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Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector. Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced.
It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones. As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared).
Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales.
The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts.
The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view.
Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found. Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) .
In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102).
It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes.
Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path.
Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator. Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance.
The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.
We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust. The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator.
Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions. The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions. Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times.
Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below.
It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions.
At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records.
It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness. These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came.
From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth. Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts. There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece. In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge.
That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date. The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge.
Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps.
The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established. In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe.
Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography. The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied.
Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess. Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire.
When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence. In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life. Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking. The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world. It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone. China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994. Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters.
Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost.
As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
The Street sign kit contains parts and decals for one tall sign and 2 sets of small driveway signs. DESCRIPTION: Although few ancient Chinese maps are extant, it is evident from various descriptions in early geographical literature and Korean copies and imitations of old Chinese maps that the Terrestrial Continent was centered around China, encircled by a large ring of water quite similar to Homera€™s Oceanus, and further enclosed by an imaginary outer continent (#105, #254, #255, #256). The subject of this monograph is a map referred to as Yoktae chewang honil kangnido [Map of historical emperors and kings and of integrated borders and terrain], also known as the Honil kangni yoktae kukto chi to [Map of integrated regions and terrains and of historical countries and capitals], and hereafter will be simply referred to as the Kangnido.
According to the preface found in China€™s Yangcha€™on chip, the map is a synthesis of two earlier Chinese maps, an early 14th century (~1330) map by Li Tse-min [Zemin] and another map from the late 14th century (~1370) by Cha€™ing Cha€™n [Qing Jun], both maps now lost however. The place to begin discussion of this very unusual map is with its preface, the crucial part of which is translated here from the text on the Ryukoku copy, with reference to the closely similar version in Cha€™A?an Chin's collected works, the Yangcha€™on chip. Takahashi Tadashi has shown that the Kangnidoa€™s Chinese transcriptions of place-names in southwest Asia, Africa, and Europe come from Persianized Arabic originals. The European part of the map, which is said to contain some 100 names, has not yet been the object of an individual study, and no details of this section of the Kangnido seem to have been published. Cha€™A?an Chin observed in his preface that the Kuang yu ta€™u had only sketchy treatment of the area east of the Liao River and of Korea. The last major element of the map to be supplied, as far as the Koreans were concerned, was Japan. It is generally assumed by Korean cartographical specialists that this map, brought back in 1401, was the basis for the representation of Japan on the Kangnido. The northeastern coast of Africa, as well as Arabia, Asia Minor and the Mediterranean Sea with Italy and Spain were, as a whole, known to the Chinese from the 12th century, either by description, or, in the case of the African and Arabian coasts, from their own experience. Prior to the Age of Great Discoveries, the African world below the Sahara, by all indications, was essentially an enigma to geographers in Europe. From the other side, the Arabs undoubtedly possessed considerable advantages that enabled them to venture across the dry lands and beyond. While numerous places in North Africa were mentioned by Chinese authors of the 8th and 9th centuries, it is more difficult to establish a clear milestone for the advance of Chinaa€™s knowledge concerning tropical Africa. Returning to Cha€™A?an Chin and Li Huia€™s map, the delineation of the southern half of Africa is of particular interest.
The fact that the names of the Chinese cities on China€™s map are all the same as on the maps from 1320, further substantiates that the basic content of the map, as a whole, must date back to the famous Chinese cartographer Chu Ssu-pena€™s own time. Whatever the emphasis of the cartographer, rivers as a rule, were the most prominent landmarks in every Chinese map; and for the inland areas (central Asia especially) China€™s map is a good example of the Korean conformity to Chinese tradition, and we see the magnitude of rivers and other water bodies greatly exaggerated.
Another contributing factor in the mapa€™s remarkable knowledge of the West is that which was obtained as a result of the near conquest of the entire known [inhabited] world, or oikoumene, by the Mongols during the 13th century. The overall disposition and bulk of the different components of the Kangnido at first make an odd appearance. Little is known about how the Kangnido came to Japan, but it probably arrived there independently on three separate occasions. The graphic above illustrates a proposed hypothetical development or a€?transitiona€? of the Korean world map, beginning with the Kangnido of 1402 through to the Cha€™onhado [map of all under heaven] in the 16th century (see #231).
This information permits the conclusion that the Kangnido was probably often copied in Korea during the 15th and 16th centuries. Thus Japan is righted and put in its proper place, the respective masses of Korea, China, and Africa are brought into more accurate relation, and England and Scandinavia emerge from Europe.
Movable type printing with cast metal movable type, which Korea had pioneered among the East Asian nations in 1242, underwent considerable development and refinement under the 15th century kings; by the time Gutenberg perfected his press in 1454, hundreds of editions of books in Chinese and several in Korean had been printed in Korea with movable type. The spirit that animated all of these projects, and that marks the 15th century as perhaps Koreaa€™s greatest, was both national and international in character, and showed a high degree of independent thinking. In addition to practical administrative concerns, mapmaking served to strengthen the national prestige and royal power. The Honil kangni yoktae kukto chi to [Map of Integrated Lands and Regions of Historical Countries and Capitals, short name Kangnido] is a world map that was made in Korea in 1402, the second year of the reign of Taejong of Joseon.
It is the second oldest surviving world map from East Asia, after the similar Chinese Da Ming Hun Yi Tu, part of a tradition begun in the 1320s when geographical information about western countries became available via Islamic geographers in the Mongol empire. Chin had returned from a trip to China in the summer of 1399, probably bringing the two Chinese maps with him, and both ministers had just completed reporting on land surveys of Koreaa€™s northern frontiers to the royal court.
In the fourth year of the Jianwen era (1402), Gim Sahyeong and Yi Mu, and later Li Hui, analyzed the two Chinese maps and combined these two maps into a single map. The map depicts the general form of the Old World, from Africa and Europe in the west to Japan in the east although the western portion is much smaller than its actual size. Place names based on traditional Chinese knowledge and Islamic knowledge coexist separately. Chinese Exploration: Some have used this map as evidence of early global exploration by China. It is one of the oldest surviving world maps from East Asia although the exact date of creation remains unknown. The place names of China on the map reflect the political situation in 1389, or the 22nd year of the reign of the Hongwu Emperor. Relationship to other maps: Maps had for centuries played an important role in the government of such a vast country, and surviving examples on stone dating from AD 1137 (Book II, #218) but based on much earlier surveys, show great accuracy, using a grid system. By the early years of the 14th century, when Mongol domination over much of Eurasia created favorable conditions for east-west communication, Islamic maps of Europe and Africa had found their way to China, encouraging Chinese cartographers to create world maps incorporating the new information. Scholars consider that the Da Ming Hun Yi Tu was ultimately based on a world map named Shengjiao Guangbei Tu (e???•™a»?e?«a?–).
Compared to the Kangnido, the Da Ming Hun Yi Tu provides more detailed information on Mongolia and Central Asia and India.
It replicates the curvature of the Earth by compression of areas furthest away from China (most obviously the extreme horizontal squeeze of Europe), their reduced size making both a geographical and a political statement.
The European coverage goes only as far as the new portolan mapping, showing the Mediterranean and Black Sea areas. Hunyi jiangli lidai guodu zhi tu[General map of the distances and the historic capitals]: Honkoo-ji Tokiwa Museum of Historical Materials, Shimabara, Nagasaki prefecture. Chinaa€™s towns and cities, its river systems, and the Great Wall are all shown on the map. Cha€™A?ana€™s own role was probably important, even though he insists that he only stood in the background and a€?enjoyably watched the making of the map.a€? But he was being modest and tactful, since he was younger in age and junior in rank to the two ministers.
A A A  The European part of the map, which is said to contain some 100 names, has not yet been the object of an individual study, and no details of this section of the Kangnido seem to have been published. There is another interesting map of this kind in the Hosyoin temple in the Siba Park at Tokyo, reproduced as frontispiece in the second volume of the travels of Yu-ho Den, in the collection of Buddhist books, 1917, and entitled Sei-eki Zu [Map of the Western Regions]. According to these documents Hiuen-tchoang, while on his travels in the Indies, found the original of the map, and, after having marked on it in vermilion ink the route he had followed, he placed it in the Ta€™sing-loung-tseu [Blue Dragon Temple] at Tcha€™ang-ngan, then the capital of China. These editors made history by quoting many Chinese books on the title of the map, which was originally Go Tenjuku Zu [Map of the Five Indiesa€?] and which, in their opinion, was not correct, since it dealt not only with the Indies but with the western regions also. From the point of view of date alone the Hosyoin copy is not interesting, for we know of many other similar specimens much older. In 1710 (Hoei 7th year) this large (1 m 45 cm x 1 m 15 cm) woodcut map, supplied with a detailed explanatory text in Chinese, was published at Kyoto by a priest named Rokashi Hotan, under the pseudonym of Zuda Rokwa Si (died in 1738 at age 85).
This map is a great example for Japanese world maps representing Buddhist cosmology with real world cartography. On the other hand, this map is much more than a world map and the main concept by the author was to celebrate a historically very important event. This all was based on the Japanese version of Hsuan-Tsanga€™s Chinese narrative, the Si-yu-ki, printed as late as 1653.
In the preface, in the upper margin of the sheet, are listed the titles of no less than 102 works, Buddhist writings, Chinese annals, etc., both religious and profane, which the author consulted when making his map.
In the Buddhist world maps or Shumi world, the space for the regions called Nan-sen-bu and Nan-en-budai, etc. This map can be described as a characteristic specimen of the type of early East Asiatic maps whose main distinctive feature is their completely unscientific character. From every point of view, however, the map preserved among the precious objects in the North Pavilion of the Horyuzi Temple at Nara is the most interesting. The nomenclature of this map, as well as that of the Hosyoin map, is taken from the Si-yA?-ki. There must certainly have been formerly in China some examples of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary, now long lost, while that taken from China to Japan must have been preserved there through long centuries. From Nakamuraa€™s examination of a many manuscript and printed Korean mappaemundi he has come to the conclusion that they cannot in themselves be dated earlier than the 16th century. A hybrid map, forming a link between the Korean mappamundi and Hiuent-choanga€™s itinerary, which dates from the eighth century, causes one to seek further the connection between these two groups of maps to establish the parentage of the Korean mappamundi. The first portions of this monograph conveys the results of Nakamuraa€™s researches into the nomenclature of these maps from the historical point of view, and into their dates, but it is absolutely necessary to carry out alongside these examinations an investigation of their relationships in configuration, that is to say, to study their morphology.
We do not know if Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary map was known from the commencement as The Map of the Five Indies, although it may commonly have been so called.
But by whatever title it may be called, its content is always that of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary. Rokashi Hotan [Zuda Rokwa Si]a€™s Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu, 1710, a€?woodblock print, 118 x 1456 cm, Kobe City Museum, Japan. Contains a list of Buddhist sutras, Chinese histories and other literary classics on the left side of the map title. Even as far back as the Tcheou Dynasty, Chinese cartography was well established where the court then had regular officials whose duties were concerned with the production and preservation of maps. Therefore, so far from the area described in Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels being the whole of the world known to the Chinese at the Thang period, the world they actually did know was very much greater.
The map covers almost the whole of Asia, from the extreme east to Persia and the Byzantine Empire in the west, from the countries of the Uigours, the Kirghis and the Turks in the north to the Indies in the south, an area incomparably wider than that covered by Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels. This alone is sufficient to prove that the Chinese at this period well knew that the Map of the Five Indies was not of the whole world, but that it extended into the west and north beyond the areas indicated by the Si-yA?-ki.
The fact that the Chinese represented the geographical content of the Si-yA?-ki in world form, without taking the slightest trouble to show the true shape of countries they knew well, not even China itself shows that, at the period of the Thang Dynasty, seventh to eighth century, they had a mappamundi of the Tchien-ha-tchong-do type in common use that they adopted it just as it was, without modifying it at all, and entered on it the Si-yA?-ki nomenclature.
Therefore it may be said that the Korean mappamundi had its beginnings at a period rather earlier that than of the Thang Dynasty; that a map very like it in form was introduced into Korea from China at a certain period and, thanks to the development of printing in the 16th century.
There is no doubt that the map by JA?n-cha€™ao, which also represented Jambu-dvipa as India-centric continent, utilized the Map of the Five Indies for reference, as we can see from the method of drawing both the boundary lines of the Five Indies and the courses of the four big rivers. The map, however, has a distinctive feature of its own, namely, the outline of the continent in the center and a number of islands lying scattered around it. Professor Nakamura treats this map in detail in his paper and states that the Ta€™u- chu-pien map is a hybrid between the Korean mappamundi of Tchien-ha-tchong-do type and the map of Jambu-dvipa. But neither JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s map nor this Ta€™u-shu-pien map could not go beyond Asia in their representation.
Chang-huang, the compiler of the Ta€™u-shu-pien, who was rather critical of Buddhist teachings, dared to insert this map in his book saying that a€?although this map is not altogether believable, it shows that this earth of ours extends infinitelya€?. Among the maps made by Japanese we find none which regard China as the center of the world. There is another interesting map of this kind in the Hosyoin temple in the Siba Park at Tokyo, reproduced as frontispiece in the second volume of the travels of Yu-ho Den, in the collection of Buddhist books, 1917, and entitled Sei-eki Zu [Map of the Western Regions].A  It is accompanied by two documents, also reproduced in the book. This information is not easy to accept, since it often confuses the copy and the original.A  Moreover it is impossible that the map should have been of Indian origin, and it is doubtful that it was constructed by Hiuen-tchoang, seeing that it shows an area greater even than the Indies.
From the point of view of date alone the Hosyoin copy is not interesting, for we know of many other similar specimens much older.A  An example of Japanese world maps representing Buddhist cosmology can be seen in the earliest map of this type, the Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu [Outline Map of All the Countries of the Jambu-dvipa]. In 1710 (Hoei 7th year) this large (1 m 45 cm x 1 m 15 cm) woodcut map, supplied with a detailed explanatory text in Chinese, was published at Kyoto by a priest named Rokashi Hotan, under the pseudonym of Zuda Rokwa Si (died in 1738 at age 85).A  It is not a faithful copy of the preceding, but has many corrections and additions. The nomenclature of this map, as well as that of the Hosyoin map, is taken from the Si-yA?-ki.A  They are just the itineraries of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s travels. There must certainly have been formerly in China some examples of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary, now long lost, while that taken from China to Japan must have been preserved there through long centuries.A  This very precious geographical relic, though it may have undergone some slight alteration, remains nevertheless to shed much light on the development of the Korean mappamundi. The first portions of this monograph conveys the results of Nakamuraa€™s researches into the nomenclature of these maps from the historical point of view, and into their dates, but it is absolutely necessary to carry out alongside these examinations an investigation of their relationships in configuration, that is to say, to study their morphology.A A  That is what is proposed for this final portion.
But by whatever title it may be called, its content is always that of Hiuen-tchoanga€™s itinerary.A  Moreover, its central continent being always entirely surrounded by an immense ocean, it would seem that for its draughtsman this continent represented the whole of the then known world.
Rokashi Hotan [Zuda Rokwa Si]a€™s Nansenbushu Bankoku Shoka no Zu, 1710, woodblock print, 118 x 1456 cm, Kobe City Museum, Japan.
Even as far back as the Tcheou Dynasty, Chinese cartography was well established where the court then had regular officials whose duties were concerned with the production and preservation of maps.A  Nevertheless certain scholars are doubtful about the positive knowledge of scientific cartography possessed by the Chinese of that period. A  We cannot suppose, however, that JA?n-cha€™ao was the first to produce a map of this type. Chang-huang, the compiler of the Ta€™u-shu-pien, who was rather critical of Buddhist teachings, dared to insert this map in his book saying that a€?although this map is not altogether believable, it shows that this earth of ours extends infinitelya€?.A  But so long as it remains a Buddhist map, dogmatism stands in the way of reality.
It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals.
A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history.
Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time.
Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art. It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch. It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic. In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C. In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India.
Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C.
Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther. We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological. It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period.
Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers. The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one. A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained.
The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years.
There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole. Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre.
These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207).
The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance. This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps.
The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest. In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328). The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense.
We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion.
Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ. That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race).
That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents. The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps.
To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought. In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice.
Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth.
With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge.
In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed. While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves.
Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge.
Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions. By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries. A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them.
Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era. Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works.
It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™.
This map of the world was made in Korea in 1402, the second year of the reign of Taejong of Joseon. Li Tse-min, of whom we know nothing save that he flourished around 1330, produced a ShA?ng-chiao kuang-pei ta€™u [Map for the Diffusion of Instruction]. We do not know how many tens of millions of li there are from China in the center to the four seas at the outer limits, but in compressing and mapping it on a folio sheet several feet in size, it is indeed difficult to achieve precision; that is why [the results of] the mapmakers have generally been either too diffuse or too abbreviated.
But the real cartographer, even though Cha€™A?an minimizes his role, was Li Hui, whose entire career was in rather low-ranking but often special positions.
While some of Takahashia€™s matches do not command credence in early-modern Chinese phonological terms, he generally makes a convincing case.
The Mediterranean is clearly recognizable, as are the Iberian and Italian peninsulas and the Adriatic, but until the place-names can be read and interpreted it will be impossible to come to any firm understanding of it. His language suggests that some image of Korea, however deficient, was on the original Kuang yu ta€™u (#227) and that this was supplemented or replaced by Li Hui. At this particular moment in time, Koreaa€™s relations with the Japanese were very difficult owing to the continuing problem of Japanese marauders, who were beyond the ability of the Ashikaga Shogunate to control.
As maps of Japan go in this period, the outline on this one is unusually good: the positioning of Kyushu with respect to Honshu is quite accurate, and the bend north of the Kanto area is indicated better than on many of the Gyoki - style maps then current.


Aside from the effect of the inhospitable barriers surrounding the region, two great retarding factors that hindered the Europeans from crossing the immense waste, or from sailing into the tropical waters, was their belief in the Ocean of Darkness [Atlantic] and the fear of extreme heat on land and in the water further south.
The earliest Chinese reference to North Africa can be found in the Ching-hsing-chi [An Account of Travels and Experiences], written by Ta Huan in 762 A.D.
In the first place, the shape of the continent, which is basically triangular, and its general orientation, south, are clearly recognizable.
However, the Kangnido map of the world presents a totally different emphasis from that of Chu Ssu-pen. Similarly along the coast from China to Africa, major rivers such as the Red, Mekong, Menam, Salween, Ganges, Indus, Tigris, and Euphrates are laid out in an unmistakable sequence in order to bring forth the locations of the many states and cities between them.a€?The treatment of the western regions is also very interesting in that it includes about 100 place-names for Europe and about 35 for Africa (unfortunately, though, it has not been possible for scholars to identify many of them). And a final point of interest concerning this remarkable map is that it could not possibly have benefited from the information which the Chinese explorer Cheng Ho certainly had brought back five years later concerning the peninsularity of India.
On the one hand, there is nothing formulaic or mandated about its structure, such as the traditional European T-in-O scheme, or the wheel arrangement of the quasi-cosmographic cha€™onhado of later Korean popularity (see #231). China and India, like a monstrous cell that had not yet divided, make up a dominating mass that overfills the entire center of the map. A map whose composition was guided by the nation's top educator and Confucian ideologist, and presided over by two ministers of state, was surely destined for display in a prominent, central place in the capital. Both the Ryukoku and Honmyo-ji copies were evidently part of the loot from Hideyoshia€™s invasion of Korea (1592-1598). However, there are some scholars that will argue that this illustration should be reversed and that the Cha€™onhado design preceded the Kangnido world concept, at least in China. But the map as a whole, and particularly its treatment of India and Africa, strongly evokes the Kangnido. Finally, King Sejong in 1443 invented the Korean alphabet, an amazingly original and scientific system which still serves as the writing system of Korea and which is the only indigenous alphabetic system in use among the East Asian countries. Koreans did not merely copy the Chinese culture they imported, but recast and it into forms and institutions that were distinctively different from Chinaa€™s. At this time, Joseon needed comprehensive maps for the reform of administrative districts and a move of the capital.
It depicts the general form of the Old World, from Africa and Europe in the west to Japan in the east. The map currently in RyA«koku University (hereafter referred to as the RyA«koku map) has gathered scholarly attention since the early 20th century. Since Li Zemina€™s map had problems, they added the enlarged Korea, and also appended a map of Japan. It contains the cartographic knowledge of Afro-Eurasia that cannot be found in the east in the pre-Mongol period. These areas are depicted in great detail while place names are sparsely distributed in northwestern Eurasia.
The knowledge of the contour of Africa predates the European explorations of Vasco da Gama.
China began to explore the territories to the west from the embassy of Zhang Qian in 126 B.C. The original text was written in classical Chinese, but Manchu labels were later superimposed on them. It depicts the general form of the Old World, placing China in the center and stretching northward to Mongolia, southward to Java, eastward to central Japan, and westward to Africa and Europe.
Japanese scholar Miya Noriko speculated on the motivation behind it: Although the Hongwu Emperor, first of the Ming dynasty, drove the Mongol Yuan Dynasty out of China in 1368, Mongols maintained military power that posed a real threat to the new dynasty. By then the Chinese had also developed the magnetic compass, and in the 13th century western versions of that device allowed European cartography, almost abandoned after the fall of the western Roman Empire, to catch up with Chinese standards of accuracy. In Manchuria, Changbai Mountain, where the foundation myth of the Manchu Aisin Gioro imperial family was set, is overly portrayed. Outside China, sub-Saharan Africa is depicted in a good approximation of the correct shape, complete with mountains near the southern tip. Unlike the African lake, those seas are not shaded with wave symbols, and nor is the nearby Caspian Sea, mapped in Islamic style with two islands, suggesting that the whole area is based on a single Islamic map. The entries in the boxes in the sea part of the manuscript are extracts from the Da Tang xiyu ji. This traditional Buddhist depiction of the civilized world (mainly India and the Himalayan regions, with a token nod to China) divides India into five regions: north, east, south, west and central India. Huei-kuo (746- 805), chief priest of the temple, presented it to Kukai (774-835), his best Japanese disciple, when he returned to his own country.
Here numerous details are given, including the interesting feature of the so-called a€?iron-gatea€?, shown as a strongly over-sized square, and the path taken by the monk whilst crossing the forbidden mountain systems after leaving Samarkand.
Japan itself appears as a series of islands in the upper right and, like India, is one of the few recognizable elements a€“ at least i??from a cartographic perspective. They are based not on objective geographical knowledge or surveys but only on the more or less legendary statements in the Buddhist literature and Chinese works of the most diverse types, which are moreover represented in an anachronistic mixture. Prior to this map America had rarely if ever been depicted on Japanese maps, so Rokashi Hotan turned to the Chinese map Daimin Kyuhen Zu [Map of China under the Ming Dynasty and its surrounding Countries], from which he copied both the small island-like form of South America (just south of Japan), and the curious land bridge (the Aelutian Islands?) connecting Asia to what the Japanese historians Nobuo Muroga and Kazutaka Unno conclude a€?must undoubtedly be a reflection of North Americaa€?. The map has been reproduced in Mototsugu Kuritaa€™s atlas Nihon Kohan Chizu Shusei, Tokyo and Osaka, 1932 and in color in Hugh Cortazzia€™s Isle of Gold, 1992. Their content however, their nomenclature, being for the most part that of the Han period, and taking into consideration the periods at which the few additions to that nomenclature have been made, is of a date not latter than the 11th century.
The editors of the map preserved in the Hosyoin temple insisted that such a title was wrong and renamed it The Map of the Western Regions.
A land bridge connects China to an unnamed continent in the upper right corner, and the island of Ezo [Japan] with its fief of Matsumae is located slightly to the south of the mystery continent. Kia Tana€™s map is perhaps not a proof of this, since it no longer exists, and was always, in any case, kept secret at the Imperial Court, and so was not easily consulted even by those of the generation in which it was produced.
It proves finally, therefore, that Hiuen-tchoanga€™s map does not represent the whole of the world known to the Chinese at the time of the Thang Dynasty.
Why, then, should the area described by Hiuen-tchoang have been represented in the form of a shield surrounded by an immense ocean? But the distinctive feature of the map is that China, which had till then occupied a purely notional situation, was represented as a vast country in the eastern part of the continent with place-names of the period of the Ming Dynasty.
When we note that his map is not free from errors and omissions due to repeated transcription, and that almost contemporaneously there were maps of closely analogous type, such as the Ta€™u-shu-pien map mentioned below, there is little doubt that maps of this kind had already been produced before by somebody. This is the Ssu-hai-hua-i-tsung-ta€™u [Map of the Civilized World and its Outlying Barbarous Regions within the Four Seas] contained in the Ta€™u-shu-pien, a Chinese encyclopedia compiled by Chang-huang and published in 1613.
The continent as a whole is wide in the north and pointed in the south, and still shows the traditional shape of Jambu-dvipa. He rests this statement on the ground that a map closely resembling the Ta€™u-shu-pien map is to be found among the maps of the Tchien-ha-tchong- do type that were widely circulated in Korea. Chan, Old Maps of Korea, The Korean Library Science Research Institute, Seoul, Korea, 1977, 249 pp.
According to Nakamura, it was drawn by someone else, after his return, to illustrate the story of his travels, and that the map given to Kukai by his master was a copy, and not the original.
Nansen Bushu is a Buddhist word derived from the Sanskrit, Jambu-dvipa, or the southern continent.
The most striking innovation is an indication of Europe to the northwest of the central continent, and of the New World in an island to the southeast. Japan itself appears as a series of islands in the upper right and, like India, is one of the few recognizable elements a€“ at least from a cartographic perspective.
Among several maps of this kind that of Horyuzi is certainly the oldest and the most authentic in existence, though even it is not quite free from alterations.A  The others are very far from being in their original condition. The editors of the map preserved in the Hosyoin temple insisted that such a title was wrong and renamed it The Map of the Western Regions.A  Which is, in Nakamuraa€™s opinion, still not correct, for it contains not only the Western Regions but India and China also, so that Terazima is right in calling it The Map of the Western Regions and of the Indies, the title he gives to his small reproduction of part of Hiuen-thoanga€™s map.
This idea does not arise simply from the imagination, for the Hindus and the Chinese, like the Greeks, believed that an immense, unnavigable ocean entirely surrounded the habitable world.
Yet in face of the number of early references to maps it cannot be doubted that they had, under the Tsa€™in Dynasty, maps sufficiently exact for their own purposes. This is the Ssu-hai-hua-i-tsung-ta€™u [Map of the Civilized World and its Outlying Barbarous Regions within the Four Seas] contained in the Ta€™u-shu-pien, a Chinese encyclopedia compiled by Chang-huang and published in 1613.A  With the exception of many quaint islands lying scattered in the surrounding seas, this map has much in common with JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s, the central continent consisting of India, with the place-names from the Si-yA?-ki, and of China under the Ming Dynasty. In the Ta€™u-shu-pien map the eastern coastline of the continent is represented with approximate accuracy, yet Fu-lin is drawn on the western side, is a fictitious peninsula similar to Korea on the east, so as to keep the symmetrical figure of the continent of Jambu-dvipa.
They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment. Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?. In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse.
The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist.
A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes. Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period.
Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms. The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties. We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven.
On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan.
Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors. Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated. Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra.
Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor.
In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions.
In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged.
Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella.
Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world. Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places.
To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries.
The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections.
Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions. When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans.
Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society. Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map.
Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map.
Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. It easily predates any world map known from either China or Japan and is therefore the oldest such work surviving in the East Asian cartographical tradition, and the only one prior to the Ricci world maps of the late 15th and early 16th centuries. The map by the Tiantai monk Cha€™ing ChA?n (1328-1392) must have been made some forty or fifty years later; it was called Hun-i chiang-li ta€™u [Map of the Territories of the One World]. His map of Korea, which was separately known, was almost certainly the basis for the Korean part of the world map. One of the more interesting correspondences is the name placed by the mountains near the Ptolemaic twin lakes that are the source of the Nile.
Li is known to have produced a map of Korea, called the Pa€™altodo, [Map of the Eight Provinces], and it was probably a version of this that appears today on the Kangnido. Diplomatic initiatives were in progress, and coastal defenses and strategies were undergoing constant development. But for the joining of Shikoku to Honshu, the three main islands (adding Kyushu; Hokkaido, of course, not included at that time) make a very decent appearance. As a matter of fact, the first terrestrial globe ever manufactured in China (1267) owes its existence to the Arabic scholar Djamal-ud-Din.
In spite of the dangers, real and imagined, adventurers from the Greco-Roman days down to the time of Henry the Navigator persisted in probing the unknown beyond the Canaries, some passing by Cape Verde and others reaching as far as the coast of Sierre Leone. As the map title suggests, it aims at showing the locations of a€?all the countries and major cities in history in a comprehensive coveragea€?.
For those areas that are identifiable, in the northern part of Africa the Sahara is colored in black, like the Gobi in so many Chinese maps (including the famous Kuang Yu Ta€™u, #227), and the position of Alexandria is indicated by the placement of a prominent pagoda-like object representing the famous Pharos. Only in a subsequent version of about 1580 (in the Imperial Palace at Peking) is India shown as a pronounced, separate peninsula between southeast Asia and Africa. The attempt here was to study the best maps available in China, Korea, and Japan, and put together a comprehensive, indeed a€?integrateda€? [honil], map that included every known part of the world, truly a breathtaking objective by the cartographic standards of any nation at that time. It was probably on a screen or a wall in some important palace building frequented by the king and senior officials. The Ryukoku map was reportedly given by Hideyoshi to the Honganji, an important Buddhist temple in Kyoto. According to Korean historian Gari Ledyard the key element in this proposed hypothetical development is the Arabian peninsula, which with the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea forms a peninsula between the two rivers on the Cha€™onhado.
It also seems conceivable that it is reflected in an interesting map entitled Yoji chondo (Yeoji jeondo) [the Complete Terrestrial Map], dated about 1775 (illustrated below). This is good evidence that the Kangnido tradition was not broken by the Hideyoshi wars, but stayed alive in Korea for two more centuries. It is similar to the 15th century Kangnido in general structure: large Asia, small Africa and Europe, undefined India. 1419-1450) and his son King Sejo (r.1455-1468) extended Korean cartographical foundations by standardizing linear measurement and assembling detailed distance data between Seoul and the approximately 335 districts of the country. The Kangnido is a perfect example of this process: China, either as originator or transmitter, provided Korea with most of the materials for the map, but the transformation and processing of those materials into a genuine world map was conceived and executed in Korea. It was also pursuing a restoration of its northern border and relocation of its population, as well as responding to coastal raids by Japanese pirates. Although, overall, it is less geographically accurate than its Chinese cousin, most obviously in the depiction of rivers and small islands, it does feature some improvements (particularly the depictions of Korea and Japan, and a less cramped version of Africa). The other map is the Tenri map, located in Tenri University and is called by a similar name (a¤§??Za?‹a?–). Li Hui supplemented many gaps and omissions on Li Zemina€™s map with Koreaa€™s own map, and added a map of Japan, making an entirely new map.
Place names presented on the map suggest that the western portion of the map reflects roughly the situation of the early 14th century. Names based on the former were placed to the north and east of Besh Baliq even if they are actually located to the west. They correspond to the territories of Ilkhanate and the rival Golden Horde respectively, reinforcing Ilkhanate as the main source of information. In particular, the southern tip of Africa is quite clearly depicted, as well as a river that may correspond to the Orange River in Southern Africa. The map was created in China sometime during the Ming Dynasty and handed over to the new rulers of China, the Manchus. Others maintain a cautious attitude, suggesting that what was revised in 1389 is probably a source map of the Da Ming Hun Yi Tu and that the Da Ming Hun Yi Tu itself was created much later. The situation was changed in 1388 when Uskhal Khan of Northern Yuan was killed and the Khubilaid line of succession was terminated. Other extant maps considered to be based on Lia€™s map are some copies of the Kangnido (1402) and a pair of maps named Dongnan Haiyi Tu (??±a?—?µ·a¤·a?–) and Xinan Haiyi Tu (e??a?—?µ·a¤·a?–), which is recorded in the Kuang Yu Tu (a»?e?‡a?–)(1555) by Luo Hongxian (#227).
It presents India as a peninsula while it sinks into the a€?Chinese continenta€? on the Kangnido. The use of color is particularly effective within China itself, including elegant touches like the ochre tint of the Huang He [Yellow River]. The interior of the continent is extraordinary: a river with twin sources (the common depiction in Classical and Islamic maps of the Nile) starts in the south of the continent, but enters the Red Sea, while the Nile, contrary to the information in non-Chinese maps of the era (though in conformity with a reported Arab geographical legend that farther south from the Sahara Desert is a great lake, far greater than the Caspian Sea) has its source in a vast inland sea. The original text was written in Classical Chinese, but Manchu labels were later superimposed on them.
Each of these five regions is again divided into many kingdoms a€“ those current during the career of Buddha. They all represent a large, imaginary India, where Buddha was born, as the heart of the world, but also depictions of Europe and the New World.
The largest part of the map is dedicated to Jambudvipa with the sacred Lake of Anavatapta (Lake Manasarovar in the Himalayas, a whirlpool-like quadruple helix lake believed to be the center of the universe and, in Buddhist mythology, to be the legendary site where Queen Maya conceived the Buddha).
Also, in the upper left corner there are 102 references from Buddhist holy writings and Chinese annals that are mentioned to increase the credibility of the map. China and Korea appear to the west of Japan and are vaguely identifiable geographically, which itself represents a significant advancement over the Gotenjikuzu map.
Thus, on this map we see, in addition to the mythical Anukodatchi-pond which represents the center of the universe and from which flow four rivers in the four cardinal directions, in the left-hand upper corner of the map a region designated as Euroba, around which are grouped, clockwise, the following named countries: Umukari (Hungary?), Oranda, Barantan, Komo (Holland, the country of the redhaired), Aruhaniya (Albania), Itaryia (Italy), Suransa (France) and Inkeresu (England). Whether this represents ancient knowledge from early Chinese navigations in this region, for which there is some literary if not historical evidence, or merely a printing error, we can only speculate. Another, almost analogous edition of the same map, also dated 1710, but published by Chobei Nagata in Kyoto, is reproduced in George H.
The names of the countries, written in the rectangles are in Chinese and Tibetan characters. Both maps came from the same temple so that they must have been co-existent there, and moreover, there is reason to believe that both had their origin at almost the same period. Evidently the composition of this map owed much to the ideas of Chih-pa€™an and JA?n- cha€™aoa€™s book contains another map entitled Tun-chA?n-tan-kuo-ta€™u [Map of the Eastern Region or China], which followed Chih-pa€™ana€™s Topographical Map of the Eastern Region or China. Possibly one such prototype of JA?n-cha€™aoa€™s map, introduced into Japan and repeatedly copied, constituted the greatly transfigured SyA»gaisyA? map. But instead of the geometrical figure, its coastline is drawn more realistically and is indented. But with regard to their representation of both the central continent and outlying islands, these two maps have very little in common and there seems to be no need to seek any particular relation between them.
Certainly the map is full of inaccurate and even false information, but it gave the Chinese people a fresh conception of the world in contrast to their traditional view of their own country as the center of the world both culturally and geographically. There are not many of these Chinese world maps in Japan, but the remaining Daimin Kyuhen Bankoku Jinseki Rotei Zenzu, of various sizes, are common.
The place names are derived from mythical places noted in Chinese classics and from known lands around China, which occupies the centre 'of the map.
But whatever the authorship of the map there is no doubt that it was brought from China by a religious student, whether Kukai or another. Jambudvipa is the Indian name for the great continent south of the cosmic Mount Meru, marked on this map by a central spiral. Even in those remote times, he says, there existed manuscript maps, named Go-Tenziku-Zu [Map of the Five Indies] in the most famous temples, but they were even worse than that of the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki. But these maps treat India as the heart of their world, and consequently we can say that they never recognized the European world maps. On the verso is the title, Go Tenjiku-Zu, but neither authora€™s name nor date.A  The inscriptions are only partly completed. Japan and Korea, northeast of the central continent, having no connection with the Si-yA?-ki, must be later additions. Under the Han Dynasty maps played a very important part in political and military affairs, and many of them covered a vast area. As for the contents of the map, more respect was paid to the old classical authority than to the new geographical findings, so that many quaint, legendary place-names were mentioned to advertise the bigoted belief that the world of Buddhist teaching included even the farthest corners. This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time. The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction.
After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns.
They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on. The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy. The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art.
Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period. They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope.
The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes.
We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period.
Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret.
The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire. What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. However, by the middle of the eighth century the overland route across Central Asia had become paralyzed, and China was compelled to reorient herself to the warm seas and thus embarked on nearly seven centuries of commercial relations with the Near East.
Although it is no longer preserved in Korea itself, there are three versions in Japan; of these the copy in the Ryukoku University Library (Kyoto) is acknowledged to be the earliest, and in the best condition. Both of these maps made their way to Korea in 1399 through the agency of the Korean ambassador, Chin Shih-Heng (1341-1407), and were combined in 1402 by Li Hui and Cha€™A?an. In the 4th year of the Jianwen era (1402), Left Minister Chin [Shih-Heng] of Sangju, and Right Minister Yi [Mu] of Tanyang, during moments of rest from their governing duties, made a comparative study of these maps and ordered Li Hui, an orderly, to collate them carefully and then combine them into a single map. Judging by Cha€™A?ana€™s description of the monk Cha€™ing ChA?na€™s Hun-i chiang-li ta€™u, it was probably an ordinary historical map of China, compiled in the late 14th century. Though not on the Ryukoku copy of the Kangnido, the Tenri University copy shows the Chinese transcription Zhebulu hama, which Takahashi identifies with Persianized Arabic Djebel alqamar [Mountains of the Moon]. All this was backed by a general Korean effort to improve the governmenta€™s knowledge of Japan, and this involved maps in particular. But this splendid effort seems to be vitiated by orienting the Japanese portion so that west is at the top. The same holds true for the western half of one of the previously mentioned sources, Li Tse-mina€™s map of ca. The source of the Nile and the actual shape of the African continent, however, remained largely subject to speculation among the Europeans. The former treatise mentions, among other things, Mo-lin [Maghrib el Aksa, or the Western Territory] and Cha€™iu-sa-lo [Djezyret], the desert expanse between them, and the customs of the inhabitants.
The only European exceptions seem to be the world maps of Albertinus de Virga (1415, #240) and the one in the so-called Medicean or Laurentian Sea Atlas (#233), the lattera€™s presumptive date of 1351 being subject to controversy primarily because of its remarkable depiction of the continent of Africa. Hence, no names are given for the southern half of Africa and the Indian Ocean except for the area around Zanzibar that was already the key trading center in East Africa. The interior of the continent is filled in by a body of water surrounding an island that is designated as Huang-sha [desert]. The maps of this type are rightly regarded by such authorities as Fuchs as the most magnificent examples of Yuan cartography, completely over-shadowing all contemporary European or Arabic world maps. To the west, the Arabian peninsula, with a clearly delineated Persian Gulf, and the African continent, with its tip correctly pointing south (and not east, as on many early European maps), hang thinly but with assurance, as if they belonged exactly where they are.
But a good understanding of its function is hampered by the fact that we know nothing of its history after its completion. This institution ultimately was divided into two branches, east and west, of which the latter (Nishi Honganji) is today associated with Ryukoku University, which explains the mapa€™s present location. This map, while clearly influenced by some Sino-Jesuit world map, also shows a strong structural similarity to the Kangnido, as its owner, Yi Cha€™an, has pointed out. Europe and Africa are much more precisely drawn however, and it is possible to make out words such as a€?Atlantic Oceana€? (a¤§e????‹) Mediterranean sea (a?°a?­?µ·), or Italy (?„?a¤§e‡?a?z).
As a result of these efforts, an excellent national map was produced in 1463, and a complete geographical survey of the nation, the Tongguk yoji sungam, was compiled in 1481.
At least since Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, Korea was actively trading with Arab nations.
It has been suggested that, despite showing most of the rest of the world, the Korean officials who produced the map were less interested in portraying current images of neighboring Asian countries than in presenting an up-to-date image of Korea itself.
It is presumed that the RyA«koku map was copied in Korea but it is not clear when the copy was brought to Japan. It is currently located at the Honkoo-ji Tokiwa Museum of Historical Materials, Shimabara, Nagasaki prefecture in Japan. In the East, geographic information about the west was not updated in the post-Mongol period unless Europeans such as Matteo Ricci brought Western knowledge. For example, the Talas River, which was important for the Tang Dynasty was placed to the northeast of Besh Baliq although its actual direction is northwest.
To the north of the African continent, beyond the unexplored a€?blacka€? central mass, a pagoda is represented for the lighthouse of Alexandria, and the Arab word Misr for Cairo (al-QA?hira) and Mogadishu (Maqdashaw) are shown among others. The Buddhist monk Faxian was the first Chinese to sail into the Indian Ocean in the beginning of the fifth century AD, visiting India and Sri Lanka by ship. It has been kept in the Imperial Palace under the title Qingzi Qian Yitong Tu (??…a­—c°?a?€cµ±a?–) in some catalogs. Comparative studies of these extant maps are conducted to restore the content of Lia€™s original world map. It is presumed that India was portrayed as a peninsula on Lia€™s map but shrunk by Korean Confucians due to their anti-Buddhist policy. This is likely to be based on vague information about the several great lakes in the region of modern Tanzania, gained during the course of direct trade between China and southeast Africa.
The prominent peninsula on the west coast of the Chinese landmass is Malaysia, but India is represented merely as a collection of place-names northwest of Arabia.
Hand-colored woodcut map of China and the World, printed on multiple sheets and folding into later orange-papered covers decorated in lotus flower designs. The Himalayas are shown as snow-capped peaks in the center of the map, and Mount Sumeru, the mythical center of the cosmos, is depicted in the whirlpool-like form. Much later a priest named Komatudani presented it to the 41st chief priest of the temple Zozyozi at Yedo. During this time period Japan maintained an isolationist policy which began in 1603 with the Edo period under the military ruler Tokugawa Ieyasu, and lasting for nearly 270 years. From the quadruple beast headed helix (heads of a horse, a lion, an elephant, and an ox) of Manasarovar or Lake Anavatapta radiate the four sacred rivers of the region: the Indus, the Ganges, the Bramaputra [Oxus], and the Sutlej [Tarim]. Strong impression, printed on several sheets of native paper, joined; colored fully in yellow and ochre, and a few marks in red. Southeast Asia also makes one of its first appearances in a Japanese Buddhist map as an island cluster to the east of India. Europe, which had no place at all in earlier Buddhist world maps, makes this one of the first Japanese maps to depict Europe. No one succeeded in deciphering these until Professor Teramoto did so, publishing his findings at the end of 1931 in an article entitled a€?Relations between Japan and Tibet in the history of Japana€? (#208). It is not very probable that the originators of these two maps tried deliberately to represent the world in two different ways.
Did the draughtsman of this Buddhist pilgrima€™s itinerary exaggerate, making these travels represent the whole world?
The forerunner of these maps can therefore be traced back far beyond the end of the Ming Dynasty. What attracts particular attention is that Fu-lin [the Byzantine Empire], west of the continent, is represented as a peninsula symmetrical with Korea in the east.
It is true that among the Korean mappaemundi may be found one almost exactly like the Ta€™u-shuh-pien map.


Much later a priest named Komatudani presented it to the 41st chief priest of the temple Zozyozi at Yedo.A  The latter, delighted with this wonderful Buddhist geographical treasure, and deeming it too rare and important to keep to himself, caused another copy of it to be made, for what he had received was only a rough sketch. In spite of this authora€™s boasting his map is, in reality, according to Nakamura nothing but a mutilated copy of the a€?Map of the Five Indies,a€? made up from a confusion of heterogeneous and anachronistic materials, and including topographic names from the time of the Chan-hai-king up to modern times, some betraying European influence. In their maps the Buddhists connected the Five Continents with the Spiritual World where the spirit of human beings must go after death. In the Horyuzi and Hoyuzi and Hosyoin maps the Japanese Archipelago is shown by a birda€™s eye view, in Hotana€™s map and in its reduced reproduction it is shown in plan, adopted from a modern map, and in the SyA»gaisyA? map Korea has been placed in a rectangle to the northeast of the central continent in place of Japan. In putting forward the idea that the Chinese of the 7th and 8th centuries believed that the geographical knowledge acquired by Hiuen-tchoang in his travels was concerned with the whole of the then known world we are saying that their world had become smaller than that known in the Han period, which is impossible. The invention of paper at the beginning of the second century, by the eunuch Tsa€™ai Louen, made possible a great step forward in cartography, thanks to its handiness, and its cheapness compared with wooden or bamboo tablets, or the linen or silk stuffs in use up to that time. In the text of the Ta€™u-shu-pien is found a quotation from the prefatory note written by an unknown priest who drew this map. The problem now was to introduce heterogeneous information without conflict with the Buddhist teachings and to give the dogma some apparent plausibility.
Countries like Korea, Japan and Ryuku are only described in the text and are not represented on the map. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making.
All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times. He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing. Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca.
From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II.
There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe.
Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed. Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e. At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres]. And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world.
It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands.
On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes.
This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade.
90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography.
Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history. However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century.
The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C. One notable consequence of this 700-year contact was the stretching of the world in Chinese maps farther westward and southwestward, and the appearance of an ever-increasing number of Arabic place-names. The principal distinguishing characteristics of the Ryukoku copy are its generally excellent condition and its preservation of the original Ch'an Chin preface. Insofar as the area east of the Liao River and our own countrya€™s territory were concerned, Tse-mina€™s map had many gaps and omissions, so Li Hui supplemented and expanded the map of our country, and added a map of Japan, making it a new map entirely, nicely organized and well worth admiration. Cha€™ing Cha€™A?n (1328-1392) was a close advisor to the Hongwu emperor (r.1368-1398), who was the founder of the Ming dynasty and himself an erstwhile monk. All in all there are about thirty-five names indicated on or near the African continent, most of them in the Mediterranean area.
Pak Tonji, a military man and diplomatic specialist in Japanese affairs, made at least two trips to Japan, one in 1398-99, the other in 1401, and the second visit resulted in a map. Worse, the whole ensemble is positioned far to the south, so that the first impression of a modern observer is that the Philippines, not Japan, is under view. In fact, during the heyday of Arab settlement in southern China, Canton alone accounted for no less than 100,000 Arab residents.
The Kangnido map, however, proves that the Chinese, via their Arab sources, at least as early as the end of the 13th century, had a more or less correct view of the southern extension of Africa, whereas its northwestern bulge had not been as yet recognized.
On the other hand, its broader coverage of Africa and the rest of the known world in the same scale provides a very valuable supplement to Chu Ssu-pena€™s map of southern Africa (#227).
In contrast, the Mediterranean Sea is almost entirely shown as terra firma failing to blacken it in as he has other water areas, perhaps because he was not quite sure that it was indeed an ordinary sea. The extent of the lead which the Yuan cartographers had, however, may perhaps best be appreciated by comparing the Korean map with the renown Catalan Atlas of 1375, which also purported to show Asia as well as Europe, or the 14th century oikoumene (for this comparison, see #235).
At the top of Africa the Mediterranean supports a less securely grasped Europe, and the entire north fades into mountains and clouds.
The Ryukoku Kangnido, judging by Korean place-name indications, is a copy reflecting place-name changes made around 1460.
The Honmyo-ji copy (paper scroll), which is entitled Dai Minkoku Chizu [Map of Great Ming], was given to that institution by Kato Kiyomasa, its major patron and one of the senior Japanese commanders on the Korean expedition.
During the 1430a€™s Sejong built an astronomical observatory and a variety of astronomical instruments and clocks.
One claims that it was purchased by A?tani KA?zui and others assume that it was obtained during the invasion of Korea (1592-1598) and given to the West Honganji temple by Toyotomi Hideyoshi. The most important difference is that the place names of China have been updated to those of the Ming Dynasty while the original showed administrative divisions of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty. Based on two Chinese maps from the 14th century, the Shengjiao guangbei tu [Big map that shows the pronunciation of place names] and the Hunyi jiangli tu [General map of the distances also showing historical capitals [of China]]. Similarly, India and Tibet are based on traditional Chinese knowledge, mainly gained by Buddhist pilgrimage up to the Tang Dynasty. Afterwards, China engaged heavily in sea travel, especially following the expansion of Islam on the continent in the eighth century. It is currently kept in protective storage at the First Historical Archive of China, in Beijing. The Da Ming Hun Yi Tu is especially important because Luoa€™s copies dropped most place names except for coastal areas and islands and the Kangnido was influenced by Korean cartography.
Africa and Arabia on the Da Ming Hun Yi Tu resemble those on the Kangnido while Europe is considerably different.
Another manifestation of the same problem, dependence on external sources for geographical information, can be seen to the south of Korea, at the far right side of the map, where Japan, over-sized and misshapen, confusingly meets the much more correctly sized and positioned Taiwan. The texts taken from the Chinese original are particularly interesting: the legend on the right gives details of the 29 strategic border crossings, and that on the left describes 33 foreign countries, with the European and African place names taken from Jesuit sources such as Riccia€™s 1602 map.
A much reduced China (Changa€™an is visible on the plain at the upper right) is labeled a€?Great Tanga€?.
Although knowing the world map by Matteo Ricci, published in Peking in 1602, Japanese maps mainly showed a purely Sino-centric view, or, with acknowledge-ment of Buddhist traditional teaching, the Buddhist habitable world with an identifiable Indian sub-continent.
In essence this is a traditional Buddhist world-view in the Gotenjikuzu mold centered on the world-spanning continent of Jambudvipa.
Africa appears as a small island in the western sea identified as the a€?Land of Western Women.a€? Hiroshi Nakamura regarded this map, therefore, simply a mutilated copy of the Map of the Five Indies which is said to have come to Japan about 835, and a copy of which, dating from the 14th century, is preserved in the Horyuji Temple of Nara, Japan.
Moreover, the geometrical form of the Sino-Tibetan map was foreign to China, so that it must owe something to western influence.
Perhaps JA?n-cha€™ao, too, drew his map on the basis of a map of this type, simultaneously taking the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki and other new maps for reference.
Perhaps this indicates that people were no longer content with geographical representations in an unrealistic form, as the pilgrimage map of Holy India had been transformed into the map of the world, in which the intellectual interest requires a more objective and concrete image. But this can be explained on the supposition that the Koreans, happening to find a map of similar form in this widely circulated encyclopedia, adopted it as a substitute for their world map. Ninkai, Ryoseki and Dyogetu drew the map, while Ryogetu, Keigi and Zyunsin added the place-names, collating and correcting them according to the Si-yA?-ki and other works. Drawn by a Japanese Buddhist monk of the Kegon sect and published in Kyoto in 1710, this map is based on earlier Japanese Buddhist world maps that illustrate the pilgrimage to India of the Chinese monk Xuanzang (602a€“664). This map became the prototype of Buddhist world maps, the Nan-en-budai Shokoku Shuran no Zu (a world map), the date of which is still uncertain, and the Sekai Daiso Zu (a world map), En-bu-dai-Zu (a world map), Tenjuku Yochi Zu (a map of India), a trilogy by Sonto, a Buddhist, are derived from Hotana€™s world map. We shall presently see what really was the extent of geographical and cartographical knowledge in the Thang period.
At the same time the expansion of geographical knowledge under the Han Dynasty brought out the importance of the invention of paper. Perhaps JA?n-cha€™ao, too, drew his map on the basis of a map of this type, simultaneously taking the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki and other new maps for reference.A A  In this map the Han-hai [Large Sea] is represented as a desert and the River Huang rises in Lake Oden-tala. According to it, the map was newly compiled on the basis three maps in the Fo-tsu-ta€™ung-ki, as well as many other materials.
But this can be explained on the supposition that the Koreans, happening to find a map of similar form in this widely circulated encyclopedia, adopted it as a substitute for their world map.A  Any close relationship, beyond this, can hardly be imagined between the Chinese Buddhist World Map and the Korean Tchien-ha-tchong-do. So it was of course quite inconceivable that the compiler of this map should utilize the newly acquired information for the purpose of altering the dogmatic notion of the world. The fact that such dogmatic world maps were widely favored in old Japan shows that some Japanese in the Age of National Isolation believed China to be the center of the world and all the other countries to be in subordination to her.A  The sheet under discussion is a reprint by the book dealer Yahaku Umemura in Kyoto, which is tentatively dated 1700 by Professor Kurita. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem.
I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map.
It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era. The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making. See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes.
Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research. Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents.
From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic. Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction.
The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps. There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century.
It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration. Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere.
But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer. Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today. While the Terrestrial Continent remained intact until the Jesuit era in Chinese cartography with Fr.
Painted on silk and still preserving its colors well, it is a very large map, nearly square at 171 x 164 cm (5 x 4 ft).
Apart from its use as a source for the Kangnido, nothing is known of Cha€™ing ChA?na€™s map.
A later report quoted his statement that in 1402 he had been given a map by the title: Bishu no kami, Minamoto Mitsusuke.
A possible explanation for this is that the cartographers had run out of space on the right (east) edge of the Kangnido, and so had to place Japan in the open sea to the south. It too must go back to an Islamic prototype that, like the globe, belonged to the later 13th century. Through the ensuing long period of Sino-Arab trade and intellectual exchange, the Chinese, on their part, were able to accumulate a good deal of this valuable information concerning the Indian Ocean and the continent of Africa. Also his statement concerning the a€?Giant Birdsa€™ there that could swallow camels, appears almost identical to the description by Marco Polo a century later. It is hardly believable that such a representation should be casual or the result of mere speculation. The relief features and an additional stream flowing westward in South Africa roughly corresponding to the Orange River, indicates that Cha€™A?an Chin was not entirely negligent on the least inhabited part of that continent. On the eastern side of the map, a relatively massive Korea, easily occupying as much space as the whole African continent (which, to be sure, is unduly small) identifies itself as a very important place, while Japan, as if randomly flipped off the fingers into the ocean, floats uncertainly in the South China Sea.
Nothing is reported concerning the provenance of the Tenri University copy (silk scroll, no title), but according to a study by Unno Kazutaka, it is a a€?sister mapa€? to the Honmyo-ji scroll; his persuasive analysis of the place names indicates that both maps were copied in Korea about 1568, from a version already cartographically distant from the Ryukoku copy.
This provided a foundation for continued research and observation in the reigns of his successors. To the west of the a€?olda€? India, contemporary place names of India such as Delhi, Badaun and Duwayjir Duwayqir (Persianized form of Devagiri) are shown. The Maghreb and the Iberian peninsulas are depicted in detail, while Genoa and Venice are omitted. The Tang Dynasty writer Duan Chengshi, along with other writers, wrote detailed descriptions of Africa, its coastal commerce, and slave trade. It is also distinct from the Kangnido in the depiction of the source of the Yellow River, which looks very similar to that in Luoa€™s Kuang Yu Tu (#227). Directly across from China, over the stormy seas, the islands of Kyushu and Shikoku and the form of Honshu can be detected.
The map was drawn by the scholar-priest Zuda Rokashi, founder of Kegonji Temple in Kyoto, and illustrates the fusion of existing Buddhist and poorly known European cartography. For it is a historical fact that, under the Thangs, the Chinese, having conquered the eastern Turks, annexed an immense territory, stretching from Tarbagatai in the north to the Indus in the south, and their national prestige was then at its zenith. This could not have been so, for Hiuena€™s travels were not always mapped in the form of a shield. And this growth of geographical consciousness led to a fresh demand for maps to comprise the whole of the known world. Hotan has not drawn the route of this famous pilgrim here, but the toponymy of India and Central Asia accords with Xuanzanga€™s account. The special features of these maps are the representation of an imaginary India, where Buddha was born, and the illustration of the religious world as expounded by Buddhists. All these heterogeneous elements, so different from the other parts of the map are clearly the result of retouching at a later date, so that, in its most authentic form, the map of Hiuen-tchonga€™s itinerary had doubtless the shape of a shield, with a few small, rocky islands near the south and southeast coasts of the central continent, but without showing either Japan or Korea.
But it was not until the middle of the third century that the correct scientific principles for the production of a good map were enunciated.
Therein lies the character and limitation of the Buddhist maps.A  The Ta€™u-shu-pien map was rough and small, but as it appeared in a popular encyclopedia, it attracted wide attention, which in time came to affect even the maps produced in Japan. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings. Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged.
The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities.
Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds. Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts.
Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond. It was first brought to scholarly notice by the Japanese historical geographer Ogawa Takuji, in 1928.
By looking at maps one can know terrestrial distances and get help in the work of government.
Its chief contribution to the latter is believed to have been the Chinese historical dimension, the indication of the areas and capitals of the earlier dynasties, which was accomplished by a combination of textual notes and cartographic devices.
But since Japan had always appeared east of southern China on Chinese maps, there was some earlier cartographic basis for its placement there. This being the case, the picture of Africa as given on the lower left of the reproduction is of particular interest.
That China was indeed a beneficiary of this Arab monopoly can be evidenced by several Chinese world maps such as those by Chu Ssu-pen ca. Chao Ju-kuo, commissioner of the maritime trade office at Cha€™A?an-chou (Marco Poloa€™s Zaiton) which had extensive contact with the Arab merchants, and author of Chu-fan-chih (1226), provided the first account of the products from the East African coast, Somalia to Zanzibar, including an elaborate description of the ostrich and the giraffe.
Most scholars such as Walter Fuchs are inclined to assume that the cartographic heritage of the Arabs had been transmitted to the Chinese, albeit incompletely and probably did not always reflect the actual experiences of their seafarers.
To the left of it lies Spain, and to the southeast Arabia is outlined as a long protruding peninsula.
The relative size and disposition of the three major East Asian countries reflects a plausible Korean view of the world in the early 15th century: Korea projecting itself as a major East Asian state, refurbishing its traditional view of China as the major center of civilization, and playing its eternal game of keeping Japan as far away as possible. Many projects were also carried out in meteorology and agronomy which not only led to new scientific understanding in Korea but which provided for rationalized administration and taxation.
The most obvious feature distinguishing this later version from the original Kangnido map is the more correct size and orientation of Japan. There are over 100 names for the European countries alone, including Alumangia for the Latin word Alemania [Germany].
Wang Dayuan was the first Chinese ship captain to sail into the Mediterranean Sea (by Mamluk Egypt) and as far as Morocco in North Africa during the 14th century.
Matteo Ricci in the late 15th century, it is clearly evident that by the middle of the 15th century, Chinaa€™s own centrality in her concept of the world had been substantially reduced.
The language is Chinese, except for a few Japanese characters on the illustrations of European countries. They were constantly in touch diplomatically and commercially with Tibet, Persia, Arabia, India and other countries both by land and sea. There is one map of his journeys, drawn as an itinerary, preserved in the Tongdosa Temple in the province of Kei-shodo (south) in Korea.
The shape of the central continent is just the same as in the Korean mappamundi, as was demonstrated also by the hybrid map. It was Pa€™ei Hsiu, 234-271, who formulated them so that he may rightly be called the father of Chinese cartography. To sum up, taking over Chih-pa€™ana€™s view of China as equal with India, and on the basis of the theory of four divisions of the world implicit in the Map of the Five Indies, JA?n-cha€™ao tried to reunify the world which had been disintegrated into three regional maps in the Fo-tsu- ta€™ung-ki, and he thus succeeded in offering an image of the whole of Jambu-dvipa anew. The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C.
The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas. It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks.
Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction.
Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries]. Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example. The entire land area was on it, all but the islands of Iki and Tsushima, so added them and doubled the scale.a€? In 1420, this report states, he formally presented this map to the Board of Rites, which was the branch of the Choson [Korean] government that handled foreign affairs.
1320 (#227), the nautical charts from Cheng Hoa€™s expedition of 1405-1433, preserved in the Wu-pei-chih (1621), and, of course, the present map under consideration, Cha€™A?an China€™s. This north-south extension and shape of Africa can be seen in the cartography of the Arabs as early as the 13th century on Ibn Saa€™ida€™s world map (Book II, #216). The large, round island east of Arabia is simply named Hai-tao [island], which apparently represents Sri Lanka (Ceylon). On the other hand, Koreans were telling themselves that theirs was not just an East Asian country, but part of the larger world. The geographical knowledge represented in the map beyond China and Korea seems mainly a result of 14th century trade connections within the Mongol Empire. Europe is shown at upper left as a group of islands, which can be identified from Iceland to England, Scandinavia, Poland, Hungary and Turkey, but deliberately deleting the Iberian Peninsula. Under the Thangs China had attained to a high degree of civilization, perhaps the highest it has ever reached, and cartography then made remarkable progress. Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias. The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface. Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars.
In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. Li is mentioned by the Ming cartographer Lo Hung-Hsien (1504-64) as a contemporary and possibly as an associate of Chu Ssu-Pen (see #227). Interestingly, the Korean makers of the Tenri and Honmyo-ji copies corrected the orientation to the north, even while substituting more conventional Gyoki-style outlines.
These cartographic portrayals of the continent of Africa pre-date the Portuguese exploratory efforts by nearly a century.
It should also be mentioned that the southern tip of Africa is shown in almost the same form on Chu Ssu-pena€™s atlas Kuang YuA? Ta€™u, preserved in a copy dated 1541 - 1555 (#227) the original edition of which, the YuA?-Ta€™u, again, is dated 1320, i.e. To the east of Sri Lanka, India betrays its triangular shape only by a river, obviously the Ganges.
At the lower right South America is featured as an island south of Japan with a small peninsula as part of Central America, carrying just a few place-names including four Chinese characters whose phonetic Japanese reading is a€?A-ME-RI-KAa€?. The scroll begins on the extreme right with the Touen-houang region and finishes with Ceylon.
The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date. Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society. The scholar Aoyamaa€™s careful study of the Chinese place-names on the Kangnido shows them in general accord with those on Chua€™s map, as preserved in Loa€™s Kuang yu ta€™u, but with variants that would indicate place-name changes made in 1328-1329; this suggests that the Kangnidoa€™s source map was made around 1330. They also represent the culmination of an era of Sino-Arab exchange of geographical information long before the Jesuit scholars, beginning with Matteo Ricci, ushered in another era in the late 16th century. The long river emerging to the south is the Hei-shui [Salween], and the great lake in the upper center combines the Black and the Caspian Seas.
North of Japan, a land bridge joins Asia with an unnamed landmass, presumably North America. It is dated April 1652, lunar calendar, is roughly drawn and has no special interest from the geographical point of view, but it serves to prove that the map of the travels of Hiuen-tchoang was not always drawn in shield form.
It may be because the Buddhist Holy Writings referred to some islands belonging to Jambu-dvipa that the compiler of this map arranged islands around the central continent so as to represent the various data obtained from sources other than the Si-yA?-ki or the Fo-tsou-ta€™ong-ki. To our great regret is has disappeared without any trace, but the author of the stela map at Si-gna-fou, engraved in 1137 (#217), of which the original drawing was made before the middle of the 11th century, said that he had consulted it, and that it contained many hundreds of kingdoms. Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter. The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface. Since Chu explicitly excluded most non-Chinese areas from his map, Aoyama and others have reasoned that Li Tse-min must have found his cartographic sources for these areas elsewhere, the only plausible source being Islamic maps, which made their appearance in China under Mongol rule.
Thus the cartographic expression manifested in this map of China€™s reflects the last phase of traditional Chinese cartography that, again, was conceptually based upon the idea of one single Terrestrial Continent of which Africa became considered as an arm.
In the utmost northwest, Germany and France are marked phonetically, A-lu-mang-ni-a and Fa-li-si-na; here, in the West, the Azores are also shown. It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities.
At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu. This knowledge, presumably acquired from first-hand experience and Arab contact, not only manifested itself in the emerging world concept of Chinese cartography, but also served to facilitate the spurt of maritime activities in the Indian Ocean and along the coast of East Africa in the early Ming Dynasty (late 14th, early 15th centuries).
This representation of the Atlantic island group is indeed remarkable, especially on a map produced in the Far East at such an early time, when comparable detail of the Far East is scant on European maps of the same period. In the Kyujanggak Library of Seoul National University there is a modern Korean hand copy done during the 1980s, considered highly researched and beautifully executed. But for the missing or incomplete detail in the eastern areas of Manchuria, Korea, and Japan, that map bears a very close resemblance to the Kangnido. Of the two largest capitals in the world, as judged from the selection of symbols adopted by Chin, one is obviously Pyongyang in Korea, and the other is a European city of apparent equal importance, the position of which would suggest the city of Budapest.
Based on a legend of the temple, it has been believed naively that the HonmyA?ji map was given to KatA? Kiyomasa by Toyotomi Hideyoshi in preparation for the Korean campaigns.
However, the Seonjo Sillok of Korea reports that in 1593 the son of a Korean official who had surrendered to KatA? copied and offered map(s) of China and Korea to him.
This map was discovered in the HonkA?ji temple of Shimabara, Nagasaki in 1988 and is much larger than the RyA«koku map.



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