance with truth; appearances could just as easily deceive as reveal.


The arrangement of these colored maps beneath the surface of the white ones is the most complicated aspect of the drawing. The angels are labeled angelus lucis and angelus tenebrarum a€” an angel of light and an angel of darkness. Given the penises in this region that we discussed above, this latter proposition is not without basis, but it seems more likely that it belongs to the European figure, since it is tinted the same color.
The whole map is framed with a double line and the laced corners between the figures are adorned with oriental-style decoration.
It is unlikely that any of these Heidelberg Jews escaped the confiscation of their homes and property by the National Socialists that became the lot of almost every Austrian Jew after the Anschluss in 1938. Nearly all of the drawings in the Palatinus feature what Whittington calls an a€?overarching containing structurea€? a€” a geometrical framework that contains all of the drawinga€™s content. Her face is to the west, shown in profile as she seems to whisper into the ear of the European figure across the Straits of Gibraltar.
She seems to speak directly into the ear of the European figure, depicted partly in profile and partly from the front. At the center of the roundel is a seated figure of Christ showing his wounds; around this are the names of seven episcopal seats, and the seven planets and their positions. In these simplest drawings, though, such a possibility is only hinted at; a much fuller manipulation of the metaphor of travel and movement between binaries, and indeed a subversion of the very concept of binary opposition, is found in Opicinusa€™ more complicated images, discussed below. This grid, eight squares by ten, is oriented in the same way as the map below, with east at the top of the page (the street grid of Pavia was, and still is, slightly off-axis from the cardinal points because of its alignment with the river, which is reflected in its positioning at a slight angle on the page). Opicinus just seems to be testing each possible arrangement on either side of the folio, turning it back and forth to see which parts of it align with things he believes to be true. Any resident or visitor familiar with the city would recognize that the local map of Pavia was a measured, accurate representation, and the fundamental hypothesis of this image and its interpretation is that correspondences can be deduced through the alignment of one measured map with another.
One complete map lies below the upper white map, and one complete map lies below the lower white map, but each is placed in a different relation to its chart above. The angel of light in the surface map whispers into the ear of the upper male Europe, labeled homo spiritualis, while the angel of darkness whispers to homo carnalis. 61v, where two tiny figures with the same labels hold between them a baby, its head positioned downward, pointing toward the area near Venice through which we presume it would be born.
The danger of any study of Opicinus is that in seeking out the contexts in which one may understand Opicinusa€™ work as logical and coherent, one risks losing sight of what makes them so exceptional. But he also used this idea in order to create images unrivalled in their complexity and interpretive difficulty, multiplying maps and figures across the page in kaleidoscopic networks. The local grid is filled in with detail; the numerous small labels in brown indicate churches, city gates, bridges, and monasteries in Pavia, while the few red captions refer to cities or regions on the portolan below (here, like elsewhere, Opicinus uses color to clarify his content for the reader). Once again, a grid serves two functions, measuring the space of one reality and indicating the measurability of another. On the top half of the page, the tinted map below is a precise mirror image of the upper map, reflected from it along a red horizontal line that bisects the upper, white body-worlds. The arrangement recalls nothing so much as the angel and devil of the human conscience that perch on the shoulders of cartoon figures in modern movies and comics, offering advice and urging the character towards good or bad decisions; in the drawing, the heads of the angels seem to rest directly on the shoulders of the figures below them. Here, the two a€?personificationsa€? of the penis and the womb have produced a tiny child and are preparing it for birth. Later editions of Europe as a queen were issued by Sebastian Munster, Heinrich Bunting and Matthias Quad. Historical differences in scale, function, and artistic intent were subordinated to the promotion of a universal aesthetic based on brushwork. We were frankly warned that we should make no discoveries; indeed if any had been anticipated, it was unlikely that the clearance would have been entrusted to inexperienced direction. This a€?manuscripta€? is a collection of 27 huge unbound parchment sheets, averaging about two by three feet, although some are significantly larger. This observation prompts the next a€” that the Palatinus drawings almost always include calendars (usually as part of the overarching containing structure), while few of the Vaticanus drawings do. Looking at the drawings as a whole, there can be no doubt that there are distinct threads running through them a€” themes, problems, and possibilities that Opicinus set out to explore. And just as the drawingsa€™ forms combine simplicity and complexity, their content also veers from the straightforward to the impenetrable. The relationship between these human figures and the landforms is, as is always the case in Opicinusa€™ drawings, very difficult to describe.
The huge green swath at the right of the page indicates the Ticino River, which is coextensive with the long veil or cloak worn by the Africa woman.
The white body-worlds in the top layer always overlap the lower, colored ones, which are only visible in the negative space of the sea.
These personificationsa€™ sexuality is normative and non-transgressive a€” male and female members come together inside of the female body. 3 A Margaret Benson was born June 16, 1865, one of the six children of Edward White Benson. Depending on the individual viewera€™s perception, the figures can seem to be lying on top of the land, growing out of it, or somehow placed under it a€” as if the landforms are windows through which we are looking.
The green lines at the top and bottom of the page show the path of several Pavian canals, and the three concentric red boundaries drawn around the page indicate the city walls. The same system is repeated in the lower half of the drawing, except that the lower tinted map is reflected along a vertical line, also colored red. From these observations, Whittington generalizes some of the basic differences between the two manuscripts. Most of all, however, these enigmatic forms seem to depict the earth and the bodies as coextensive, and of the same material a€” bodies made out of the earth. The two maps on the bottom half of the page are also mirror images of one another, but along a different axis. He was first an assistant master at Rugby, then the first headmaster of the newly founded Wellington College.He rose in the service of the church as Chancellor of the diocese of Lincoln, Bishop of Truro and, finally, Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Vaticanus seems to be more of a personal manuscript, perhaps never intended for a wider audience. The more one looks at these body-worlds, the more one sees the human figures as figures a€” the stranger parts of their bodies, where the landforms do not align so easily with a normative human shape, become less and less noticeable. The two red axes are thus crucial to understanding the drawing: they must have been used to construct it and also intended to aid in its decoding. Its drawings are less structured and presentational, contain more sexual imagery, and include more personal themes, all of which we might associate with a private, rather than public function (although such distinctions were perhaps more fluid in 14th century Italy than they are today). Secondly, the drawings in the Vaticanus and Palatinus have very different structures; the Vaticanus uses the form of the portolan [nautical] chart to structure meaning and representations of bodies, while the Palatinus drawings use larger geometric, ecclesiastical, and temporal frames, which in turn often contain representations of the earth. Benson was a learned man with a wide knowledge of history and a serious concern for the education of the young. Finally, the Palatinus drawings contain a temporal, cyclical element (numerous calendars and representations of the zodiac) that the Vaticanus drawings usually lack.
He was also something of a poet and one of his hymns is still included in the American Episcopal Hymnal. Arthur Christopher, the eldest, was first a master at Eton and then at Magdalen College, Cambridge. A noted author and poet with an enormous literary output, he published over fifty books, most of an inspirational nature, but he was also the author of monographs on D.
He helped to edit the correspondence of Queen Victoria for publication, contributed poetry to The Yellow Book, and wrote the words to the anthem "Land of Hope and Glory". Most important to the study of the excavator of the Mut Temple, he was the author of The Life and Letters of Maggie Benson, 4 a sympathetic biography which helps to shed some light on her short archaeological career. He also wrote several reminiscences of his family in which he included his sister and described his involvement in her excavations. He helped to supervise part of the work and he prepared the plan of the temple which was used in her eventual publication.
His younger brother, Robert Hugh Benson, took Holy Orders in the Church of England, later converted to Roman Catholicism and was ordained a priest in that rite. He also achieved some fame as a novelist and poet and rose to the position of Papal Chamberlain. Her publication of the excavation is cited in every reference to theTemple of Mut in the Egyptological literature, but she is known to history as a name in a footnote and little else.A Margaret Benson was born at Wellington College during her father's tenure as headmaster. Each career advancement for him meant a move for the family so her childhood was spent in a series of official residences until she went to Oxford in 1883. She was eighteen when she was enrolled at Lady Margaret Hall, a women's college founded only four years before. One of her tutors commented to his sister that he was sorry Margaret had not been able to read for "Greats" in the normal way.
5 When she took a first in the Women's Honours School of Philosophy, he said, "No one will realize how brilliantly she has done." 6 Since her work was not compared to that of her male contemporaries, it would have escaped noticed. In her studies she concentrated on political economy and moral sciences but she was also active in many aspects of the college. She participated in dramatics, debating and sports but her outstanding talent was for drawing and painting in watercolor. Her skill was so superior he thought she should be appointed drawing mistress if she remained at Lady Margaret Hall for any length of time. She began a work titled "The Venture of Rational Faith" which occupied her thoughts for many years.
From the titles alone they suggest a young woman who was deeply concerned with problems of society and the spirit and this preoccupation with the spiritual was to be one of her concerns throughout the rest of her life. In some of her letters from Egypt it is clear that she was attempting to understand something of the spiritual life of the ancient Egyptians, not a surprising interest for the daughter of a churchman like Edward White Benson. A In 1885, at the age of twenty, Margaret was taken ill with scarlet fever while at Zermatt in Switzerland. By the time she was twenty-five she had developed the symptoms of rheumatism and the beginnings of arthritis. She made her first voyage to Egypt in 1894 because the warm climate was considered to be beneficial for those who suffered from her ailments.
Wintering in Egypt was highly recommended at the time for a wide range of illnesses ranging from simple asthma to "mental strain." Lord Carnarvon, Howard Carter's sponsor in the search for the tomb of Tutankhamun, was one of the many who went to Egypt for reasons of health. After Cairo and Giza she went on by stages as far as Aswan and the island temples of Philae. She commented on the "wonderful calm" of the Great Sphinx, the physical beauty of the Nubians, the color of the stone at Philae, the descent of the cataract by boat, which she said was "not at all dangerous". By the end of January she was established in Luxor with a program of visits to the monuments set out.
I don't feel as if I should have really had an idea of Egypt at all if I hadn't stayed here -- the Bas-reliefs of kings in chariots are only now beginning to look individual instead of made on a pattern, and the immensity of the whole thing is beginning to dawn -- and the colours, oh my goodness!
The ancient language and script she found fascinating but she was not as interested in reading classical Arabic. Her interest was maintained by the variety of animal and bird life for at home in England she had been surrounded by domestic animals and had always been keen on keeping pets. By the time her first stay ended in March, 1894, she had already resolved to return in the fall. When Margaret returned to Egypt in November she had already conceived the idea of excavating a site and thus applied to the Egyptian authorities. Edouard Naville, the Swiss Egyptologist who was working at the Temple of Hatshepsut at Dier el Bahri for the Egypt Exploration Fund, wrote to Henri de Morgan, Director of the Department of Antiquities, on her behalf. From her letters of the time, it is clear that this was one of the most exciting moments of Margaret Benson's life because she was allowed to embark on what she considered a great adventure. A Margaret's physical condition at the beginning of the excavation was of great concern to the family.
A Margaret Benson had no particular training to qualify or prepare her for the job but what she lacked in experience she more than made up for with her "enthusiastic personality" and her intellectual curiosity. In the preface to The Temple of Mut in Asher she said that she had no intention of publishing the work because she had been warned that there was little to find. In the introduction to The Temple of Mut in Asher acknowledgments were made and gratitude was offered to a number of people who aided in the work in various ways.
The professional Egyptologists and archaeologists included Naville, Petrie, de Morgan, Brugsch, Borchardt, Daressy, Hogarth and especially Percy Newberry who translated the inscriptions on all of the statues found. Lea), 10 a Colonel Esdaile, 11 and Margaret's brother, Fred, helped in the supervision of the work in one or more seasons.
A It is usually assumed that Margaret Benson and Janet Gourlay worked only as amateurs, with little direction and totally inexperienced help. It is clear from the publication that Naville helped to set up the excavation and helped to plan the work.
Hogarth 12 gave advice in the direction of the digging and Newberry was singled out for his advice, suggestions and correction as well as "unwearied kindness." Margaret's brother, Fred, helped his inexperienced sister by supervising some of the work as well as making a measured plan of the temple which is reproduced in the publication.
Benson) was qualified to help because he had intended to pursue archaeology as a career, studied Classical Languages and archaeology at Cambridge, and was awarded a scholarship at King's College on the basis of his work. He organized a small excavation at Chester to search for Roman legionary tomb stones built into the town wall and the results of his efforts were noticed favorably by Theodore Mommsen, the great nineteenth century classicist, and by Mr.
Benson went on to excavate at Megalopolis in Greece for the British School at Athens and published the result of his work in the Journal of Hellenic Studies. His first love was Greece and its antiquities and it is probable that concern for his sister's health was a more important reason for him joining the excavation than an interest in the antiquities of Egypt. 13A It is interesting to speculate as to why a Victorian woman was drawn to the Temple of Mut.
The precinct of the goddess who was the consort of Amun, titled "Lady of Heaven", and "Mistress of all the Gods", is a compelling site and was certainly in need of further exploration in Margaret's time.
Its isolation and the arrangement with the Temple of Mut enclosed on three sides by its own sacred lake made it seem even more romantic. 14 When she began the excavation three days was considered enough time to "do" the monuments of Luxor and Margaret said that few people could be expected to spend even a half hour at in the Precinct of Mut.
A On her first visit to Egypt in 1894 she had gone to see the temple because she had heard about the granite statues with cats' heads (the lion-headed images of Sakhmet).
The donkey-boys knew how to find the temple but it was not considered a "usual excursion" and after her early visits to the site she said that "The temple itself was much destroyed, and the broken walls so far buried, that one could not trace the plan of more than the outer court and a few small chambers".
15 The Precinct of the Goddess Mut is an extensive field of ruins about twenty-two acres in size, of which Margaret had chosen to excavate only the central structure.
Connected to the southernmost pylons of the larger Amun Temple of Karnak by an avenue of sphinxes, the Mut precinct contains three major temples and a number of smaller structures in various stages of dilapidation. She noted some of these details in her initial description of the site, but in three short seasons she was only able to work inside the Mut Temple proper and she cleared little of its exterior. Serious study of the temple complex was started at least as early as the expedition of Napoleon at the end of the eighteenth century when artists and engineers attached to the military corps measured the ruins and made drawings of some of the statues. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the great age of the treasure hunters in Egypt, Giovanni Belzoni carried away many of the lion-headed statues and pieces of sculpture to European museums.
Champollion, the decipherer of hieroglyphs, and Karl Lepsius, the pioneer German Egyptologist, both visited the precinct, copied inscriptions and made maps of the remains.16 August Mariette had excavated there and believed that he had exhausted the site. Most of the travelers and scholars who had visited the precinct or carried out work there left some notes or sketches of what they saw and these were useful as references for the new excavation.
Since some of the early sources on the site are quoted in her publication, Margaret was obviously aware of their existence. 17A On her return to Egypt at the end of November, 1894, she stopped at Mena House hotel at Giza and for a short time at Helwan, south of Cairo.
Helwan was known for its sulphur springs and from about 1880 it had become a popular health resort, particularly suited for the treatment of the sorts of maladies from which Margaret suffered. People at every turn asked if she remembered them and her donkey-boy almost wept to see her.
A "On January 1st, 1895, we began the excavation" -- with a crew composed of four men, sixteen boys (to carry away the earth), an overseer, a night guardian and a water carrier. The largest the work gang would be in the three seasons of excavation was sixteen or seventeen men and eighty boys, still a sizable number.
Before the work started Naville came to "interview our overseer and show us how to determine the course of the work". A A good part of Margaret's time was occupied with learning how to supervise the workmen and the basket boys. Since her spoken Arabic was almost nonexistent, she had to use a donkey-boy as a translator. It would have been helpful if she had had the opportunity to work on an excavation conducted by a professional and profit from the experience but she was eager to learn and had generally good advice at her disposal so she proceeded in an orderly manner and began to clear the temple. On the second of January she wrote to her mother: "I don't think much will be found of little things, only walls, bases of pillars, and possibly Cat-statues. I shall feel rather like --'Massa in the shade would lay While we poor niggers toiled all day' -- for I am to have a responsible overseer, and my chief duty apparently will be paying.
18A She is described as riding out from the Luxor Hotel on donkey-back with bags of piaster pieces jingling for the Saturday payday. She had been warned to pay each man and boy personally rather than through the overseer to reduce the chances of wages disappearing into the hands of intermediaries.
The workmen believed that she was at least a princess and they wanted to know if her father lived in the same village as the Queen of England. When they sang their impromptu work songs (as Egyptian workmen still do) they called Margaret the "Princess" and her brother Fred the "Khedive". A PART II: THE EXCAVATIONSA The clearance was begun in the northern, outer, court of the temple where Mariette had certainly worked. Earth was banked to the north side of the court, against the back of the ruined first pylon but on the south it had been dug out even below the level of the pavement. Mariette's map is inaccurate in a number of respects suggesting that he was not able to expose enough of the main walls. At the first (northern) gate it was necessary for Margaret Benson to clear ten or twelve feet of earth to reach the paving stones at the bottom. In the process they found what were described as fallen roofing blocks, a lion-headed statue lying across and blocking the way, and also a small sandstone head of a hippopotamus. In the clearance of the court the bases of four pairs of columns were found, not five as on Mariette's map.
After working around the west half of the first court and disengaging eight Sakhmet statues in the process, they came on their first important find.
Near the west wall of the court, was discovered a block statue of a man named Amenemhet, a royal scribe of the time of Amenhotep II.
The statue is now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo 19 but Margaret was given a cast of it to take home to England. When it was discovered she wrote to her father: A My Dearest Papa, We have had such a splendid find at the Temple of Mut that I must write to tell you about it. We were just going out there on Monday, when we met one of our boys who works there running to tell us that they had found a statue. When we got there they were washing it, and it proved to be a black granite figure about two feet high, knees up to its chin, hands crossed on them, one hand holding a lotus. 20A The government had appointed an overseer who spent his time watching the excavation for just such finds. He reported it to a sub-inspector who immediately took the block statue away to a store house and locked it up. He said it was hard that Margaret should not have "la jouissance de la statue que vous avez trouve" and she was allowed to take it to the hotel where she could enjoy it until the end of the season when it would become the property of the museum. The statue had been found on the pavement level, apparently in situ, suggesting to the excavator that this was good evidence for an earlier dating for the temple than was generally believed at the time. The presence of a statue on the floor of a temple does not necessarily date the temple, but many contemporary Egyptologists might have come to the same conclusion.
One visitor to the site recalled that a party of American tourists were perplexed when Margaret was pointed out to them as the director of the dig.
At that moment she and a friend were sitting on the ground quarreling about who could build the best sand castle. This was probably not the picture of an "important" English Egyptologist that the Americans had expected.
A As work was continued in the first court other broken statues of Sakhmet were found as well as two seated sandstone baboons of the time of Ramesses III. 21 The baboons went to the museum in Cairo, a fragment of a limestone stela was eventually consigned to a store house in Luxor and the upper part of a female figure was left in the precinct where it was recently rediscovered.
The small objects found in the season of 1895 included a few coins, a terra cotta of a reclining "princess", some beads, Roman pots and broken bits of bronze. Time was spent repositioning Sakhmet statues which appeared to be out of place based on what was perceived as a pattern for their arrangement.
Even if they were correct they could not be sure that they were reconstructing the original ancient placement of the statues in the temple or some modification of the original design. In the spirit of neatness and attempting to leave the precinct in good order, they also repaired some of the statues with the aid of an Italian plasterer, hired especially for that purpose.
A Margaret was often bed ridden by her illnesses and she was subject to fits of depression as well but she and her brother Fred would while away the evenings playing impromptu parlor games. For a fancy dress ball at the Luxor Hotel she appeared costumed as the goddess Mut, wearing a vulture headdress which Naville praised for its ingenuity. The resources in the souk of Luxor for fancy dress were nonexistent but Margaret was resourceful enough to find material with which to fabricate a costume based, as she said, on "Old Egyptian pictures." A The results of the first season would have been gratifying for any excavator.
In a short five weeks the "English Lady" had begun to clear the temple and to note the errors on the older plans available to her. She had started a program of reconstruction with the idea of preserving some of the statues of Sakhmet littering the site. She had found one statue of great importance and the torso of another which did not seem so significant to her.
Her original intention of digging in a picturesque place where she had been told there was nothing much to be found was beginning to produce unexpected results.A The Benson party arrived in Egypt for the second season early in January of 1896.
After a trip down to, they reached Luxor Aswan around the twenty-sixth and the work began on the thirtieth.
That day Margaret was introduced to Janet Gourlay who had come to assist with the excavation. The beginning of the long relationship between "Maggie" Benson and "Nettie" Gourlay was not signaled with any particular importance.
By May of the same year she was to write (also to her mother): "I like her more and more -- I haven't liked anyone so well in years".
Miss Benson and Miss Gourlay seemed to work together very well and to share similar reactions and feelings.
They were to remain close friends for much of Margaret's life, visiting and travelling together often. Their correspondence reflects a deep mutual sympathy and Janet was apparently much on Margaret's mind because she often mentioned her friend in writing to others.
After her relationship with Margaret Benson she faded into obscurity and even her family has been difficult to trace, although a sister was located a few years ago.
A For the second season in 1896 the work staff was a little larger, with eight to twelve men, twenty-four to thirty-six boys, a rais (overseer), guardians and the necessary water carrier.
With the first court considered cleared in the previous season, work was begun at the gate way between the first and second courts. An investigation was made of the ruined wall between these two courts and the conclusion was drawn that it was "a composite structure" suggesting that part of the wall was of a later date than the rest. The wall east of the gate opening is of stone and clearly of at least two building periods while the west side has a mud brick core faced on the south with stone. Margaret thought the west half of the wall to be completely destroyed because it was of mud brick which had never been replaced by stone. She found the remains of "more than one row of hollow pots" which she thought had been used as "air bricks" in some later rebuilding. Originally built of mud brick, like many of the structures in the Precinct of Mut, the south face of both halves of the wall was sheathed with stone one course thick no later than the Ramesside Period.
During the Ptolemaic Period the core of the east half of the mud brick wall was replaced with stone but the Ramesside sheathing was retained.
Here the untrained excavator was beginning to understand some of the problems of clearing a temple structure in Egypt. Mariette's plan of the second chamber probably seemed accurate after a superficial examination so a complete clearing seemed unnecessary. Other fragments were found and the original height of the seated statue was estimated between fourteen and sixteen feet high. The following year de Morgan, the Director General of the Department of Antiquities, ordered the head sent to the museum in Cairo The finding of the large lion head is mentioned in a letter from Margaret to her mother dated February 9, 1896, 22.
In the same letter she also mentions the discovery of a statue of Ramesses II on the day before the letter was written. 23.Her published letters often give exact or close dates of discoveries whereas her later publication in the Temple of Mut in Asher was an attempt at a narrative of the work in some order of progression through the temple and dates are often lacking. About the same time that the giant lion head was found some effort was made to raise a large cornerstone block but a crowbar was bent and a rope was broken. The end result of the activity is not explained at that point and the location of the corner not given but it can probably be identified with the southeast cornerstone of the Mut Temple mentioned later in a description of the search for foundation deposits. A Somewhere near the central axis of the second court, but just inside the gateway, they came on the upper half of a royal statue with nemes headdress and the remains of a false beard. There had been inscriptions on the shoulder and back pillar but these had been methodically erased. The lower half was found a little later and it was possible to reconstruct an over life-sized, nearly complete, seated statue of a king.
The excavators published it as "possibly" Tutankhamun, an identification not accepted today, and it is still to be seen, sitting to the east of the gateway, facing into the second court.24 A large statue of Sakhmet was also found, not as large as the colossal head, but larger than the other figures still in the precinct and in most Egyptian collections.
It was also reconstructed and left in place, on the west side of the doorway where it is one of the most recognizable landmarks in the temple. In the clearance of the second court a feature described as a thin wall built out from the north wall was found in the northeast corner. It was later interpreted by the nineteenth century excavators as part of the arrangement for a raised cloister and it was not until recent excavation that it was identified as the lower part of the wall of a small chapel, built against the north wall of the court. The process of determining any sequence of the levels in the second court was complicated by the fact that it had been worked over by earlier treasure hunters and archaeologists. In some cases statues were found below the original floor level, leading to the assumption that some pieces had fallen, broken the pavement, and sunk into the floor of their own weight. It is more probable that the stone floors had been dug out and undermined in the search for antiquities.
A An attempt was made to put the area in order for future visitors as the excavation progressed. This included the reconstruction of some of the statues as found and the moving of others in a general attempt to neaten the appearance of the temple. Other finds made in the second court included inscribed blocks too large to move or reused in parts of walls still standing. The statue identified as Ramesses II, mentioned in Margaret's letter of February 9, was found on the southwest side of the court, near the center. It was a seated figure in pink granite, rather large in size, but when it was completely uncovered it was found to be broken through the middle with the lower half in an advanced state of disintegration. The upper part was in relatively good condition except for the left shoulder and arm and it was eventually awarded to the excavators. A Mention was also made of several small finds from the second court including a head of a god in black stone and part of the vulture headdress from a statue of a goddess or a queen. The recent ongoing excavations carried out by the Brooklyn Museum have revealed a female head with traces of a vulture headdress as well as a number of fragments of legs and feet which suggest that the head of the god found by Margaret Benson was from a pair statue representing Amun and Mut. Another important discovery she made on the south side of the court was a series of sandstone relief blocks representing the arrival at Thebes of Nitocris, daughter of Psamtik I, as God's Wife of Amun.25A At some time during the season Margaret was made aware of the possibility that foundation deposits might still be in place. These dedicatory deposits were put down at the time of the founding of a structure or at a time of a major rebuilding, and they are often found under the cornerstones, the thresholds or under major walls, usually in the center. They contain a number of small objects including containers for food offerings, model tools and model bricks or plaques inscribed with the name of the ruler. The importance of finding such a deposit in the Temple of Mut was obvious to Margaret because it would prove to everyone's satisfaction who had built the temple, or at least who had made additions to it.
A They first looked for foundation deposits in the middle of the gateway between the first and second courts.
At the same time another part of the crew was clearing the innermost rooms in the south part of the temple. Under the central of the three chambers they discovered a subterranean crypt with an entrance so small that it had to be excavated by "a small boy with a trowel". This chamber has been re-cleared in recent years and proved to be a small rectangular room with traces of an erased one-line text around the four walls.
In antiquity the access seems to have been hidden by a paving stone which had to be lifted each time the room was entered.
A The search for foundation deposits continued in the southeast corner of the temple (probably the place where the crowbar was bent and the rope broken).
Again no deposit was found but in digging around the cornerstone, below the original ground level, they began to find statues and fragments of statues. As the earth continued to yield more and more pieces of sculpture, Legrain arrived from the Amun Temple, where he was supervising the excavation, and announced his intention to take everything away to the storehouse.
Aside from the pleasure of the find, it was important to have the objects at hand for study, comparison and the copying of inscriptions.



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