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In visiting the Subway, it is not easy at first to avoid the overwhelming glamour of bigness. This is the first view of the new Subway- a dazzling confusion of wonders, an overwhelming impression of complex bigness- from which we return for sheer relief to the criticism of little things that we can really grasp- like the crowded, over-small car doorways, like the smell of new oil from the car tracks. But gradually, two or three minutes a morning, dwelling on these diverse growing familiar with this bigness, we begin slowly to grasp its meanings. If the people had not built up in lower Manhattan, they would not have had to build under here in the Subway. Looked at with the simple eye, therefore, we have no cause to fall down before this Bigness. The question of true moment does not concern the material fact of accomplishment, it has nothing whatever to do with the bigness of the Subway. And so, as we think of it, all these marvels of tiled walls, protected third rails, signaling devices, which have impressed us so strongly at first, begin to assume their proper places, as things of really minor import, the small clever things with which the Great Worker, in the excess of his energy, brightened his task.
The result of this civic character of ours applied to a public work is that the Subway is at least ten years late in opening; it is so late that it hardly relieves the pressure of travel. It is unnecessary here to go into the details of the various periods of agitation or of the abortive attempts at building a subway.
Three years of discomfort and crowded cars followed Mayor Hewitt's subway campaign, and finally, in 1891, the rapid transit legislation so vociferously demanded by the people was actually passed.
So we come down to the year 1894 - the year of angry public pressure-the year when the people, appealing to the legislature, succeeded in having the law of 1891 so amended as to make the Rapid Transit Commission effective.
A remarkable body, this Rapid Transit Commission - one of the most remarkable in the whole history of the country-not less unique than the work which it subsequently performed! Here was the situation in New York state: a Republican boss Platt in control of the legislature, a Tammany Hall Croker in control of the city, a Hill Democratic machine-governor sitting at Albany.
In order that the Subway might not fall into the pilfering hands of Tammany, and that it might clinch the hold of Platt's upstate Republican machine, the act of the legislature named the members of the commission in the law - an almost unprecedented procedure; it gave them office for life, it empowered them to appoint their own successors, it endowed them - a state body - with the power to incur a huge debt on behalf of the city of New York.
In short, the state of New York had created a despotic power -a Czar-like autocracy - to govern New York City in so far as this particular work was concerned. But we find the Rapid Transit commissioners, though clothed with extraordinary powers, though provided with money by the vote of the people, confronted by obstacles which, apparently, they could not overcome. It is in this history of delay that we shall find the real meaning of this subway problem - the real questions, indeed, of every great public work in this country. In the first place, beginning at the beginning, the law itself, through which the Rapid Transit Commission drew the breath of life, was a curious piece of business. Not only were the commissioners thus hobbled at the start, but they seemed troubled in their own minds as to how far or how fast they should run.
Here was a straight delay of eighteen months, and every time the Rapid Transit commissioners really made a motion to do anything there were the same significant, "vague and indefinite" applications from the street-car companies. There were other causes for delay traceable directly or indirectly to the street-railway companies. Another difficulty which confronted the commission reminds us of the story of the miser who, to protect his treasure from robbers, surrounded himself with so many bolts, bars, alarms, and safeguards, that he could not finally get at the treasure himself. So the Rapid Transit Commission found itself confronted by an inelastic "debt limit." That is, although the Rapid Transit Commission was empowered by vote of the people to spend $50,000,000 of the city's money, the limit of indebtedness was so fixed by another law that for a time they could not go forward with the work.
Well, all these obstacles were finally swept aside: it took three years' time, during which the people of New York were helplessly subjected to indecent crowding. In the first place, the country was just emerging from the depths of business depression- a money panic: in the second place, on January 1, 1898, Tammany Hall returned to power with Van Wyck, the "worst mayor of New York," as Croker's figurehead. Tammany Hall, indeed, splendidly served the purposes of the street-car monopolies, by getting a delay of eighteen months. It is usually the case, indeed, that the political boss and the lobbyist see some way of twisting a genuine sentiment to serve their purpose. Following this guileless-looking resolution, one of the worst bills ever devised was introduced in the legislature with the full approval of the Rapid Transit Commission. Failing thus in the attempt to gobble the subway franchises without compensation, the street-railway companies, assisted by Tammany, returned to their old and profitable tactics of delay and obstruction - of which the commissioners seemed easy victims. But finally in 1900, six years after the Rapid Transit commissioners were appointed, they really got to the point of asking for bids. We like to imagine that the old dog-in-the-manger street-car monopolies were really defeated and disgusted by this strange development, and there are evidences that they were. But this very efficiency and honesty in material construction throws into vivid contrast the stumbling inadequacy of the American as a civic administrator. A great point has been made recently by the commissioners of the fact that the city now owns the Subway.
It is not pleasant to criticize men like these Rapid Transit commissioners, who have acted so consistently with personal honesty, when even personal honesty in public service is so difficult to obtain. But take the type members of this Rapid Transit Commission: fine, high-minded, soft-hearted old gentlemen. Six members of the commission are of this old-gentleman type: the two others are politicians, one, Mayor McClellan, who has been, so far, a negative if not an obstructive influence in serving the people's interests. Efficiency is easier to secure than honesty, therefore we set a higher value upon honesty, therefore we cherish the ideal of the respectable businessman in politics. We freely give the use of the streets, a possession of uncounted value, we provide all the money for building, we exempt the company from all taxation, we permit it to charge an unchangeable five-cent fare, no matter how cheaply the road can be operated, and then we throw in (like the famous Dutch farmer who, when he sold the tail, threw in the entire hide), a contract which shuts us off from any real control of the Subway for fifty years - and probably seventy-five years. First, they pay the interest on the money which we supplied, about three and one-quarter per cent, and they pay one per cent sinking fund - or much less than what they would have had to pay had they borrowed the money in the open market and undertaken the work as a private enterprise. The city will not get, all told, as much as if the property were subject to ordinary taxation and no other payment whatever made to the city treasury. At the end of fifty or seventy-five years, when our great-grandchildren get control of the Subway, the Belmont corporation, protected by a cast-iron contract that gives them an unregulatable five-cent fare, will have paid untold millions in profits. But the commissioners claim that under the circumstances which existed at the time the contract was signed - a combination of Van Wyck and post-panic times - they made the best terms possible to get a subway. It is certainly a fact that capital was timid at that time regarding the enterprise, that it was concerning itself in the organization of great industrial trusts, that it looked askance upon the municipal ownership phase of the enterprise - and the commissioners may have had to make these onerous terms or get no subway. And this problem of control is the only real question, for no one cares who owns the street-railways so long as the city is truthfully the controlling master.
Do not for a moment imagine that there have not been men of public spirit in New York City who have perceived the real significance of these subway enterprises, and have watched with alarm the looming development of the new Belmont monopoly.
In several legislatures these watchful citizens have appeared with reform measures, the aim of all of which has been, not to crush the Belmont syndicate, not even to interfere with the profits which it is earning on the Subway already constructed, but to secure to the city the proper control of its creatures, the street-car companies. But let us see what forces these public-spirited citizens had to combat in the legislature.
First, the Rapid Transit Commission was negotiating with the Pennsylvania Railroad Company for its great tunnel under Manhattan Island. It may be imagined, then, what obstacles the citizens' committees had to meet in trying to force reforms through the legislature. At the coming session of the legislature (1904-5), another attempt will be made by the citizens at securing control legislation, along the lines already laid down. And now he is trying to get hold of the financially distressed Metropolitan Railway Company, which controls the surface-car lines of Manhattan. It is to be noted, also, that large profits are accruing to Belmont from advertising privileges in the Subway, and that there are also provisions in the contract for a freight and express service and even a parlor car service in the Subway - of which gifts to Belmont we shall probably hear a great deal more in the future. A banquet was given at Sherry's on the night after the opening of the Subway, attended by prominent financiers, by the mayor, by the Rapid Transit commissioners and others, to thank and praise Mr.
It is easy to understand why the directors of Belmont's company present him with a silver cup - has he not doubled their cash in four years ?
Here is the plain truth: if the history of the Subway shows anything at all, it shows that capital all the way through has not only been greedy, not only pursued a dog-in-the-manger policy, but it has been wholly unoriginal, non-progressive.
Foo is a visual artist and programmer whose latest project uses music to narrate a ride on the city's 2 train, revealing New York's yawning income gap along the way. There was also a specific reason Foo chose the 2 train, namely that it services economically diverse areas of the city -- from Brooklyn, through Manhattan and into the Bronx.
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New York City (or NYC) -- officially, "City of New York," and affectionately known as "The Big Apple" -- is the largest city of the state of New York and in the United States, and by many measures, one of the most important cities in the world.
New York is also the location of what was, according to many experts, the most devastating act of terrorism in modern history: the September 11, 2001 attack that utterly destroyed the twin towers of the World Trade Center and several surrounding buildings.
New York has had a reputation as a crime-ridden city, partly due to the hundreds of TV and cinematic crime dramas set in it. The current mayor of New York City is Michael Bloomberg, elected in 2001 on the Republican ticket. Although New York's harbour was first discovered by Giovanni da Verrazano during his expedition of 1524, the history of New York City properly begins with the Dutch settlement of 1624.
In 1664, British ships captured the city, with minimal resistance: the governor at the time, Peter Stuyvesant, was unpopular with the residents of the city. Several battles were fought in New York during the Revolutionary War; the British defeated George Washington's troops, and held the city until the war ended.
New York was briefly the capital of the new United States of America, in 1789 and 1790, and George Washington was inaugurated as President in New York, then the nation's second largest city.
The building of the Erie Canal, in the 1820s, helped the city grow further by increasing river traffic upstate and to the west. The modern city of New York -- the five boroughs -- was created in 1898, as the merger of the cities of New York (then Manhattan and the Bronx) and Brooklyn with the largely rural areas of Queens and Staten Island. The building of the New York subway, as the separate IRT and BMT systems, and the later IND, was a later force for population growth and development. The world-famous Grand Central Terminal[?] opened as the world's largest train station on February 1, 1913.
As of the census of 2000, there are 8,008,278 people, 3,021,588 households, and 1,852,233 families residing in the city. The median income for a household in the city is $38,293, and the median income for a family is $41,887. I invite people using message boards saying that I prefer my guests to be 30 - 50 years old but everyone is welcome. Though the short line carried nearly 7.1 million passengers in its first year, that number was only 54 percent of the projected ridership.
According to experts, single women looking for a happy, secure boyfriend should look for a man with a sister or sisters. Pro Tip: When surprising your son or daughter at college, make sure you know their correct dorm room number. After waking up from an operation, and still hopped up on anesthesia, this kid tells his mom that he and "his boy, Rocco" killed people in Dubai. We have heard the loud voice of extreme eulogy, we have seen the Subway exposed for many weeks to the trying tests of actual usage, we have had the rebound to extreme fault-finding. It came to us not as a heaven-born miracle, but as the next step in the evolution of a Modern City. It is rather a question of how the city prepared for its next step, how fearlessly, how deftly or how weakly; it is pre-eminently a question of character, not of accomplishment. Not of much real meaning in themselves, they yet confuse us: and sometimes they are employed by designing men for the very purpose of confusion - to keep our minds from traveling straight back to the How of the thing. The world's idea of the individual American is one of brisk efficiency: here we find a curious, shambling, timid, uncertain Civic American. The engineer who designed the Subway and who is largely responsible for making it a thoroughgoing honest job.
A commission was appointed, but the law was so juggled and the commissioners so influenced by the street-railway lobbies that when the franchise was offered for the construction of a subway by private capital, no bidders appeared - and the scheme was defeated.
That year was, in reality, the beginning of the work which culminated in the present Subway. As I have shown, the railroad companies wanted no rapid transit -they were well contented with slow, certain dividend transit. In spite of its serious needs, New York City, apparently, could not be trusted to spend $50,000,000 of its own money, for fear either that its political bosses would steal it, or its corporations would so cajole the willing politicians that the Subway would be indefinitely postponed or else the franchises would be frittered away.
The actual engineering and material problems, the building of the Subway- upon which we are now directed to expend our wonder- were the least of their troubles. As it came out of the legislature it was fair to look upon, innocent enough in its intent, but really warped and deflected by its passage through the lobby.
Bear in mind that these commissioners were good men, really foremost citizens, of undoubted personal honesty, but they were themselves of the conservative, money-controlling class and, although they were empowered to go on and contract for the building of a subway with the funds of the city, still, they were by nature and training uncertain how far this new thing, "municipal ownership," could be carried. The commission, for instance, was attacked legally, and its existence had to be defended and confirmed in the Supreme Court.
Three layers of street-railways are shuffled together at Fourth Avenue and Thirty-Fourth Street, New York. In this act - to be perfectly fair - Tammany had some good excuses, if not reasons, to offer. After the rapid transit law was passed the fixing of the bond at a prohibitive figure emphasized the people's desire for security in spending public money; when Van Wyck and Whalen fought the Rapid Transit Commission they voiced the belief of many thoughtful citizens that an up-state board should not have the power to control the treasury of New York City.
Having been led along by the railroad monopolies to the rough, dark road of panic times and Tammany, there was now a deliberate attempt of the railroad people to hold up and sandbag the commissioners. This bill (chiefly through the notorious "Section 32") would have enabled the commission to give away by private contract without competition to the Metropolitan Railway Company a perpetual franchise for a subway, allowing that company to charge a ten-cent fare on express trains! By this time the street-railroad companies had grown so certain of their influence and of their own astuteness in delay (until the plum should fall of its own ripeness into their open jaws), that they failed to use due vigilance.
With the Rapid Transit Commission it was the astonishment of hopeful weakness; the public was astonished that anything at all should finally happen; the street-car companies were vastly astonished - and contemptuous!

He and Andrew Freedman, ex-baseball manager and expert political-financial manipulator, of Tammany persuasion, put their heads together and a few days later it was announced that August Belmont was backing the contractor with unlimited money - and that the Subway would really be built. If there were room here I should like to detail some of the remarkable features of the actual work, planned by William Barclay Parsons, the engineer of the Rapid Transit Commission, and worked out by McDonald and his sub-contractors.
All the reports and pamphlets connected with the Subway glow with the worship of the practical details of finance and engineering, but they seem largely unconscious of the real social welfare of the city, the real service of the public. As a matter of fact these very commissioners and the Chamber of Commerce behind them did their best at the time the rapid transit law was passed to prevent real municipal ownership, to prevent a referendum vote on the subject by the people. And in any criticism which we make it must always be borne in mind that we ourselves are responsible for this commission. The other is Comptroller Grout, the member who has, perhaps, expressed the highest ideal of real public service of any of the eight: but who, with the curious contradictions which characterize most of his public acts, has failed to accomplish anything essential. Let us put down, like boys trading marbles, what we give in one pile and what we get in another. By the old perpetual franchise system, it was not impossible for the city to exercise some control over the street-car companies, but Belmont has a contract by which, in effect, the city has actually conveyed its right to govern. Some thinkers suggest "municipal operation" only because they believe that the city can-not really control its street railroads when they are owned by private individuals: the political corruption fund is too enormous.
Many such citizens have expressed their be liefs through organizations like the Citizens' Union, the Municipal Art Society, the Central Federated Union (labor) and others, and they have had the generous support of most of the newspapers of New York City.
In the first place here stood the Belmont syndicate, with its influence through Andrew Freedman and McDonald with Tammany Hall, with its grip through related interests upon the Boss Platt Republican machine.
Attorney Boardman, of the Rapid Transit Commission, dealt with Attorney Boardman, of the Pennsylvania Railway Company.
One of the things which the Citizens' Union and other public bodies wished especially to secure was the addition along the Subway of pipe galleries: that is, small tunnels in which could be carried all gas and water pipes, electric mains and the like. They asked for, nothing extreme nor revolutionary - not even for municipal operation of street-car lines - only for such plain provisions as would give the people some degree of control of its public utilities. The law under which the Rapid Transit Commission operates compels the letting of contracts for the construction and operation of subways at the same time and to the same person. The citizens sought to enlarge the powers of the commissioners by permitting them to operate future subways as well as to build them - provided no private company would pay a reasonable rental.
The Citizens' Union and the affiliated bodies not only failed to get relief legislation, but they had all they could do to prevent the passage of legislation which would place the people still more completely in the grip of the monopoly.
The passage of these measures is absolutely essential to the welfare of the people of New York, and with proper enlightenment and proper agitation perhaps the legislature can be frightened into passing remedial laws, and perhaps the Rapid Transit Commission can then be so stiffened in the knees that it will really make a good bargain for the people. It is not only the greatest combination of street-car interests New York ever had, but it promises to be the most piratical. Shepard's figures as to profits are borne out by the present quotations of the stock of the Belmont company although, as usual in such enterprises, Belmont is already so confusing his operations - jumbling the earnings of the elevated roads with those of the Subway - that it is all but impossible for an outsider to learn anything about real values or real profits.
In the work of Brian Foo, it offers a unique way to examine income inequality across different parts of the city. Plotting each stop along the subway route and using income data from each area, Foo created a musical track that changes to reflect the median income in each location.
The 2 line was a natural choice because it enabled him to "create the song with the most contrast," he told Untapped Cities. The city is probably the world's most important financial center, and one of the most important cultural centers of the Western world. Each borough elects a Borough President, but under the current city charter, the Borough President's powers are limited--he or she has a small discretionary budget to spend on projects within the borough. The population of the City of New York is more than eight million (2000 US Census), with the population of the entire metropolitan area at around 20 million.
Residents generally refer to New York City (or just Manhattan) as "New York" or "the city". In fact, the city has a high crime rate compared to the United States of America at large, but a relatively low rate compared to other North American cities. Bloomberg had come to prominence as an expert on Wall Street, which had brought him great wealth, but the mayoralty is his first political office.
His bid for United States Senator from New York State was aborted by treatment for cancer and controversy over his affair with Judith Nathan. That town, at the southern tip of Manhattan, was called New Amsterdam (Nieuw Amsterdam), and was the main city of the Dutch colony of New Netherlands. The British renamed the colony New York, after James II of England, who sponsored the takeover and who was at that time the Duke of York. Patrick's Day was celebrated in New York City for the first time at the Crown and Thistle Tavern on March 17, 1756. By 1835 Manhattan overtook Philadelphia as the most populous city and established itself as the financial and mercantile capital of the western hemisphere. The song gave its name to a film directed by Martin Scorsese (see New York, New York (film)[?]).
The extension turned north along the east side of Flushing Meadows-Corona Park over a wooden trestle and ended at the newly-created World’s Fair Terminal Station, which had two tracks and three platforms. The special World’s Fair train cost an extra five cents on top of the regular five-cent subway fare. After its run during the 1940 World’s Fair season, the New York City subway system had unified, and though there were plans to make the line permanent after the fair closed, the idea was abandoned as there were no major permanent attractions nearby (the fair pre-dated Citi Field and the United States Tennis Association complex).
The Arizona student, who attended Red Mountain High School, exposed his genitals in his high schoola€™s varsity football team photo after being dared to do so by a teammate.
Tin-framed advertisements, for instance, have been made to obscure the real significance of a great work! They show us the electric powerhouse with its unequaled machinery, they point out the covered ways leading here into a great mercantile establishment and there, miles away, into a hotel, "so that ladies shopping on a rainy day need not go out of doors," they ask us to admire the perfect plumbing and water systems of the stations, and was there ever such perfect fire protection? This is the line of succession: the elevator made possible the skyscraper, the skyscraper led to underground transportation.
It was as inevitable as the course of nature; it was not due to the work of any one man or men, however large personalities may seem at the conclusion of the task. We are so far behind that even if we keep on building at the present rate it will be a generation before we really catch up with street traffic.
Mr.Parsons has recently been appointed a member of the Panama Canal Commission by President Roosevelt. Here stood the city, hands full of money, conscious of the cry that rose from the people herded into the street-cars. And when in November, 1894, the proposition to borrow money for subway building was submitted to the people, they carried it by an overwhelming majority.
No really great new engineering difficulties were involved, nothing that could not easily be accomplished with money and men.
When private corporations perceive that they can no longer prevent the passage of popular reform legislation, they submit with apparent willingness, but somehow, somewhere, they sneak in provisionary clauses which are designed to defeat the real intent of the law. Property owners also objected; they all wanted the Subway, but they wanted it in front of the other man's property. We had surrounded ourselves with so many laws to prevent our servants- the politicians whom we ourselves select- from stealing us poor, that when we really wished to spend money on a new work, we could not get at our treasure.
The picture, looking uptown, cuts away the street-paving at Thirty-third Street, exposing the Subway underneath.
In the same way Tammany now pleaded the debt limit -which was, indeed, technically too low - though a really public-spirited administration could have overcome this difficulty. The Metropolitan Street Railway Company asked for a perpetual franchise outright - a practical gift of the streets to a private company. The Metropolitan Company was not named in the bill, but was so described that there could be no mistake. Which shows how much better it is to have money than to have boldness, initiative, capability, influence - without money.
We know that Russell Sage sold out his stock, and that when Whitney died it was found, to every one's astonishment, that he had fled from the Metropolitan. But the facts of this physical upheaval have been in evidence - to utter wearisomeness - for four years, are now in evidence on the new extension in lower Broadway; and the other thing, the greater How of the work, has been obscured. The viewpoint of the commission itself - a civic body appointed to protect the rights of the public, is not far different from that of McDonald and Belmont: it is a business-engineering view, not a broad, public, civic view. They were put in as the representatives of the Chamber of Commerce - all that was respectable, stable, old. We chose these good men, and set them against the impossibly alert young fellows of Wall Street, with their unlimited money, with their control of the political machines, with the best legal brain at their disposal - and expect such commissioners to get the best results! It belongs to the people." They tell us that at the very moment that our commission is trying to put out certain tin-framed advertisements which we don't want - and meeting the smiling defiance of Belmont! The question of equipment may be disregarded, because the city must purchase the equipment at the end of the contract term. Of course, the Subway is nominally owned by the city - nominally - at the end of seventy-five years. We should have expected then, very much better terms for any new subways or extensions that might be built after the success of the first great venture was assured. New York to-day, indeed, instead of controlling its street-car systems and other public utilities may truthfully be said to be controlled by them.
But, as usual in municipal reform, the burden of work has fallen upon the shoulders of a very few men, who have had against them the powerful, thoroughly organized forces of wealth, backed by the corrupt political machines. Here also stood the Rapid Transit Commission, a public body, supposedly working tooth and nail for the real interests of the people, but in reality timid, old, uncertain - a dull tool - inclined toward the Belmont interests.
These could have been built easily and cheaply, for in building the tunnel all these various pipes had to be reset. The result of this is that only enormously wealthy street-car corporations can bid at all: in short, it reduces the bidders practically to three - the Belmont syndicate, the Metropolitan Street Car Company and possibly the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company, the last two of which are so involved in financial tangles that they are no match for Belmont. By a curious provision, not hard of understanding to those who know the ways of the lobby, the present law provides that contracts shall be let for not less than thirty-five years, so that the Rapid Transit Commission, even if it had the chance, could not make a better bargain for the city. Witness the Bostwick bill, a measure introduced with the consent and approval of the Rapid Transit Commission, which would have so tied the commission's hands that practically no other bid for future extensions of the Subway than that of Belmont could have been accepted. There is time yet to defeat the Belmont monopoly - if the people's action is vigorous and prompt. The city must, therefore, resort to extensive subways, running in every direction to Brooklyn, to Staten Island, to the Bronx: how essential is the proper control of all this vast business! No outsider probably knows definitely, but it is commonly reported that McDonald and Belmont made a profit of $6,000,000 to $8,000,000 on the actual building of the Subway. The public suggested the Subway, the public through its engineers made the plans and proved the feasibility of the enterprise, the public forced the building of the Subway through a threat of municipal construction (the worst bogy of capital), and finally furnished all the money for the work - and then, deliberately, gave Mr. In his speech at the dedication exercises there was a certain delightfully satirical note of satisfaction with this method of building subways, coupled with a warning, not unhumorously ingenuous, of the dangers of municipal ownership.
The United Nations headquarters is in New York City, giving some credence to the city's self-designation as "capital of the world". In addition, New York has been growing safer for most of the last decade--FBI data indicate that the murder rate in 2000 was the lowest since 1967.
Bloomberg had been a Democrat until only a short time earlier, but switched to the Republican Party to run for mayor, in order to avoid a crowded Democratic primary.
He handled the aftermath of the World Trade Center disaster well, providing much-needed leadership, and greatly increased his popularity. The Dutch origins can still be seen in many names in New York City, such as Brooklyn (from Breukelen), Harlem (from Haarlem), The Bronx (from Pieter Bronck) and Staten Island. The city grew northward, and remained the largest and most important city in the colony of New York.
This holiday has since become a yearly city-wide celebration that is famous around the world as the St. A nearly pure form of capitalism created a large upper-middle and upper class, but its need for manpower encouraged immigration on an unprecedented scale, with mixed results. Political and financial reasons compounded the lack of need for the terminal, as did automobile-booster Robert Moses, who wanted the right of way to extend the Van Wyck Expressway and a street.
The photo was then published in the schoola€™s yearbook a€” somehow without a single person noticing. Cars, all of steel and copper; sunlight coming through from the streets above, outside entrances of some architectural pretense, inside waiting-rooms lined with costly tiling, arranged in forms of beauty! Banker, American representative of the Rothschilds, Democratic politician, and master of the street-car situation in New York City.
The Subway itself is, indeed, only a great elevator laid down on its side running from the basement offices, so to speak, to the living-rooms upstairs. A great work like this gives us somehow the impression of having projected itself; it was the city putting out an arm! We were driven to it- and we now brag the brag of the brawny day-laborer, the brag of brute force, so much work done that we were compelled to do! Whitney, George Gould, Russell Sage, Ryan, Elkins, and the other street-railway owners would neither do anything themselves, nor would they permit the city to do anything.
It was highly profitable - as well as customary - to do the bidding of the street-railway companies.
And as a sort of clincher, they were not obliged under the law to furnish the public with any account of their doings!
The commissioners had plenty of tested models in Europe and even in our own country - in Boston- to work from, and they were served by a highly able staff of engineers.
When the rapid transit bill was under consideration the street-railroad lobby was on hand, working craftily, deeply, silently, so that after the law went into effect the commissioners, newly created, found themselves hobbled at the very set off- and a hurdle race to run!
It was amusing, if it had not been so serious for the citizens of New York, to see how these good men were blocked by the street-railway owners - and by one of the hoariest tricks in business.

The storekeepers of lower Broadway were especially bitter, spurred on, there is evidence, by the street-car companies, until finally the Rapid Transit Commission was compelled to change its plans and lay out a subway through Elm Street and Fourth Avenue. Moreover, Tammany naturally fought the Rapid Transit Commission as the creation of the Republican up-state machine.
Moreover, the new City of Greater New York was just then in progress of organization and some of the outside boroughs, not directly to be benefited by a subway, objected to taxation - and so forth and so forth - the endless excuses to be found by persons who want excuses.
Belmont was what is known as a "rank outsider." He was not "in" street-railways, and he was not supposed to know much about city transit. Indeed, when Belmont organized his new Interborough Company he found it easy to get control of the entire elevated railway system under a lease, thus removing the greatest competitor of the Subway, and laying the foundations of a more powerful street-railway monopoly than New York has ever known.
The acts of the commission from the first have been marked not by a bold, free, clear advocacy of what is best for the people, but by the halting, timid, compromising air of men imbued with the old ideals of the utter sacredness of "business interests" as compared with the "public welfare." Indeed, we find the commissioners repeatedly going over, and weakly yielding to the demands of the street-car monopolies - as in 1899 - and only stiffening up under the angry protestations of the people. Theirs were the courtly ideas of respectability - the wealth of a man, the clubs he belonged to, the prominence of his family, his philanthropies, his church affiliation. As to the damage cases of adjacent property owners which most corporations have to pay - why, the city, in its goodness, also engages to satisfy all of them.
Such galleries would have saved immense sums of money in the future both to the city and to private corporations, because workmen could have made necessary repairs without digging up the pavements. The Belmont syndicate was so accurately described in the bill that its name might as well have been inserted. Already he controls the Subway and all the elevated railroads in Manhattan, he owns the surface-car lines in Long Island City, and he has just acquired the old perpetual franchise of the Steinway Tunnel Company, which enables him to build another tunnel to Brooklyn; and he is on the way to obtain other important rights. Belmont all the property and afterwards tied itself up for fifty years by a contract which prevents city control! I want to find sounds and data that interest me and mix them in a thoughtful and deliberate way," he says.
Holiday Party, Office Party, Christmas Party, Divorce Party, Cast Party, Many Types Of Events And Parties. The island of Manhattan was in some measure self-selected as a future metropolis by its extraordinary natural harbor formed by New York Bay (actually an arm of the Atlantic Ocean), the East River (actually a tidal strait) and the Hudson River, all of which are confluent at the southern tip, from which all later development spread.
The famed melting pot was brought into being, from which multitudes have since arisen in the successful pursuit of the "American Dream". To make visting the fair more convenient, the city created a new dedicated subway line extension and terminal, then the only line owned by the city. Also, the IND World’s Fair Line did not meet construction standards for permanent lines, which, at the time, were required to be underground. The sovereign people here knew years ago that they must have some new means of rapid transit: the best citizens discussed a tunnel as long ago as 1868- thirty-six years- but we procrastinated. But Tammany Hall leaders saw that the people were determined to have a subway: and the very thought of a $50,000,000 public work must have made their mouths water. Under the guise of safeguarding the city's interests, absolutely impossible conditions as to bonds and forfeits were imposed by the law.
The moment the commissioners made any real effort to begin work, the Manhattan Railway Company, which controlled the elevated roads, would come forward with a proposition for the extension or improvement of its lines: there would be talk, talk, talk - and delay - exactly what the companies wanted. But the delay so cunningly engineered by the able street-car companies, had finally tolled the commissioners along to the beginning of the year 1898- highly unfavorable in two respects for the projection of any sort of public enterprise. Attorney Boardman, the representative alike of Boss Platt and of the Rapid Transit Commission, was there to favor the bill, the Tammany machine, the real champion of the street-car companies, of course supported it, and the scheme was so skillfully and silently engineered in the legislature that no one awakened to the iniquity of the bill until near the close of the session.
He had just been building the Jerome Park Reservoir, said to be a failing venture, and he had little or no money of his own.
These two monopolies between them were sure that they were the only people who could bid, and they were just a little too sure of the loyalty of Tammany Hall! Although a banker of large interests, the American representative indeed, of the Rothschilds, he was regarded as a son of his father - the second generation which "goes in" for pictures and horses and politics, which sits on its money. A very large figure in Wall Street to-day, this hitherto unappreciated Belmont, a sort of new King! Most American works, with which the public has anything to do are marked with more or less official corruption, are scamped in material - where it won't show - are excessively costly, but this Subway, in an engineering sense, has apparently been a thoroughgoing, honest job, well done, with some attention to real beauty, with some effort to protect and satisfy the public.
Yet we find the commissioners and the Chamber of Commerce now taking to themselves the entire credit for the public ownership of the Subway! But what have all these things got to do, except incidentally, with building a subway costing $50,000,000 and building it in opposition to alert, grim-jawed young men who stop at nothing - nothing - in getting what they want, and the public be damned! When we, the public, propose to fight Wall Street and come away with anything left, we have got to employ real brains, and real energy inspired by the best civic ideals of the twentieth century -and then pay our servants. When the contract for the Brooklyn extension was let (in 1902) the Belmont syndicate got it, practically on the same terms. The Platt mentioned is the son of Boss Platt, and the firm has for years been recognized as the peculiar instrument of the Republican machine in New York state: a giant in the lobby.
Shepard, for a time one of the attorneys of the Rapid Transit Commission, promptly resigning his office when the Pennsylvania Railway offered him a larger retainer. And think of the gain in cleanliness and comfort in a city like New York from undisturbed streets!
If the contracts were separated, the absurd requirement eliminated which compels every bidder to deposit $1,000,000, and the Rapid Transit Commission allowed to let the work by sections, there would, be a hundred bidders for the construction to every one that could bid under the present law.
This bill was fathered by Mayor Low, of the reform administration, then ex-officio member of the Rapid Transit Commission, but the cry raised by the people had such an angry tone that the measure was, happily, withdrawn.
Through his associates, also, he is interested in the new Hudson River tunnel which recently obtained a franchise up Sixth Avenue, thereby giving him a grasp of the passage traffic of Jersey City. Shepard, for a time one of the attorneys of the Rapid Transit Commission, and closely in touch with its affairs, that over a year before the Subway was even finished the "value of the future profits from the operating part of this contract . Have The Jellin Girls Introduce You To Other Great People In New York City's Top Night Clubs.
Also of prime importance was the presence of deep fresh water aquifers near the southern tip, especially the Collect Pond[?]. But countless others failed to rise, or entire generations were forced to plough themselves under for their children or grandchildren to rise. Demolition began on January 15th, 1941–though the signals added for the World’s Fair Line remain in use today. Those who really had the power to accomplish anything fought the scheme for their own private ends, and as usual the private ends were better served, employed better legal talent, than the public. For instance, a bidder for the contract to build and operate the new Subway was called upon, under the act, to deposit $1,000,000 in cash, and to furnish a bond which was later fixed at $15,000,000! When this "deal" fell through the Metropolitan Railroad Company, which controlled the surface street-car lines, would step up and the same solemn farce would be re-enacted. Tammany Hall wanted to get its grip on this rich contract - and the street-car monopolies were naturally eager to assist Croker's ambition. Then suddenly the people awoke: there were tremendous mass-meetings of the labor unions and citizens in New York City.
The engineers of the commission, men of the highest standing in their profession, following the contractors step by step, have kept the work clean, as clean as a private enterprise, and better than a private enterprise in its aspects of beauty and convenience.
These young men are in business strictly for themselves, for cash; they employ the best lawyers in America, they control the political machines, they get up early in the morning and go to bed late - and we, the people, to protect our interests, set against them a board of fine old gentlemen! The only real improvement was a shorter franchise term - thirty-five years instead of fifty. But besides representing this public body, the Rapid Transit Commission, Boardman, Platt & Soley were also the attorneys of some of the most piratical corporations in the country - corporations whose interests might clash at any time with those of the public as represented by the Rapid Transit Commission. The action of both of these attorneys is significant of the methods of great corporations generally.
Everyone admitted the great value of a pipe gallery system; the Rapid Transit commissioners themselves were in favor of it. This would furnish wholesome competition and enable the public, when a new subway was built, to force really favorable term, with Belmont's monopoly -in some such way as the citizens of Boston have done with their street-car companies.
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In the mid-1800s these antipodes could be found in the fabulously rich stretches of lower Broadway (wealth that would later take up residence on Fifth Avenue[?]) and the almost unbelievably squalid enclave of Five Points (abject poverty later to take up residence in the Lower East Side[?]). Capitalist, philanthropist, former president of the Chamber of Commerce, a representative of all that is respectable, stable, old in financial and political ideals.
Again and again the city entreated its creatures, the railroad companies, to furnish relief, to dig a subway. The people had no desire to see Tammany Hall spending any such sum of their money; and the Republican bosses in this case quite agreed with the people.
During the six years after the commission came into existence, its members went before the legislature many times to secure amendments to the law.
Neither of these companies wanted any competitive subway: what they wanted was delay -and dividends - and they got both. John Ford, a state senator from New York, fought the bill in the legislature, and the whole matter came up before Governor Roosevelt. There is evidence, in the first place, that the Tammany leaders had began to perceive that the public would punish them for much longer delay, and in the second place its leaders saw a way of getting something for themselves (if they couldn't get everything) out of the big contract, Croker and other Tammany leaders, for instance, were interested in several large firms of contractors, and there was a chance to secure profitable sub-contracts under McDonald - a consummation which actually followed. Behind them stood all the various related interests of Wall Street - the family, so to speak, of capital. One quality alone had caused Wall Street to withhold a final judgment on Belmont - a suggestive ability of keeping his own council. That surely should mean a white mark for the American: he is not equaled in the world when it comes to the execution of a great material work, he is a brilliant engineer, great in inventive and constructive imagination, a matchless builder! It is true that the Belmont syndicate agreed to do a $11,000,000 job with the use of only $3,000,000 Of the city's credit; but on the same principle they could have afforded to do this $11,000,000 work for $1 - to get control of the new extension.
For instance, the firm represented the gas trust - the so- called "Rockefeller crowd," the worst of the lot, and the Pennsylvania Railroad. Shepard, whose legal ethics forbade him to serve two opposing clients at the same time, they hired away from the commission by paying him a huge retainer, leaving the public supported only by Boardman, who could be better used where he was.
We enjoyed talking about our glorious system of self-government, but we would not work at it! As far back as 1872 a perpetual franchise was presented to Cornelius Vanderbilt on the figurative silver platter.
So Boss Platt dickered with Boss Hill and, counting on the acquiescence of the don't-care-how-it-is-done public, they brought into existence this most remarkable body - the Rapid Transit Commission. Acting with characteristic energy, Roosevelt summoned the Rapid Transit Commission, and embarrassing explanations were made, with the result that the iniquitous measure was defeated.
Moreover, it was good to have a strong hand in the employment for four years Of 5,000 or 10,000 citizen voters from the East Side. The Elevated Railway Company was backed by all the vast Gould interests and connections and by the Russell Sage connections, the surface lines were owned by the so-called Whitney-Ryan-Elkins "crowd" - many of the same interests being connected with the notorious gas trust, and that led straight into the Standard Oil camp with its tremendous resources of capital and banks. In reality Belmont knew a great deal about the rapid transit problem: his father had been a Rapid Transit commissioner, and he himself had given the subject no little study.
No obstacle turns him aside, he is orderly, patient, resourceful, with incredible energy and speed, and on the day that the contract expires, he says: "Here is your work, finished," and without fuss or feathers he turns to the next job. They simply borrowed from the banks instead of from the city, and the only thing the city gained by this much heralded transaction was an additional borrowing capacity of $8,000,000. Nothing, surely, could show how completely a rich corporation can cajole a public commission! So when the measure was before the legislature we find Attorney Boardman, presumably casting off for a moment his mantle as lawyer for the Rapid Transit Commission, and taking up his mantle as lawyer for the gas trust, arguing against pipe galleries - and, having the enormous power of the dominant Republican machine behind him, supplemented by the Tammany machine (also controlled by the gas trust), easily defeating the will of the people. About the time McDonald appeared, Belmont had been squeezed out of one or two large financial interests by the big men of Wall Street, and he not only had idle money, but he felt aggrieved over his treatment. Why, we couldn't have selected any men that would have suited the street-car monopolies better than these gentlemen. In other words, the estimated future profits of the Belmont syndicate, long before the first train was run, equaled nearly the entire cost of the Subway.
A few years later other grants were made by the legislature, all to no purpose, and finally as a sort of substitute the elevated railroads were constructed-an ungraceful, noisy, unsatisfactory means of transit, which an enlightened city will sometime abolish entirely. Out of all this the city will get not one cent - though the city has no right now to begrudge Belmont his earnings on the original enterprise. The Best Singles events in New York City Now internet Audio Personals Help Make Connections 24 hrs A Day!
Hewitt, a real public servant, continually advised and demanded a subway - and a subway to be owned by the city. In 1888, Mayor Hewitt endeavored to secure subway legislation, but his bill was defeated by a combination of Tammany Hall and the street-railway lobbies - corrupt politics backed, as usual, by greedy business. McDonald is one of the taciturn sort - a solid, grim man with a thick chest, brawny arms, and an iron jaw; masterful, self-controlled, capable.
The existing street-car companies wanted no competing subway and, above all, no subway owned by the city.
At this point began, indeed, the remarkable history of obstruction and delay and corruption by which the street-car companies and capital generally have prevented New York from securing rapid transit relief.
There is evidence that McDonald, now that he had the contract, tried on his part to negotiate with the street-car monopolies, the natural allies of Tammany; there is evidence that they bade him good-morning with finality.

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