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Description: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, WA?rttemberg Germany. It had long been suspected that Martin WaldseemA?ller, a professor of cosmography at the school in St.
The purpose of this little book is to write a description of the world map, which we have designed both as a globe and as a projection [tam in solido quam plano].
Martin WaldseemA?llera€™s Universalis Cosmographia secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum Lustrationes [A Map of the World According to the Tradition of Ptolemy and the Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci] was designed on a single cordiform projection and engraved on twelve wooden blocks (21 x 30 inches each; 54 x 96 inches overall) at Strasburg and printed at St. In Plate IX of the map, numbering the plates from left to right, the top row first, WaldseemA?ller re-asserts that he is particularly delineating the lands discovered by Vespucci. A general delineation of the various lands and islands, including some of which the ancients make no mention, discovered lately between 1497 and 1504 in four voyages over the seas, two by Fernando of Castile, and two by Manuel of Portugal, most serene monarchs, with Amerigo Vespucci as one of the navigators and officers of the fleet; and especially a delineation of many places hitherto unknown. Vespucci claimed that on his first voyage he made discoveries along the coasts of Honduras and the Gulf of Mexico. In describing the general appearance of the world, it has seemed best to put down the discoveries of the ancients, and to add what has since been discovered by the moderns, for instance, the land of Cathay, so that those who are interested in such matters and wish to find out various things, may gain their wishes and be grateful to us for our labor, when they see nearly everything that has been discovered here and there, or recently explored, carefully and clearly brought together, so as to be seen at a glance. This mapa€™s greatest claim to immortality, however, is contained in the simple word of seven letters, America, the earliest known use of that name to describe the newly found fourth part of the world, placed on the southern continent (present-day South America) of the world map only by WaldseemA?ller. More than four years had elapsed since Amerigo Vespucci announced what he claimed to be the discovery of an entirely new continent, and as yet that new continent had no satisfactory name. In the first years of the new century, a group of scholars decided to produce a revised edition of the Cosmography of Ptolemy (#119) to meet the urgent need for new maps, according to the new discoveries. Martin WaldseemA?ller, a native of Freiburg in the Breisgau and appointed Professor of Geography at St. Toward the South Pole are situated the southern part of Africa, recently discovered, and the islands of Zanzibar, Java Minor, and Seula. The name appeared in Halmal, a semi-divine mythical forefather or ancestor of the Amelungen, or royal tribe of the Ostrogoths, which was called A–mlunger. Returning to the map, it is curious to note that while the name America appeared on the new continent (South America) of the new hemisphere on the world map, WaldseemA?ller did not choose to use it on the small inset map of the western hemisphere, where South America is labeled Terra Incognita.
By selecting the name America for a major portion of the new discoveries, WaldseemA?ller was not unaware of the contributions of Columbus and intended no denial of the credit properly due him. Plate I, in the upper left-hand corner, contains an inscription that explains WaldseemA?llera€™s ideas as to the location of the lands discovered by Vespucci and Columbus. Many have regarded as an invention the words of a famous poet [Virgil] that a€?beyond the stars lies a land, beyond the path of the year and the sun, where Atlas, who supports the heavens, revolves on his shoulders the axis of the world, set with gleaming starsa€?, but now finally it proves clearly to be true. Instead of a€?19 degreesa€? he should have written a€?29 degreesa€? which, when added to the 23 degrees of the tropic, would have made the a€?52 degreesa€? given in the a€?thirda€? voyage as Amerigo Vespuccia€™s farthest south. The remarkable geographical features of the WaldseemA?ller map are, however, more important than the giving of a name to one of them. These close approximations to geographical actualities were natural corollaries of Amerigoa€™s great a€?discoverya€™ of a a€?fourth part of the worlda€?. WaldseemA?ller places a land to the west of Isabella Insula [Cuba], as do many of the other mapmakers of his time, La Cosa, Cantino, Ruysch and Caveri (#305, #308, #313, #307). To the south, the long attenuated form given to both Terra Ulteria€? Incognita and to America, the west coasts of which are, as it were, rolled back to indicate WaldseemA?llera€™s lack of knowledge of these areas.
Leaving the New World discoveries, one cannot help but notice the striking resemblance between WaldseemA?llera€™s a€?Old Worlda€? outline and that presented by Henricus Martellus Germanus in his map of 1490 (#256).
Although many of the ancients were interested in marking out the circle of the land, things remained unknown to them in no slight degree; for instance, in the west, America, named after its discoverer, which is to be reckoned a fourth part of the world. In addition to Caveri, Martellus and Ptolemy, other sources synthesized by WaldseemA?ller include the narratives of Marco Polo, whose data concerning the geography of eastern China and the adjacent islands, though already known to the world in the map of Fra Mauro (#249), the Catalan Atlas (#235) and in globes such as those of Behaim (#258), are now for the first time embodied in a popular printed sheet map; and the Northmen, whose explorations in Mare Glaciale and in the neighborhood of Greenland were known from the maps of Claudius Clavus and those of Donnus Nickolaus Germanus. Thus, derived chiefly from Caveria€™s map (#307), itself based in many particulars upon the Cantino world map of 1502 (#308), the WaldseemA?ller production of 1507 transmitted the features of both to an impressive list of succeeding maps, globes and globe gores reaching to 1520 and well beyond. Of the same year as the map itself, and displaying its features, was the previously alluded to printed globe issued by WaldseemA?ller, known today only by two sets of globe gores on uncut sheets.
WaldseemA?ller, himself, continued his cartographic production beginning with a revised edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (eventually published by others), which included a Supplement composed of 20 maps claimed by some scholars to be a€?the first modern atlas of the worlda€™. The regression of WaldseemA?ller to the Columbian conception of Cuba as a part of the continent of Asia was without question confusing to those who saw the map of 1516 with its specific legend.
One can hardly overemphasize the significance in cartographic history, therefore, of the printed WaldseemA?ller productions of 1507 - world map, insets, and globe gores.
The name America (applied to present-day Brazil) appeared for what is believed the first time on Martin WaldseemA?ller's 1507 world map a€” the so-called Baptismal Certificate of the New World. AMERICA, we learn as schoolchildren, was named in honor of Amerigo Vespucci a€” for his discovery of the mainland of the New World.
Traditional history lessons about the discovery of America also raise questions about the meaning of discovery itself. And yet, despite the issue of who discovered America, we are still confronted with the awesome fact that it was the voyages of Columbus, and not earlier ones, that changed the course of world history.
Carew is resurrecting the ideas of Jules Marcou, a prominent French geologist who while studying North America argued, as did other 19th-century writers, that the name America was brought back to Europe from the New World; and that Vespucci had changed his name to reflect the name of his discovery.
Like Marcou, Carew wants us to believe that America was not named after Vespucci, but vice versa; that Vespucci had, so to speak, re-named himself after his discovery, gilding his given name by modifying it to reflect the significance of his discovery.
Some scholars believe Vespucci was named after Saint Emeric, son of the first king of Hungary. As was the custom of the Florentine nobility, Vespucci received an education that featured special instruction in the sciences connected with navigation a€” natural philosophy, astronomy, and cosmography a€” in which he excelled. During the first half of the 20th century, scholars discovered further evidence that clears away the cloud of misunderstanding and ignorance by which Vespucci has long been obscured. The voyage completed by Vespucci between May 1499 and June 1500 as navigator of an expedition of four ships sent from Spain under the command of Alonso de Hojeda is certainly authentic. Under Portuguese auspices he completed a second expedition, which set sail from Lisbon on May 31, 1501. Vespucci not only explored unknown regions but also invented a system of computing exact longitude and arrived at a figure computing the earth's equational circumference only fifty miles short of the correct measurement. The new geography included in its appendix WaldseemA?ller's large, stunning map of the world, on which the New World is boldly labeled AMERICA a€” in the middle of present-day Brazil. The baptismal passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio has commonly been read as argument, in which the authors said that they were naming the newly discovered continent in honor of Vespucci and saw no reason for objections. Even though the Latinization of Americus fits a pattern, why did the cosmographers not employ Albericus (hence the assumption that "Alberigo" was Vespucci's authentic Christian name), the Latinization that had already been used for Amerigo's name as the author of the Mundus Novus? Did America get its name through oral tradition when those who had sailed with Columbus or Vespucci circulated stories that gold was to be found in the Amerrique Mountains of Nicaragua? The coast at the foot of the Amerrique Mountains that faces the Caribbean Sea is called the Mosquito Coast, named for the Mosquito Indians, who live there still. The Caribs, traveling far from their Carib or Cariay coast, could see the Amerriques in the distance, and these mountains for them could have signified the mainland. Rodney Broomea€™s recent book, Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name (2001), in which he argues for the Amerike theory, is a very good read, but ultimately lacks the hard evidence to support the authora€™s claim. An early version of this essay appeared in The American Voice (1988) and a section in Encounters (1991).
In late May 2003, the Library of Congress completed the purchase of the only surviving copy of the first image of the outline of the continents of the world as we know them todaya€” Martin Waldseemullera€™s monumental 1507 world map. Martin Waldseemuller, the primary cartographer of the map, was a sixteenth-century scholar, humanist, cleric, and cartographer who had joined the small intellectual circle, the Gymnasium Vosagense, organized in Saint-DieI?, France. Thus, in northeast France was born the famous 1507 world map, entitled Universalis cosmographia secunda Ptholemei traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum que lustrationes (A drawing of the whole earth following the tradition of Ptolemy and the travels of Amerigo Vespucci and others). While it has been suggested that Waldseemuller incorrectly dismissed Christopher Columbusa€™s great achievement in history by the selection of the name America for the Western Hemisphere, it is evident that the information that Waldseemuller and his colleagues had at their disposal recognized Columbus's previous voyages of exploration and discovery.
By 1513, when Waldseemuller and the Saint-DieI? scholars published the new edition of Ptolemy's Geographiae, and by 1516, when his famous Carta Marina was printed, Waldseemuller had removed the name America from his maps, perhaps suggesting that even he had second thoughts in honoring Vespucci exclusively for his understanding of the New World. A reported one thousand copies of the 1507 map were printed, which was a sizeable print run in those days.
The Library of Congress's Geography and Map Division acquired in 1903 the facsimiles made of the 1507 and 1516 maps.
Library of Congress and specialists in the Library were encouraged to investigate the opportunity. The 1507 world map is now the centerpiece of the outstanding cartographic collections of the Library of Congress, as it would be for any world class cartographic collection. The Librarya€™s acquisition of the Waldseemuller map represents an important moment to renew serious research into this exceptional map, to determine the sources which made possible its creation, and to investigate its contemporary impact and acceptance. Through agreement with Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the government of Germany, the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller is to be placed on permanent display in the Library of Congressa€™s Great Hall area in the Thomas Jefferson Building.
DESCRIPTION: The existence of sets of gores for making into a globe had been surmised for some time from the discussion in WaldseemA?llera€™s CosmographiA¦ Introductio. That which adds special significance to this young Germana€™s representations of the new lands, so far as a study of globes is concerned, is the repeated recurrence of his particular outlines or contours in the globe maps of the first quarter of the century, produced by such cartographers as Johann SchA¶ner of NA?rnberg (#328), and by those of his school. In a little tract, printed in Strassburg in the year 1509, there appears to be a reference to a globe which may be that constructed by WaldseemA?ller. The twelve such gores, measuring 18 x 34.5 cm, corresponding very closely to those described by WaldseemA?ller were for a long time in the Hauslab-Leichtenstein collection and are now in the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. The world outline is a simplified reduction of WaldseemA?llera€™s large map of 1507 (#310) with relatively few names but (when mounted) sufficient for illustrative purposes. Martin WaldseemA?ller, theologian and cosmographer, and Matthias Ringmann, a humanist poet, were brought to the monastery of St.
Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?Marquettea€? of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. Considerable speculation, misinformation and some misunderstanding has surrounded these globe gores and the large world map. DESCRIPTION: This highly controversial map has only recently been uncovered (1957) and therefore has only a short history of scholarly analysis.
THE MANUSCRIPT: First brought to the publica€™s attention in 1957 by an Italian bookseller, Enzo Ferrajoli from Barcelona, the document now known as the Vinland map was discovered bound in a thin manuscript text entitled Historia Tartarorum (now commonly referred to as the Tartar Relation). The Tartar Relation, in essence, is a shortened version of the more well-known text entitled Ystoria Mongolorum, which relates the mission of Friar John de Plano Carpini, sent by Pope Innocent IV to a€?the King and People of the Tartarsa€™, which left Lyons in April 1245 and which was away for 30 months. The fate of the Speculum Historiale was very different, for Vincenta€™s work became a standard reference book on the shelves of monastic libraries and was constantly multiplied during the next two centuries in manuscript form. According to these same scholars, the Tartar Relation text does have some significance in its own right as an independent primary source for information on Mongol history and legend not to be found in any other Western source. That the map and the manuscript were juxtaposed within their binding from a very early date cannot be doubted. The association of the map with the texts is reinforced by paleographical examination, which has enabled the hands of the map, of its endorsement, and of the texts to be confidently attributed to one and the same scribe. The map depicts, in outline, the three parts of the medieval world: Europe, Africa, and Asia surrounded by ocean, with islands and island-groups in the east and west.
In the design of the Old World the map belongs to that class of circular or elliptical world maps in which, during the 14th and 15th centuries, new data were introduced into the traditional mappaemundi of Christian cosmology. Written in Latin on the face of the map are sixty-two geographical names and seven longer legends.
Before proceeding to analyze the geographical delineations of the map in detail, we may briefly survey the antecedent materials, cartographic and textual, to which comparative study of it must refer. As noted above, the representation of Europe, Africa, and Asia in the map plainly derives from a circular or oval prototype.
Variations of this basic pattern were introduced to admit new geographical information, ideas, or new cartographic concepts. The circular form of the medieval world map, in the hands of some 14th and 15th century cartographers, is superseded by an oval or ovoid; and even in the 14th century rectangular world maps begin to appear, mainly under the influence of nautical cartography. Most of these variations in the form and design of world maps were adapted from the practice of nautical charts and, in the 15th century, of the Ptolemaic maps.
If the Vinland map was drawn in the second quarter of the 15th century, and perhaps early in the last decade of that quarter, it would take its place after that of Andrea Bianco and would be contemporary with the output of Leardo, whose three maps are dated 1442, 1448, and 1452 or 1453. As previously noted, the outlines of the three continents form an ellipse or oval, the proportions between the longer horizontal axis and the vertical axis being about 2:1. It is not necessary to assume that the prototype followed by the cartographer was also oval in form. If the model for the Vinland map corresponded generally in form and content to Andrea Biancoa€™s world map, then the variations introduced by its author are not less significant than the general concordance. Comparison of the geographical outlines of the Vinland map with those of Bianco suggests that its author, while generally following his model, was inclined to exaggerate prominent features, such as capes or peninsulas, and to elaborate, by fanciful a€?squigglesa€?, the drawing of a stretch of featureless coast.
EUROPE: With the reservations made in the preceding paragraph, the cartographera€™s representation of the regions embraced by the a€?normala€? portolan chart of the 15th century, the Mediterranean and Black Seas, Western Europe, and the Baltic, closely resembles that of Bianco in his world map, which reflects his own practice in chart making. Scandinavia, as in all maps before the second quarter of the 16th century, lies east-west in both maps; but there is a conspicuous divergence in their treatment of its western end, which both cartographers extend into roughly the longitude of Ireland. In its delineation of the British Isles, the Vinland map again diverges from that in Biancoa€™s world map. These differences seem too great to fall within the limits of the license in copying which the author of the Vinland map evidently allowed himself in those parts of his design which agree basically with Biancoa€™s rendering and may derive from a common prototype.
In the Vinland map, Europe is devoid of rivers, save for a very muddled representation of the hydrography of Eastern Europe. The twelve names on the mainland of Europe are, with two exceptions, those of countries or states. AFRICA: The general shape and proportions of Africa, extending across the lower half of the Vinland map, also correspond to a type followed, with variation, in most circular world maps of the 14th and 15th centuries, and deriving ultimately from much earlier medieval and classical models.
Alike in the general form of Africa (with one major variation) and in the detailed outlines of the continent, the Vinland map agrees with Biancoa€™s circular map of 1436 (which itself has, in this part, close affinities with the design of Petrus Vesconte). The hydrographic pattern of the African rivers in the Vinland map is a somewhat simplified version of that drawn by Bianco, with the Nile (unnamed) flowing northward from sources in southern Africa to its mouth on the Mediterranean and forking, a little below its springs, to flow westward to two mouths on the Atlantic; the western branch is named magnus [fluuius]. The African nomenclature of the Vinland map, some fourteen names, is conventional, over half the forms corresponding to those of Bianco.
Africa is the continent in which we have noted some striking links between the Vinland map and Biancoa€™s world map of 1436.
The great advance in the knowledge which, from the second half of the 13th century, reached southern Europe about the interior of West Africa and the Sudan was reflected in many maps, from the information collected by merchants on the Saharan trade routes and in the markets of Northwest Africa. ASIA: If we are justified in supposing the cartographera€™s prototype to have been circular, he, or the author of the immediate original copied by him, has adapted the shape of Asia, as of Africa, to the oval framework by vertical compression rather than lateral extension. It is in the outline of East Asia that the maker of the Vinland map introduces his most radical change in the representation of the tripartite world which we find in other surviving mappaemundi and particularly (in view of the affinities noted elsewhere) in that of Andrea Bianco. This version of East Asian geography is found in no other extant map, and its relationship to the prototype followed for the rest of the Old World is best seen by comparison with Biancoa€™s delineation, which itself descends from an ancient tradition.
It is a striking fact, and one which perhaps does credit to his realism, that, in order to admit into his drawing of the Far East a representation derived from a new source under his hand, he has gone so far as to jettison the Earthly Paradise from the design. The concentration of interest on the Greenland sector has led to the comparative neglect of the Asian section, which has topographical features at least as unusual.
The remaining islands of Asia are drawn in the Vinland map very much as by Bianco, with some simplification and generalization, and may be taken to have been in the prototype. Within the restricted space allowed by his revision of the river-pattern and of the coastal outlines, the author of the Vinland map has grouped the majority of his names in two belts from north to south, on either side of the river which runs from the Caspian to the ocean. For Asia the compiler of the Vinland map shows the same conservatism in his use of sources as for Africa; and, apart from the modifications introduced from his reading of the Tartar Relation, this part of the map could very well have been drawn over a century earlier. To the north of the British Isles, the Vinland map marks two islands, presumably representing either the Orkneys and Shetlands or these two groups and the Faeroes.
To the west of Ireland the Vinland map has an isolated island, also in Bianco; and to the southwest of England another, drawn by Bianco as a crescent. Further out, and extending north-south from about the latitude of Brittany to about that of Cape Juby, Biancoa€™s world map shows a chain of about a dozen small islands, drawn in conventional portolan style. Further south, the Vinland map lays down the Canaries as seven islands lying off Cape Bojador, with the name Beate lsule fortune.
ICELAND, GREENLAND, VINLAND: In the extreme northwest and west of the map are laid down three great islands, named respectively isolanda Ibernica, Gronelada, and Vinlandia Insula a Byarno re et leipho socijis, with a long legend on Bishop Eirik Gnupssona€™s Vinland voyage above the last two. The three islands are drawn in outline, in the same style as the coasts in the rest of the map; and there can be no doubt that the whole map, including this part of it, was drawn at the same time and by a single hand. The land depicted to the west of Greenland in the northwest Atlantic has the following legend (in translation): Island of Vinland discovered by Bjarni and Lief in company. The question a€?what kind of map is this?a€? the answer must be: a very simple map, simple both in intention and in execution.
In finding cartographic expression for the geography of his texts, the maker of the map has practiced considerable economy of means. Examination of the nomenclature has suggested that the Vinland map, in the form in which it has survived, is the product of a stage of compilation (the work of the author or cartographer) and a subsequent stage of copying or transcription (the work of a scribe who was perhaps not a cartographer). The process of simplification described above was presumably carried out in the compilation stage.
These considerations must govern our judgment of the date and place of origin to be ascribed to the map. The Map was interesting to historians as apparent evidence that Norse voyages of the 11th and 12th centuries were known in the Upper Rhineland in the mid-15th century, and consequently that some continuity of knowledge existed between the early discovery of what we know as America and the rediscovery of western lands in the later 15th century.
As a world map the Vinland map does not fit into the framework of medieval cartography as conceived in Western Europe. SOURCES: Analysis of the nomenclature and of its affinities with other maps or texts suggests some general remarks about the Vinland map and about its mode of compilation. In those parts of the map in which (as noted above) the influence of O1 predominates, there are very few names which cannot be traced to it or to the common stock of toponymy found in contemporary cartography (and therefore perhaps in O1).
On this assumption, some other names (if they were not in O1) and all the legends (which can hardly have been in O1) must be attributed to the compiler of the map, i.e.
Whether the novelties in the nomenclature of the Atlantic island groups were in O1 or were introduced by the compiler of O2 cannot be determined; the affinities between their delineation in the Vinland map and in surviving charts suggest that the names also may have been found by the compiler in maps which have not survived. At each stage of derivation, from O1 to O2, and (less probably) from O2 to the Vinland map in its present form, there must have been a process of selection or thinning out of names. The representation of the Atlantic, with Iceland, Greenland, and Vinland, was almost certainly not in the prototype used for the tripartite world, but was added to it by the cartographer from another source or other sources. The world picture of the 14th century, which was taken over into the mappaemundi of the next century, including the prototype used in the Vinland map, owed its general form and plan to geographical concepts of classical origin, confirmed and modified by the authority of the Christian Fathers. On this pattern were to be grafted geographical facts derived from experience and unknown to the creators of the model. Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer Johannes SchA¶ner. Die, located in the Vosges Mountains of France, had made a map of the world in the year 1507.
Die in a an original issue of about 1,000 copies (a thousand copies represented a large edition for this time, immediately preceding post-Columbian world maps, such as Juan de la Cosaa€™s, Cantinoa€™s and Caveria€™s (#305 thru #309 - were all manuscript maps). All this we have carefully drawn on the map, to furnish true and precise geographical knowledge.
A Florentine cosmographer, he sailed in 1497 with a commission appointed by Ferdinand and Isabella to investigate reports that Columbusa€™ administration of Hispaniola was inept. He also credited himself with three other voyages by 1503, when he made his last, an investigation of the coast of Brazil for Portugal.
Taken together, these inset hemispheres form the most comprehensive and most nearly correct representation of the world displayed on any map known to have been constructed up to the year of 1507. Besides this world map, WaldseemA?ller also introduced the name America in two other media, in the previously mentioned Cosmographia Introductio and on his globe (thought by some scholars to be the so-called Hausslab-Linchoten globe (#311), both also produced in the year 1507). It happened that in the Vosges Mountains in the little town of Saint-Die, there was a college under the patronage of the studious Duke Renaud (Rene) II of Vaudemon, of Lorraine, the titular a€?King of Jerusalem and Sicilya€?, who was there resident.
On Plate V (the Caribbean area) of his map, WaldseemA?ller wrote: These islands were discovered by Columbus, an admiral of Genoa, at the command of the King of Spain.
For there is a land, discovered by Columbus, a captain of the King of Castile, and by Americus Vespucius, both men of very great ability, which, though in great part lies beneath a€?the path of the year and of the suna€? and between the tropics, nevertheless extends about 19 degrees beyond the Tropic of Capricorn toward the Antarctic Pole, a€?beyond the path of the year and the suna€?.
Since Columbus never explored as far south as the equator, the words a€?it proves clearly to be truea€? are clothed with meaning only in the light of Amerigoa€™s voyages into the southern hemisphere, not at all in the light of the a€?firsta€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?, from which the dispute ultimately arose as to which could claim priority upon the shore of the new continent, Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci; for that a€?firsta€? voyage, like all the voyages of Columbus, was entirely north of the equator. In addition to the previously mentioned accuracy and a€?noveltya€™ of the hemispheric insets, and the picturing of the new southern continent, with its surprisingly correct general contour, the inset map presents a portion of the northern continent as well, and the two are correctly joined together by a narrow isthmus. One is tempted to loose sight of this revolutionary advance over the previously dominating world conception of Ptolemy in focusing all the attention to the single feature that has made WaldseemA?llera€™s map so famous, the first appearance thereon of the name America. This area may represent the coast of China copied from Marco Polo, and placed here in the belief that the new discoveries were in and near Asia. In extending the South American coast to 50 degrees South (high-lighted by the implantation of a Portuguese flag), WaldseemA?ller avoids committing himself as to the possibility of a passage by sea around this new continent by continuing its land to the edge of, and actually into, the map frame (compare this abrupt treatment with his depiction of Africa, where he is willing to go outside of the preset form of his map frame in order to accommodate the full extension of the continent and thus substantiate the Portuguese proof of a passage to the Far East).
As can be seen on the accompanying comparison illustration, except for the southern half of Africa, in both projection and general geographical contours the Old World of WaldseemA?llera€™s 1507 map seems to have been virtually copied from Martellus. Another is, to the south, a part of Africa, which begins about seven degrees this side of Capricornus and stretches in a broad expanse to the south, beyond the torrid zone and the Tropic of Egocerus (Capricornus). At least twice Henricus Glareanus copied WaldseemA?llera€™s world map and insets in manuscript. Two maps in this Supplement show the New World discoveries, Tabula Terre Nove and Orbis Typus Universalis. In his great and very important world map of 1516, WaldseemA?ller showed the landmass abutting upon the western border of the map, as in the two above mentioned maps, but here gives it the name Terra de Cuba Asie Partis. The representation in these of the American continents separated from Asia by a broad ocean in the midst of which lay the island of Japan was a splendid synthesis based upon such known particulars as the narrative of Marco Polo, the voyages of the Portuguese to North America by way of the Atlantic and to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, the discoveries of South America by Vespucci and Cabral, the Spanish discoveries in the West Indies and the Caribbean, and above all, perhaps, the notable manuscript maps of La Cosa, Cantino, and Caveri. The only known surviving copy was purchased, in 2003, by the Library of Congress for $10 million. Further, other discoveries of America have been credited to the Irish who had sailed to a land they called Iargalon, the land beyond the sunset, and to the Phoenicians who purportedly came here before the Norse. Specifically, Marcou introduced the name of an Indian tribe and of a district in Nicaragua called Amerrique, and asserted that this district a€” rich in gold a€” had been visited by both Columbus and Vespucci, who then made this name known in Europe.
To define it Carew echoes Marcou, who quotes from his correspondence with Augustus Le Plongeon.
He has been wrongfully portrayed as a crafty opportunist ever since the mid-16th century when Bartholomew de Las Casas accused him of being a liar and a thief who stole the glory that belonged to Columbus.
Around 1490 he was sent to Spain by his employers, the famous Italian family of Medici, to join their business in fitting out ships. At the beginning of 1505 he was summoned to the court of Spain for a private consultation, and, as a man of experience, was engaged to work for the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias (Commercial House for the West Indies), which had been founded two years before in Seville. The first or traditional series consists of the widely published letters, dated 1504, purportedly written by him. After a halt at the Cape Verde Islands, the expedition traveled southwestward, reached the coast of Brazil, and certainly sailed as far south as the RA­o de la Plata, which Vespucci was the first European to discover. It was, however, not his many solid accomplishments but an apparent error made by a group of scholars living in St. This map is the first known map, printed or manuscript, to use the name America, and also the first to depict clearly a separate western hemisphere, with the Pacific as a separate ocean.
But, as etymologist Joy Rea has suggested, it could also be read as explanation, in which they indicate that they have heard the New World was called America, and the only explanation lay in Vespucci's name. Their substitution of Americus for the well-known Latinization Albericus might mean that they wanted a Latinization that would fit and explain the name America which they had already heard applied to the New World.
The Indians in the Caribbean did have a word for the mainland, given in the LexicografA­a Antillana (Antillean Dictionary, 1931) as babeque and defined as the name that Columbus understood the Indians to say when they were pointing to a land beyond Haiti and Cuba. It constitutes an incredible Anglicization of the New World a€” and would, for obvious reasons, infuriate Carew. He purportedly gave one of the islands he explored to a friend, another to his barber, and also promised some Italian friars that they could be bishops.
However, even if the name America were known in Bristol in 1497, Hudd has taken a majestic leap to suggest Ameryk's name as its origin. That map has been referred to in various circles as America's birth certificate, and for good reasona€”it is the first document on which the name America appears.
He was born near Freiburg, Germany, sometime in the 1470s, and died in the canon house at Saint-DieI? in 1522.
That map, printed on twelve separate sheets from wood block plates, when assembled would measure more than 4 1a?„2 feet by 8 feet in dimension.
However, the group also had acquired a recent French translation of the important work Insuper aquattor Amerigo Vespuccii navigationes, Amerigo Vespucci's letter detailing his purported four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean to America between 1497 and 1504. Instead, in the 1513 atlas the name America does not appear anyplace in the volume, and the place of America is referred to as Terra Incognita (Unknown land). This single surviving copy of the map exists because it was kept in a portfolio by Johannes SchoI?ner (1477-1547), a German globe maker, who probably had acquired a copy of the map for his own cartographic work.
Throughout the twentieth century the Library continued to express interest in and a desire to acquire the 1507 map, when, if ever, it was made available for sale.
Through the combined efforts of several Library of Congress specialists, and many other members of the Library's staff over an 11 year period, the map has made its way to the Library of Congress. The map serves as a departure point in the development of the American cartographic collection in addition to its revered position in early modern cartographic history.
The mapa€™s well announced acquisition provides us an extraordinary opportunity to appreciate the earliest of early depictions of our modern world.
The Library of Congress is proud to have obtained this unique treasure and is anxious to have this great cartographic document receive the public acclaim and the critical scholarly inspection that it so rightly merits. This call for further scholarship on the map, its impact, and the sources used to produce it is not meant to suggest that previous scholarship is lacking. Both the globe and the large world map were doubtless printed in large numbers and widely distributed. It is this reference that the Prince of Liechtenstein, as noted above, has taken as a reference to the gore map, a copy of which is in his collection. Although a text on WaldseemA?llera€™s later wallmap, the Carta Marina (1516), says that 1,000 copies of the 1507 wall-map were made, it is unlikely that this number were issued, given the survival rate of the one bound copy now in the Library of Congress.a€? The globe map and book had an enormous influence on other geographers, notably Appian, SchA¶ner and Fries, and advanced the science of globe-making and map making particularly in Germany and the Low Countries.


The Kraus-Bavarian State Library copy -- in 1960 at Sothebya€™s in London, a set of the gores was offered bound into a Ptolemy atlas of 1486. The Offenburg copy -- following the publicity regarding the acquisition of the copy above by the Bavarian State library in 1992, in 1993 two researchers, Dr. The present example was discovered in February 2003 when the owner, on reading an article in the Frankfurter Algemeinen Zeitung on the Munich copy, realized he owned a similar map amongst his large collection of books and ephemera. To present the various strands of information relating to the genesis, execution and influences of the WaldseemA?ller gores, the following timeline brings together the principal events in the lives of WaldseemA?ller, Ringmann, Vespucci and their circles. This fact not withstanding, it may also claim, during this rather short period, to have undergone more intensive scrutiny and examination in both technical and academic terms than any other single cartographic document in history.
This manuscript text and map were copied about the year 1440 by an unknown scribe from earlier originals, since lost. Whereas Carpinia€™s Ystoria is not considered a rare text, no manuscript or printed version of the Tartar Relation has survived, save the one bound with the Vinland map. It is because the Tartar Relation, one, had the good fortune to become embodied in a manuscript of this popular work (possibly a substitute for, or an addition to, Books XXX-XXXII, which also contained an abridgement of Carpinia€™s own account) and, two, because, in general, a bulky manuscript like the Speculum Historiale had a better chance of physical survival than a slender one like Tartar Relation bound separately. Additionally the Tartar Relation does act, partially, as one of the chief sources for some textual legends on the Vinland map with regards to Asia. As part of Vincenta€™s encyclopedia of human knowledge entitled Speculum Majus, Speculum Historiale was included as a chronicle of world history from the time of mana€™s creation to the 13th century, in 32 sections or books. The physical analysis, together with the endorsement of the map, points with a high degree of probability to the further conclusions that the map was drawn immediately after the copying of the texts was completed, and in the same workshop or scriptorium, and that it was designed to illustrate the texts which it accompanied.
Further evidence on their relationship and on its character must be sought in the content of the map.
The derivation of the map, in this respect, from a circular or oval prototype is betrayed by the general form of Europe, Africa, and Asia, which are rounded off (or beveled) at the four oblique cardinal points, although the artist had a rectangle to fill with his design.
The whole design is drawn in a coarse inked line, with evident generalization in some parts and considerable elaboration in others. The features named are seas and gulfs, islands and archipelagos, rivers, kingdoms, regions, peoples, and cities.
It is, of course, not to be supposed that its anonymous maker had direct access to all surviving earlier works with which his shows any affinity in substance or design; but identification of common elements will help us to reconstruct the source or sources upon which he drew. Even when the world maps of the late Middle Ages, drawn for the most part in the scriptoria of monasteries, attempted a faithful delineation of known geographical facts (outlines of coasts, courses of rivers, location of places), they still respected the conventional pattern which Christian cosmography had in part inherited from the Romans, and, in part, created. The traditional orientation, with east to the top, came to be abandoned by more progressive cartographers, who drew their maps with north to the top (following the fashion of the chart makers) or south to the top (perhaps under the influence of Arab maps). While the work of Leardo is considerably more sophisticated in compilation and more a€?learneda€? in its incorporation of varied geographical materials than that of Bianco, the world maps of both these Venetian cartographers plainly depend for their general design on models of the 14th century. Since the map is oriented with north to the top, the longer axis lies east-west, and the two greater arcs at top and bottom are formed by the north coasts of Europe and Asia and by the coasts of Africa respectively.
In fact his map has striking affinities of outline and nomenclature with the circular world map in Andrea Biancoa€™s atlas of 1436 (#241). His personal style of drawing, save perhaps in the outlines of certain large islands, shows no sign of the idiosyncrasies of the draftsmen of the portolan charts, although these have left a clear mark on the execution of Biancoa€™s world map. The orientation and outline of the Mediterranean agree exactly in the two maps, although in the Vinland map it has a considerably greater extension in longitude, in proportion to the overall width of Eurasia. Bianco shows Scandinavia as terminating in an indented coast projecting westward with a large unnamed island off-shore, divided from it by a strait; but the author of the Vinland map has altered the island to a peninsula and the strait into a deep gulf by drawing an isthmus across the south end of the strait. In both, Ireland has the same shape and coastal features, derived from the representation in contemporary Italian charts; and Biancoa€™s version of Great Britain also is that of the portolan chart makers, with the English coasts deeply indented by the Severn and Thames estuaries and the Wash, with a channel or strait separating England and Scotland, and with Scotland drawn as a rough square with little indentation. In view of the novel elements in the northwest part of the map, we must reckon with the possibility, but no more, that its author found this version of the British Isles in a map of the North Atlantic which may have served him as a model for this part of his work and from which may stem not only his representations of Iceland, Greenland, and Vinland, but also his revisions of Scandinavia and Great Britain and of the islands between. The lower course of the Danube is correctly drawn as falling into the Black Sea; but the copyist or compiler appears to have erroneously identified it with the Don (which debouches on the Sea of Azov), for the name Tanais is boldly written just above the river, with a legend about the Russians. The only European city named in the Vinland map is Rome, while Biancoa€™s world map marks only Paris.
The northwest coast was by this date known as far as Cape Bojador, and this section is traced with precision in both maps.
Errors made by the anonymous cartographer in common with Bianco, or derived from their common prototype, are the transference of Sinicus mons [Mount Sinai] to the African side of the Red Sea and the location of Imperits Basora [Basra] in the eastern horn of Africa (Bianco also incorrectly places the Old Man of the Mountain (el ueio dala montagna; not in the Vinland map) in Africa instead of Asia). It also seems, although no doubt deceptively, to provide the latest terminus post quem for dating both.
The wealth of detail for this region recorded by Carignano, the Pizzigani, and the Catalan cartographers is wholly absent from Biancoa€™s world map and from the Vinland map. Thus, in place of the steeply arched northern coast of Eurasia shown by Bianco, we have a flattened curve which abridges the north-south width of the land mass.
The prototype is, in this region, not wholly set aside for traces of it remain but rather adapted to admit a new geographical concept which, significantly enough, can be considered a gloss on the Tartar Relation. The most prominent of these is the Magnum mare Tartarorum [the Great Sea of the Tartars] set between the eastern shores of the mainland and the three large islands on the margin, and occupying an area approximately one-third of that of continental Asia. Again, the northernmost of these islands on the Map has the inscription, Insule Sub aquilone zamogedorum, while the text states that the Samoyeds are a€?poverty stricken men who dwell in forestsa€™ on the mainland of Asia. The three small islands in the Persian Gulf appear in both, though Biancoa€™s crescent outline for them (of portolan type) is not reproduced by the anonymous cartographer; the large archipelago depicted by Bianco (again in portolan style) in the Indian Ocean is reduced to four islands, and the two bigger oblong islands to the east of them are in both maps. Instead of Biancoa€™s representation of the Arctic zones of Eurasia (with two zonal chords, delineations of skin-clad inhabitants and coniferous trees, and a descriptive legend), the Vinland map has only the two names frigida pars and Thule ultima. The nomenclature for Asia, with twenty-three names, is richer than that for the other two continents; some names come from the common stock found in other mappaemundi, but the greater number are associated with the information on the Tartars and Central Asia brought back by the Carpini mission. The cartographera€™s neglect to use any information from Marco Polo or from the travelers in his footsteps, notably Odoric of Pordenone, is common to all maps before the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (in which East Asia is drawn entirely from Marco Polo) and to most maps of the first half of the 15th century. His delineation of them, indeed, closely resembles that in Biancoa€™s world map, which is in turn a generalization, with nomenclature omitted, from the fourth and fifth charts (or fifth and sixth leaves) in his atlas of 1436. The two islands appear, in exactly the same relative positions, in Biancoa€™s world map, although they are absent from the charts of his atlas. These islands, the Azores of 15th century cartography and the Madeira group, are represented in the Vinland map, in more generalized form and without Biancoa€™s characteristic geometrical outlines, by seven islands, having the same orientation and relative position as in Biancoa€™s map, and with the name Desiderate insule.
Their agreement in outline with the two large islands laid down in exactly the same positions at the western edge of Biancoa€™s world map is striking: in particular, the indentation of the east coast of the more northerly island and the peninsular form of its southern end, the squarish northern end of the other (and larger island) and its forked southern end, are common to both maps. That they lie outside the oval framework of the map suggests that they were not in the model, apparently a circular or elliptical mappamundi, which the cartographer followed in his representation of Europe, Africa, and Asia.
For this part of the map there are no earlier or contemporary prototypes of kindred character for comparison, and indeed (except in respect of Iceland) no representations with much apparent analogy can be cited before the late 16th century.
It is drawn as a rough rectangle, with a prominent west-pointing peninsula in the northwest, the EW axis being considerably longer than the N-S axis. The northernmost point of Vinland is shown in about the same latitude as the south coast of Iceland and somewhat lower than the north coast of Greenland; and its southernmost point in about the latitude of Brittany. Residual from the representation described under the previous name, the large elliptical island being suppressed. Buyslaua = Breslau (Bratislava), where Carpinia€™s party stopped on the outward journey and was joined by Friar Benedict. Ayran (NE of the Caspian) Perhaps Sairam in Turkestan, a station on the old highway, east of Chimkent and N.E.
Vinlanda Insula a Byarno re pa et leipho socijs [Island of Vinland, discovered by Bjarni and Leif in company]. The links between the map and the surviving texts which accompany it strongly suggest that it was designed to illustrate C. There is a decided incongruity between, on the one hand, the care and finish which characterize the writing of the names and legends, with their generally correct Latinity, and, on the other hand, the occurrence of onomastic errors which knowledge of current maps and geographical texts or reference to the prototype used by the compiler would have corrected. If we are justified in supposing the scribe who made the surviving transcript of the map to have been ignorant or naive in matters of geography, the draft which he had before him for copying must have been the product of selection and combination already exercised by the compiler. The evidence, internal and external, which indicates that the manuscripts were produced in the Upper Rhineland in the second quarter of the 15th century can only apply to the map included in the codex. In its representation of Europe, Africa, and Asia it can be referred to, and collated with, not only extant cartographic works of similar character and design, but also a text which is bound in the same volume and to which its content is clearly related. This information was limited in its scholarly impact by the failure of historians to find any other evidence of continuity or to discover that the evidence contained in the Map had ever been known to anyone concerned with exploration either before Columbusa€™s voyage or after. In respect of toponymy, as of outline and design, the correspondences between this map and Biancoa€™s world map of 1436 are almost certainly too extensive to be explained by coincidence. Some of these anomalies (Aipusia, aben, Maori) are plainly the product of truncation or corruption in transcription, and indicate that the draftsman lacked the knowledge to correct his own errors in copying.
In Asia however, while a number of names and the basic geographical design derive from O1, the authority of the Tartar Relation of other Carpini information generally prevails in the toponymy. The names for Iceland and Greenland may point to literary sources, perhaps of Norse origin (these names, however may have been in cartographic sources used by the compiler); so, with more certainty, do the name and legends relating to Vinland. For Europe and Africa, Biancoa€™s world map has considerably more names than the Vinland map; in Asia the balance is redressed by the introduction of names from the Tartar Relation. The lucky accident that his sources for the Old World can be easily identified or reconstructed allows us to hazard some inferences about his treatment of his sources for the Atlantic part of his map. Patristic geography, as formulated in the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville (7th century, #205), envisaged the habitable world as a disc, the orbis terrarum of the Romans encircled by the Ocean and divided into three unequal parts, Europe and Africa occupying one half and Asia the other half of the orbis, with the Earthly Paradise in the east.
This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 x 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin WaldseemA?ller as author.
Henry Harrisse had made this conjecture in his Discovery of North America, which he published when the world was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America.
As farmers usually mark off and divide their farms by boundary lines, so it has been our endeavor to mark the chief countries of the world by the emblems of their rulers. While certainly not the only large world map produced during this dynamic era of exploration, the Universalis Cosmographia was one of the first large engraved and printed maps to depict the recent Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the Mundus Novus. Much of what Vespucci claimed to have seen on this and other voyages was later called into question by both his contemporaries and, later, by historians. He wrote a letter describing his third voyage that was circulated throughout Europe as a tract called Mundus Novus [The New World], and later was included by WaldseemA?ller in his Cosmographia Introductio (the Solderini letter, see illustration below). To avoid confusion hereafter the main portion of the map will be referred to as the a€?world mapa€?, designating the two small representations of the eastern and western hemispheres, placed above the world map, as the a€?insetsa€?.
The term used by some of the map-makers, Land of Brasil, was confusing, for Brasil was the name of an imaginary island located somewhere in the Atlantic, according to popular belief, when there had been no thought of a continent.
Walter Lud, Secretary to the Duke, and a wealthy man, had established a printing press at St. And at the mouth of the Orinoco River is the following: All this is sweet water, a statement based upon the well-known story of Columbusa€™ discovery of the fresh water of the Orinoco River (there is the same reference found on the Bartholomew Columbus map (#304) which has Mar de aqua dolce along the northeastern shores of South America).
In other words, on his 1507 map, WaldseemA?ller unmistakably showed that in his own mind he ascribed proof of the existence of the new continent to the Portuguese voyage of Amerigo (the a€?thirda€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?), and that Columbus never detoured from his conviction that he had actually reached the shores of Asia (accepting the longitudinally shortened world of Ptolemy, et al), and that it was the acceptance of Amerigoa€™s proof of its existence more so than Amerigoa€™s supposed priority which caused him to name the new continent America. However, as can be seen above on Plate I of the world map, the two continents are inexplicably separated by a hypothetical strait, connecting the two great oceans. Contarini (#308) and Ruysch (#313) distinctly record their belief on their maps that the contemporary explorers had reached China, as does the Columbus map and the letter of Columbus explanatory of his fourth voyage record the same view (#303, #304). Curiously enough, though, while accepting the Portuguese delineation of the New World and South Africa, WaldseemA?ller reverts to the Ptolemaic conception of North Africa and Asia as refined and expressed by Martellus, rejecting the more accurate rendering of contemporaries such as Caveri. A third instance, in the east, is the land of Cathay, and all of southern India beyond 180 degrees of longitude.
The transmission of the Cantino-Caveri concept through the members of this notable group created one of the mainstreams of interest in the history of cartography. Thus this ingenious geographer not only preserved the geographical concepts of WaldseemA?ller, but also carried the representation of hemispheres a step further by the experimental construction in 1510 of the first known maps of the northern and southern hemispheres on a circumpolar projection.
The world picture in the maps and globe of 1507 - the representation, that is, of an American landmass widely separated from the Asian coast with Japan lying between the two - had become the accepted canon in geographic theory and cartographic expression. The new picture compiled from these varied elements and presented to the literate world in printed form became a factor of the highest importance in developing a new concept of the earth and its divisions, rendering obsolete the Ptolemaic geography that had been accepted and revered since the second century of the Christian era.
In 2005, this treasured map was inscribed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, and is the first document in the United States to be so honored. By the time we are adults it lingers vaguely in most of us, along with images of wave-tossed caravels and forests peopled with naked cannibals. They were of course preceded by the pre-historic Asian forebears of Native Americans, who migrated across some ice-bridge in the Bering Straits or over the stepping stones of the Aleutian Islands.
The 1497 voyage by John Cabot to the Labrador coast of Newfoundland constitutes yet another discovery of the American mainland, which led to an early 20th-century account of the naming of America, recently revived, that claims the New World was named after an Englishman (Welshman, actually) called Richard Amerike. To rob people or countries of their names is to set in motion a psychic disturbance which can in turn create a permanent crisis of identity. Vespucci was probably in Seville in 1492 when Columbus was preparing for his first historic voyage, as well as in 1493 when Columbus returned. In 1508 the house appointed him piloto mayor (pilot major, or chief navigator), a post of great responsibility, which included the examination of the pilots' and ships' masters' licenses for voyages.
Pohl's biography, Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major (1944), and GermA?n Arciniegas's Amerigo and the New World (1955; tr.
Addressed to his patron, Lorenzo de' Medici, the Mundus Novus (New World) a€” the title alone revolutionizing the European conception of the cosmos a€” was translated from the Italian into Latin, and originally printed in Vienna; the other letter, addressed to the gonfaloniere (chief magistrate) of Florence, Piero Soderini, was a more elaborate work. Since Vespucci took part as navigator, he certainly cannot have been inexperienced; however, it seems unlikely that he had made a previous voyage, though this matter remains unresolved. In all likelihood the ships took a quick run still farther south, along the coast of Patagonia to the Golfo de San JuliA n or beyond. The entire New World portion of the map roughly represents South America, and when later mapmakers added North America, they retained the original name; in 1538, the great geographer Gerard Mercator gave the name America to all of the western hemisphere on his mappamundi. In ignoring the possible intention of these words as explanation, most scholars have ignored the simple fact that place names usually originate informally in the spoken word and first circulate that way, not in the printed word. Why did they ignore the common law in the naming of new lands: the use of the last names of explorers and the first names of royalty? It is almost certain that Columbus first heard the name of the mountains pronounced by a Carib.
Las Casas believed for a while that this must be Jamaica, but later decided it was the name for the mainland. No proof exists to substantiate his claim that Cabot actually honored the Welshman by naming America after him. It is also the first map to depict a separate and full Western Hemisphere and the first map to represent the Pacific Ocean as a separate body of water. The large map is an early sixteenth-century masterpiece, containing a full map of the world, two inset maps showing separately the Western and Eastern Hemispheres, illustrations of Ptolemy and Vespucci, images of the various winds, and extensive explanatory notes about selected regions of the world. In that work, Vespucci concluded that the lands reached by Columbus in 1492, and explored by Columbus and others over the ensuing two decades, was indeed a segment of the world, a new continent, unknown to Europe. In the1516 Carta Marina, South America is called Terra Nova (New World), and North America is named Cuba, and is shown to be part of Asia. That portfolio contained not only the unique copy of the 1507 world map, but also a unique copy of WaldseemuI?ller's 1516 large wall map (the Carta Marina) and copies of SchoI?ner's terrestrial (1515) and celestial (1517) globe gores. In 1999, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg notified the Library that the German national government and the Baden-WuI?rttemberg state government had granted permission for a limited export license. The map provides a meaningful link between our treasured late medieval-early Renaissance cartographic collection (which includes one of the richest holdings of Ptolemy atlases in the world) and the modem cartographic age unfolding as a result of the explorations of Columbus and other discoverers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Major segments of this world map have not received the concentrated scrutiny that the American segments have received. WaldseemA?ller states in a legend on his marine chart of 1516 (#328.1) that he had printed his map of 1507 in one thousand copies, but only one of which is now known to exist. WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann started work on a new edition of Ptolemy's Geographia that was to combine Ptolemaic maps with a new set of modern maps. By 1890, it had been acquired by the Prince of Liechtenstein and studies by Gallois dated it to 1507 following the realization that it was the lost globe described in the St. References to accurate factual information are principally taken from 19th century sources, much of the 20th century work on the subject being a reiteration of earlier work by Humboldt, Da€™Avezac-Macaya, Fischer, Varnhagen and Harisse. Interest has been virtually international in scope and has covered every aspect pertinent to a document purported to be of seminal historical significance: its historical context, linguistics, paleography, cartography, paper, ink, binding, a€?worminga€?, provenance or pedigree, etc. The Tartar Relation itself was initially bound as part of a series of volumes containing 32 books of Vincent of Beauvaisa€™ (1190-1264) Speculum Historiale [Mirror of History]. Clearly, Painter points out, any circulation that the Tartar Relation may have had in separate form was too limited, in view of the normal wastage of medieval manuscripts, to ensure its transmission to the present day. Based upon various internal and external evidence, it is likely that the juxtaposition of the Speculum Historiale and Tartar Relation first occurred prior to the drafting of the Yale manuscript of 1440, but sometime after the 1255 date of the original production of the Speculum, so that the Yale manuscript is itself a copy of an earlier manuscript, now unknown, in which the Speculum Historiale, Tartar Relation and Vinland map were already conjoined. The Yale manuscript contains only Books XXI-XXIV, and comparative calculations indicate that 65 leaves are missing that could account for the table and text of Book XX (these four Books cover the history from 411 A.D.
The physical association of the map with the manuscript is demonstrated beyond question by three pairs of wormholes which penetrate its two leaves and are in precise register with those in the opening text leaves of the Speculum.
These texts may have included, in addition to the surviving books (XXI-XXIV) of the Speculum and the Tartar Relation, other books of the Speculum conjectured to have formed the missing quires and a lost final volume of the original codex.
The nomenclature is densest in Asia, where it is largely borrowed from the Tartar Relation or a similar text.
Moreover, in the light thrown on the cartographera€™s work-methods and professional personality by his treatment of sources which are to some extent known, we may visualize his mode of compilation or construction from materials which have not come down to us.
The elliptical outline is interrupted, in its western quadrant, by the Atlantic Ocean and by the gulfs or seas of Western Europe, and in its eastern by a great gulf named Magnum mare Tartarorum; the curvilinear outline is however continued southeastward from Northern Asia by the coasts of the large islands at the outer edge of this gulf.
The features common to both maps, and in some cases peculiar to them, are sufficiently numerous and marked (as their detailed analysis will demonstrate) to place it beyond reasonable doubt that the author of the Vinland map had under his eyes, if not Biancoa€™s world map, one which was very similar to it or which served as a common original for both maps.
Some apparent differences in the rendering of particular major regions in the Vinland map, which may be due to the use of a different cartographic prototype or simply to negligence by the copyist, are discussed in the detailed analysis which follows.
The distinctive shapes in which Bianco draws the Adriatic, Aegean, and Black Seas reappear in the Vinland map.
This seems a more probable explanation of the feature than to suppose that it represents the gulf of the northern ocean supposed by medieval geographers to cut into the Scandinavian coast and drawn in various forms by cartographers of the 14th and 15th centuries, from Vesconte to Fra Mauro. The a€?Danubea€? is shown as rising just south of the Baltic and turning eastward in about the position of Poland; at this point it forks, and a branch flows in a general southeasterly direction to fall into the Aegean. Beyond it the coast line, conventionally drawn, trends southeastward with two estuaries or bays similarly shown by both cartographers, although the anonymous map has a slight difference in the river pattern.
They have in common the precise tracing of the northwest coast as far south as Cape Bojador, and if they shared a common prototype, this (it might be supposed) could not have been executed before the voyage of Gil Eannes in 1434. The latter repeats Biancoa€™s anachronistic reference to the Beni-Marin and his erroneous location of two names; but these aberrations, which appear to be peculiar to Bianco, do not help in dating. This concept is the Magnum mare Tartarorum with, lying beyond it and within the encircling ocean, three large islands which appear to derive from the cartographera€™s interpretation of passages in C. This great sea is connected in the north with the world ocean by a passage named as mare Occeanum Orientale [the eastern ocean sea]. The Tartar Relation also states that the Tartars have one city called a€?Caracarona€™ (Karakorum) but this city does not appear on the Vinland map. The elimination of East Asia by the western shoreline of the Sea of the Tartars has affected the distribution of place names in the Vinland map and its delineation of the hydrography. The location and arrangement of the names cannot, in general, be connected with Carpinia€™s itinerary (or any other itinerary order), nor with any systematic conception of Central Asian geography.
The affinity between the two world maps, in this respect, is so marked as to distinguish them from all other surviving 15th century maps and to confirm the hypothesis that one has been copied from the other or that both go back to a common model for their drawing of the Atlantic islands. These islands (unnamed in the two world maps) are Satanaxes and Antillia, which make their first appearance in a map of 1424 and have been the subject of extensive discussion by historians of cartography. Greenland, somewhat larger than Iceland, is dog-legged in shape, with its greatest extension from north to south. Between these points Vinland is drawn as an elongated island, the greatest width being roughly a third of the overall length; the somewhat wavy details of the outline, if compared with this cartographera€™s technique in other parts of his map, seem to be conventional rather than realistic. To facilitate location of the name and legends on the original map, numbers have been added, keying them to the reproduction at the end of this section. Presumably intended for the Orkneys and Shetlands, or one of these groups and the Faeroes]. The form (for Dania) common in mediaeval cartography, and found in many charts and world maps. Mediaeval world maps commonly show a pair of such legends, indicating the regions, outside the oikoumene, too cold or too hot for human habitation. Although the second word is truncated, no trace of further letters can be seen in ultraviolet light.
The name is, however, placed too far inland and too far east for Mauretania, and this may be a corruption of another name in the prototype, e.g. The concept of the Western Nile, or a€?Nile of the Negroesa€?, represented in mediaeval cartography arose from the identification of the Niger, by some classical writers, as a western branch of the Nile and from subsequent confusion of the Niger, the Senegal, and the Rio do Ouro (south of C.
Although of diverse languages it is said that they believe in one God and in our Lord Jesus Christ and have churches in which they can pray].
The remaining children of Israel also, admonished by God, crossed toward the mountains of Hemmodi, which they could not surmount]. This name is placed in the approximate position of India media of Andrea Bianco, who (like most medieval geographers) distinguished three Indiasa€”minor, media, and superior. According to Carpini, one of the nations of the Mongols: a€?a€¦ Su-Mongal, or Water-Mongols, though they called themselves Tartars from a certain river which flows through their country and which is called Tatar (or Tartar)a€?. The Khitai, who ruled in China for three centuries before the Mongol conquests under Ogedei and Kublai, a€?originated the name of Khitai, Khata or Cathay, by which for nearly 1,000 years China has been known to the nations of Inner Asiaa€?. Carpinia€™s statement that a€?they called themselves Tartars from a certain river which flowed through their countrya€? (see above, under Zumoal) reflects the opinion of other 13th century writers, such as Matthew Paris.
In medieval cartography generally Thule is represented as an island north or NW of Great Britain; some writers identified it as Iceland.
The name and delineation probably embody the mapmakera€™s interpretation of what he had read or been told of the Caspian Sea.
The last phrase of the legend is inconsistent with the geographical ideas of the Mongols, contrasting with those of the Franks, as reported by Rubruck: a€?as to the ocean sea they [the Tartars] were quite unable to understand that it was endless, without boundsa€?. These islands, and the Postreme Insule, are associated with the cartographic concepts in the two preceding legends (see notes on Magnum mare Tartarorum and on Tartari a rmant . This is written in the center (between the fourth and fifth, counting from the north) of the chain of seven unnamed islands extending in a line N-S from the latitude of Brittany to that of C. The name is placed westward of, and between, two large unnamed islands, to which it plainly refers.
In no other map or text is the form Isolanda found, or the epithet Ibernica annexed to the name for Iceland. The Icelandic name Groenland, in variant forms (including the latinization Terra viridis), is used in all early textual sources. 1001 rest on the sole authority of the a€?Tale of the Greenlandersa€? in the 14th-century Flatey Book. What other undetected changes or corruptions the copyist may have introduced into the final draft we cannot tell, since his original, the compilera€™s preliminary draft, is lost.
For its delineation of lands in the north and west Atlantic, the cartographic prototypes (if it had any) either have not survived or have been so transformed as to be difficult to identify; and if the codex once included a text relating to these lands, this too has now disappeared. Finally, the inscriptions on Greenland and Vinland in the Map offered a few scraps of information which differed somewhat from what was commonly accepted. 1440 on the argument that it is in the same hand as the Tartar Relation, of which the Map is held to be an integral part.
It seems to be an inescapable inference that the author of the Vinland map (or of its immediate original) employed no eclectic method of selection and compilation from a variety of sources, but was content to draw on a single map, which must have been very like Biancoa€™s, for the majority of the names, as well as the outlines, in Europe, Africa, and part of Asia. Thus, in Europe, Ierlanda insula may perhaps arise from his misinterpretation of O1 or of some other map in which the names for Ireland and for the islands north of Scotland misled him; and Buyslava may come from the reports of the Carpini mission. The degradation of names from this source points again to carelessness or ignorance in the copyist, although in one instance - Gogus, Magog - he, or the compiler of O2, has emended the debased form (moagog) in the Tartar Relation by reference to O1. In the absence of the prototype O1, we cannot say whether its author or the compiler of the Vinland map was responsible for introducing the few names in the Old World which must have come from classical or medieval literary sources and the nomenclature for the Atlantic islands. His apparent preference for the simple solution or the single source admits the possibility that the western part of his map also derives, in the main, from one prototype rather than that it combines features from several; it may have been modified by interpolation or correction from another source (as is the representation of Asia from the Tartar Relation), and this too must be taken into account. This theoretical and schematic construction did not necessarily imply belief in a a€?flat eartha€?, although it is uncertain whether Isidore himself admitted the sphericity of the earth. There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no authora€™s name or date.
And (to begin with our own continent) in the middle of Europe we have placed the eagles of the Roman Empire (which rule the Kings of Europe) and with the key (which is the symbol of the Holy Father), we have enclosed almost the whole of Europe, which acknowledges the Roman Church. In that letter, Vespucci proposed that the new lands ought to be called a a€?New World, because none of those countries were known to our ancestors .
In the western hemisphere inset the two Americas are shown as a continuous landmass firmly joined together by an isthmus, unlike the representation in the world map where the two continents are inexplicably separated by a strait. Die that he prepared the treatise Cosmographia Introductio, which presented this description of itself: An Introduction to Cosmography, together with some principles of Geometry necessary to the purpose. Both the inset and the world map illustrate another important feature, the representation of a great ocean even broader than the Atlantic, between the New World and Asia. However, this view is not supported on the WaldseemA?ller map either by the place-names found in the area of the new discoveries, or by the overall visual image presented by the placement of the new discoveries as totally separated by some distance from Asia. One difference being that the WaldseemA?ller map is basically a a€?land mapa€™ and the interiors are somewhat filled-in, whereas the Caveri chart is basically a portolano, or nautical chart, with little or no interior detail. This Ptolemaic basis results in giving the map an extremely exaggerated representation of the eastern extension of Asia; in fact, the landmass of the Old World, alone, extends through some 230 degrees of longitude.
All these we have added to the earlier known places, so that those who are fond of things of this sort may gaze upon all that is known to us of the present day, and may approve of out painstaking labors.
In 1512 appeared, far away in Cracow, Poland, in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, the inset hemispheres of the 1507 map, copied and reprinted by the Polish scholar without reference to their source (#319).
From it evolved, indeed, today's concept of the geographical divisions of the continents and islands, and of the great waters that form our earth. A black African discovery of America, it has been argued, took place around 3,000 years ago, and influenced the development of Mayan, Aztec, and Inca civilizations.
The naming of America, then, becomes essential to a full understanding of our history and cultural values a€” ourselves a€” especially when considered in terms of the range of theories about the origin of the name.


Subsequently, according to Marcou's account, Vespucci changed his Christian name from Alberico to Amerigo. Amalrich, which literally meant work ruler, or designator of tasks, might be freely translated as master workman. Moreover, as a reflection of national pride, a theory native to Hungary argues that the European explorers of the New World (or their priests) named it after this popular saint, in the old tradition of bestowing place names in honor of saints. He also had to prepare the official map of newly discovered lands and of the routes to them (for the royal survey), interpreting and coordinating all data that the captains were obliged to furnish. Harriet de OnA­s) are among the best efforts that dispel the shadows to which he was relegated by those who maligned his fame. In the voyage of 1499a€“1500, Vespucci would seem to have left Hojeda after reaching the coast of what is now Guyana (Carew's homeland). His published letters had fallen into the hands of these German scholars, among whom was the young cartographer Martin WaldseemA?ller.
WaldseemA?ller's 1507 map, lost to scholars until 1901 when it was found in a German castle, is now reckoned to be the first to show the name, and the earliest record of its use. Moreover, to read the passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio as explanation lends credence to the theory, argued by Carew, Marcou, and others, that the early European explorers called the new continent Amerrique or, perhaps, another name with a similar pronunciation.
Their ignoring it, Rea claims, further supports the idea that they were trying to force an explanation and that the only one they could think of was a Latinization of Vespucci's first name.
Columbus, who met the Indians of this coast, presumably heard the name Amerrique from them: he was looking for gold and the Indians gave him some, telling him he could get more to the west in the mountains there.
Amerrique, therefore, must derive from a Carib word, possibly one of the Carib culture words a€” not a word in the Mayan language, which was not spoken in Nicaragua, though it almost resembles in sound the Quiche Mayan iq' amaq'el meaning perpetual wind.
The purchase of the map concluded a nearly century long effort to secure for the Library of Congress that very special cartographic document revealing new European thinking about the world nearly 500 years ago.
Waldseemullera€™s 1507 map was a bold statement that rationalized the modern world in light of the exciting news arriving in Europe as a result of explorations sponsored by Spain, Portugal, and othersa€”not only across the Atlantic Ocean, but around the African coast and into the Indian Ocean. Because of Vespucci's recognition of that startling revelation, he was thus honored by the use of his name for the newly discovered continent.
Sometime later in history, the family of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg acquired and retained Schoner's portfolio in their castle in Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany, where it remained unknown to scholars until the beginning of the twentieth century when its extraordinary contents were revealed. Having obtained this license, which allowed this German national treasure to come to the Library of Congress, the Prince pursued an agreement to sell the 1507 map to the Library.
Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?marquettea€™ of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely.
They were provided with at least six printed editions and certainly several manuscript versions of the Geographia.
The notoriety and mystery that has surrounded both the globe, map and large wall-map has often concentrated on the naming of America, but in truth, given that they named South America after Vespucci, who had sailed furthest around it, it is not unreasonable. Vera Sack found a third example of the gores inserted into a copy of Aristotle published in Freiburg in 1541. The choice of the name Vinland and the appearance of this Norse discovery prominently displayed on the map was what attracted such immense popular and scholarly attention.
All indications (paper, binding, paleography, etc.) point to an Upper Rhineland (Basle?) source of origin for the present three-part manuscript. This foregoing explanation or scenario has been the one put forward by the a€?believersa€™.
The sources of all of the names and each of the legends are examined in great detail in Skelton, et ala€™s The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation.
We may even catch a glimpse of these materials, as they are reflected in the Vinland map, and of the channels by which they could have reached a workshop in Southern Europe (this assumes that the ascription of the manuscript to a scriptorium of the Upper Rhineland is valid). The only parts of the design which fall outside the elliptical framework are the representations of Iceland, Greenland, and Vinland, in the west, and (less certainly) the outermost Atlantic islands and the northwest-pointing peninsular extension of Scandinavia.
If this original was circular, the anonymous cartographera€™s elongation of the outline to form an ellipse may be explained by his choice of a pattern into which elements not in the original, notably his delineation of Greenland and Vinland and his elaboration of the geography of Asia, could be conveniently fitted, perhaps also, or alternatively, by the need to fill the rectangular space provided by the opening of a codex. The Peloponnese and the peninsula in the southwest of Asia Minor are treated with the anonymous cartographera€™s customary exaggeration.
On the source of this farrago, which is in marked contrast with the relatively correct river pattern drawn in Central Europe by Bianco and the chart makers, it is perhaps idle to speculate; it seems to involve a confusion of the Oder, the lower Danube, and the Struma. Yet this section of coast had been laid down in very similar form on earlier maps; as Kimble puts it, a€?Cape Non ceased to be a€?Caput finis Africaa€™ about the middle of the 14th centurya€?, and a€?the ocean coast as far as Cape Bojador (more correctly, as far as the cove on its southern side) was known and mapped from the time of the Pizzigani portolan chart (1367)a€™a€™. Nor was the transference of the Prester John legend to Africa a novelty in the middle of the 15th century. Against the most northerly island is inscribed Insule Sub aquilone zamogedorum [Northern islands of the Samoyeds]; then in the center Magnum mare Tartarorum. It may be recalled here that there is nothing in the Tartar Relation referring to Greenland and Vinland.
The four streams issuing from Eden, shown by Bianco as the headwaters of two rivers flowing west and falling into the Caspian Sea from the northeast and south, have disappeared from the Vinland map, in which we see only the two truncated rivers entering the Caspian from the east and south respectively. They appear, rather, to be dictated by the cartographera€™s need to lay down names where the design of the map allowed room for them.
In point of date, Biancoa€™s atlas of 1436 is the third known work to show the Antillia group, and the fourth chart of the atlas names the two major islands y de la man satanaxio and y de antillia.
Its outline, on the east side, is deeply indented and in the form of a bow, the northeast coast trending generally NW-SE to the most easterly point, and the southeast coast trending NNE-SSW to a conspicuous southernmost promontory, in about the latitude of north Denmark; from this point the west coast runs due north, again with many bays, to an angle (opposite the easternmost point) after which it turns NW and is drawn in a smooth unaccidented line to its furthest north, turning east to form a short section lying WE.
The island is divided into three great peninsulas by deep inlets penetrating the east coast and extending almost to the west coast. This legend, the first part of it seems to be distilled from references to the defeat of a€?Nestoriansa€? by Genghis Khan and their diffusion in Asia. The course of the river of the Tartars, as depicted in the Vinland Map, recalls Rubrucka€™s statement that the Etilia (i.e.
The Vinland Mapa€™s location of the name, in the extreme north of Eurasia, places Thule (as Ptolemy and other classical authors did) under the Arctic Circle. The name Magnum Mare was applied by Carpini and Friar Benedict to the Black Sea while Rubruck called it Mare maius.
As the examples already cited show, the name Insulee Sancti Brandani (in variant forms) is commonly ascribed by chart makers to the Azores-Madeira chain.
Medieval mapmakers, from the 10th century (Cottonian map, Book II, #210) onward called the Island or Ysland (v.l.
This legend on Vinland Map, if it faithfully reproduces a genuine record, accordingly authenticates Bjarnia€™s association with the discovery of Vinland and adds the significant information that he sailed with Leif. They also prompt the suspicion that missing sections of the original codex may have been illustrated by the other novel part of the map, namely its representation of the lands of Norse discovery and settlement in the north and west of the Atlantic. In a map of this form, drawn like the circular mappaemundi, on no systematic projection, we do not of course expect to find graduation for latitude and longitude, even if the quantitative cartography of Ptolemy had been known to its author. If Biancoa€™s world map be assumed to have resembled, in form and content, the model followed by the compiler for the tripartite world, we can however assess the performance of the final copyist by comparison of his work with Biancoa€™s map, so far as it takes us.
Bjarni, it was implied, had accompanied Lief on his first discovery of Vinland; Bishop Henricus, the Eirik of the annals, who was said there to have gone to look for Vinland, was stated to have found it, and at a different date. Some students have been reluctant to accept these propositions; the provenance of the Map had not been established, the nomenclature also presents difficulties, as does the representation of certain topographical features, in particular the accurate delineation of Greenland, a point heavily stressed by the editors of The Vinland Map and the Tartar Relation. For convenience of reference, this Bianco-type original, which has not survived, will be cited as O. In Africa, Phazania must have been taken by the author of O1 or from Pliny or Ptolemy; and magnus fluuius (if not a coinage of the cartographer) perhaps from a geographical text of the 14th or early 15th century.
The names for Iceland, Greenland, and Vinland, with the legend on Vinland, must, like their delineations, be held not to have been in O1. The greater part of Africa and a part of Asia we have distinguished by crescents, which are the emblems of the Sultan of Babylonia, the Lord of all Egypt, and of a part of Asia. To the east of the continent in the inset is the Atlantic, to the west is another great sea with the island Zipangri [Japan, Marco Poloa€™s Zipangu] nearly in the middle of it but closer to the American continent than to the Asian.
Mundus Novus [New World] and Terra Incognita [Unknown Land] were less real names than descriptions, though for many years these last two terms were quite prevalent on maps showing new discoveries. The duke and several professors in the college used this press in their geographical project.
The decision to display a large expanse of ocean west of the New World discoveries was, of course, pure conjecture on the part of WaldseemA?ller since, in 1507, the discoveries of Balboa and Magellan were still a few years off in the future. On the other hand, navigators unknown to modern historians, may have sailed along the coast of Florida at this time. This lack of any substantive modification, of the Far East especially, is understandable in light of the scarcity of verifiable reports from this region and the focus of popular attention on both Africa and the New World. This one request we have to make, that those who are inexperienced and unacquainted with cosmography shall not condemn all this before they have learned that it will surely be clearer to them later on, when they have come to understand it. To question the origin of America's name is to question the nature of not only our history lessons but our very identity as Americans. The records of Scandinavian expeditions to America are found in sagas a€” their historic cores encrusted with additions made by every storyteller who had ever repeated them. The two men eventually became friends; Columbus later wrote that he trusted Vespucci and held him in high esteem. Vespucci, who obtained Spanish citizenship, held this position until his death in Seville in 1512. Nonetheless, both biographers disagree about the authenticity of his two published letters, key documents in a dramatic controversy: Arciniegas accepts them as genuine, whereas Pohl rejects them as forgeries. In the first series of documents, four voyages by Vespucci are described; in the second, only two. Turning south, he is believed to have discovered the mouth of the Amazon River and explored the coast of present-day Brazil. This voyage is of fundamental importance in the history of geography in that Vespucci himself became convinced that the lands he had explored were not part of Asia but a New World. Inspired to publish a new geography that would embrace the New World, the group collectively authored a revision of Ptolemy, which included a Latin translation of Vespucci's purported letter to Soderini, as well as a new map of the world drawn by WaldseemA?ller. Hudd opens with a reference to Bristol's 1897 celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of North America by John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto), the Italian navigator and explorer who had sailed for England, laying the groundwork for the later British claim to Canada. The map must have created quite a stir in Europe, since its findings departed considerably from the accepted knowledge of the world at that time, which was based on the second century A.D. It is remarkable that our entire Western Hemisphere was thus named for a living person; Vespucci died in 1512. Yet, cartographic contributions by Johannes Schoner in 1515 and by Peter Apian in 1520 adopted the name America for the Western Hemisphere, and that name became part of accepted usage. The uncovering of the 1507 map in the Wolfegg Castle early last century is thought by many to have been one of the most extraordinary episodes in the history of cartographic scholarship. In late June 2001, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the Library of Congress reached a final agreement on the sale of the map at the price of $10,000,000. Waldseemuller recognized the transition taking place, as the title of his map notes and his placement prominently of images of Ptolemy and Vespucci, next to their worlds, at the top portion of the 1507 world map denotes. In 1949, the Liechtenstein map collection was bought en bloc by the famous New York dealer H.P. The Aristotle formed part of the Grimmelshausen-Gymnasium library given to the Stadtbucherei Offenburg. It must be noted that the textual content of these Books show no relationship with either the Vinland map or the Tartar Relation, but, instead, are to be seen within the context of all 32 Books of the Speculum Historiale.
These two explanations, taken together, may account for a further modification probably made by the cartographer to his prototype. The outline of Spain is depicted with slight variation from Biancoa€™s, the Atlantic coast trending NNW (instead of northerly) and the north coast being a little more arched. Some have concluded that, if authentic, the Vinland map was not drawn primarily to illustrate the Tartar Relation.
The four longer legends written in Asia or off its coasts are all related, by wording or substance, with the Tartar Relation.
Since the outline given to these two islands both in the world map and in the fourth chart of Biancoa€™s atlas is easily distinguishable from that in any 15th century representation of them, the concordance with the Vinland map in this respect is significant.
Here we have at once the most arresting feature and the most exacting problem presented by this singular map. The approximation of the east coast and of the southern section of the west coast to the outline in modern maps leaps to the eye. The more northerly inlet is a narrow channel trending ENE-SSW and terminating in a large lake; the more southerly and wider inlet lies roughly parallel to it. The second part of the legend relates to the medieval belief that the Ten Tribes of Israel who forsook the law of Moses and followed the Golden Calf were shut up by Alexander the Great in the Caspian mountains and were unable to cross his rampart. The first to cross into this land were brothers of our order, when journeying to the Tartars, Mongols, Samoyedes, and Indians, along with us, in obedience and submission to our most holy father Pope Innocent, given both in duty and in devotion, and through all the west and in the remaining part [of the land] as far as the eastern ocean sea]. The cartographer has perhaps confused the Great Khan (Kuyuk) with Batu, Khan of Kipchak, whom the Carpini mission encountered on the Volga. Hence their identification with the Tartars and their location by Marco Polo in Tenduc, with a probable reference to the Great Wall of China. Volga) flowed from Bulgaria Major, on the Middle Volga, southward, a€?emptying into a certain lake or sea .
Members of the Carpini party were somewhat confused about the courses of the rivers flowing into the two seas, supposing the Volga to enter the Black Sea. These are the Azores, laid down in charts with this position and orientation from the middle of the 14th century to the end of the 15th, and the Madeira group. The Vinland Map is the earliest known map to move the name further out into the ocean and apply it to the Antillia group, the word magnce being added to justify the attribution and make a clear distinction from the smaller islands to the east. It might be said that the dominant interest of the compiler or cartographer lay in the periphery of geographical knowledge, to which indeed the accompanying texts relate; and such a polarization of interest is exemplified in the themes of the seven legends on the map. He emerges from this test on the whole creditably, for the outlines of the two maps are (as we have seen) in general agreement. Much argument has centered around the possibility that Norse voyagers might have circumnavigated and charted its coasts, or provided a written description of them. The fact that, in regard to a few names or delineations, the Vinland map seems to show affinities with charts in Biancoa€™s atlas of 1436, rather than with his world map, may suggest that O1 was of Biancoa€™s, or at any rate of Venetian authorship.
Sinus Ethiopicus could have been deduced from Ptolemya€™s text; Andrea Biancoa€™s connection with Fra Mauro, in whose map this very name is found, and his conjectural association with O1 lend substance to the possibility that this name stood in O1, although corrupted in Biancoa€™s own world map.
This hypothesis indeed, while it must be tested by collation of other extant maps from which the prototype may be reconstructed, has (prima facie) some support both from the analogy of the cartographera€™s treatment of the tripartite world and also from the uniformity of style which characterizes all parts of the drawing, alike in the east and in the west, in those parts where we know, and in those where we suspect, a cartographic model to have been followed. The part of Asia called Asia Minor we have surrounded with a saffron-colored cross joined to a branding iron, which is the symbol of the Sultans of the Turks, who rules Scythia this side of the Imaus, the highest mountains of Asia and Sarmatian Scythia. Westward from that island is to be recognized the eastern coast of Asia, showing Catay, or Cathay, and other identifiable names. But now the fact that there was a new continent beyond the western ocean had become nearly common knowledge throughout Europe, and there was everywhere a subconscious demand for an adequate name, a universally acceptable name. In all its forms the underlying meaning was that of work; as for example, the word for work in Hebrew is amal, and in old Norse aml, the consonant sounds of which were retained in the verb moil. In this respect, WaldseemA?ller may have been led by the maps of La Cosa, Caveri, and Cantino to believe that this was at least a possibility, for he depicts a small portion of the northern mainland extending from the narrow strait in Central America to just north of Terra Ulteria€? Incognita [Florida]. Not many interior details are shown to speak of, but a large group of natives is shown at the Cape, and above them, a large vignette of an elephant. As can be seen, Terra Incognita replaces America and it is placed up against a frame that avoids any speculation as to the size or shape of the new continent(s).
It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia and Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Emeric, and Emery. In the face of the spurious charges that he was an ignorant usurper of the merits of others, the fact that Spain entrusted him, a foreigner, with the office of pilot major certainly bolsters his defense. Until the 1930s the documents of the first series were considered from the point of view of the order of the four voyages. On the way back, he reached Trinidad, sighting en route the mouth of the Orinoco River, and then made for Haiti. Unlike Columbus, who, to his death, clung to the idea that he had found the shores of Asia, Vespucci defined what had indeed been found a€” and for this he has been rightfully honored. He clearly never tried to have the New World named after him or to belittle his friend Columbus. Very different spellings for the same Carib word reflect variants that sound little like each other; thus, the variants of the name Carib are Canibe, Galibi, Caniba, Canibal and Caliban. For his achievement Cabot received a handsome pension conferred upon him by the King, from the hands of the Collectors of Customs of the Port of Bristol. In 1479, four Bristol merchants received a royal charter to find another source of fish and trade. The map sheets have been maintained separated (not joined, with each of the large maps comprised of twelve separate sheets) and that is the probable reason why they survived. In late May 2003, the Library completed a successful campaign to purchase Waldseemullera€™s 1507 world map, after receiving substantial Congressional and private support to achieve the terms of the contract. 37 (1985), 30-53, is an extensive airing of the date of the printing of the 1507 world map and other Waldseemuller contributions. But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world you will hereafter find out and read.a€? Harrisse thinks it probable that a real globe accompanied and was sold with this little volume.
Ringmann, a supporter of Vespucci, had already published in 1505 an edition of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus, a vivid description of the New World which became a bestseller around Europe. The mystery of the globe map, its definition of Florida (before it was discovered by the Spanish), the Pacific (before any man had officially seen it), the coast of South America (before anyone had officially sailed along it) and the use of the name The Western Ocean in the Pacific, all suggest that the Portuguese may have been more active west of the Tordesillas Treaty Line before 1505.
Kraus, however the globe map was retained and offered by the Prince at a special auction at Parke-Bernet in New York on 24 May 1950. Therefore, no proverbial rock has been left unturned in subjecting these manuscripts to all of the state-of-the-art technology and worldwide scholarly debate.
The Vinland map and Tartar Relation had become physically separated from the 15th century Vincent text and were later re-bound together as a separate volume in their present 19th century (Spanish) binding.
Some authorities speculate that possibly the link or actual reference to the Vinland portion of the map could be supplied in the missing 65 leaves.
The northerly orientation of the map should perhaps be attributed to expediency rather than to the adoption of a specific cartographic model, for it enabled the names and legends to be written and read in the same sense as the texts which followed the map in the codex.
The latter, however, deserves credit for originality in his removal of the Earthly Paradise, an almost constant component of the mappamundi; for, as Kimble observes, a€?the vitality of the tradition was so great that this Garden of Delights, with its four westward flowing rivers, was still being located in the Far East long after the travels of Odoric and the Polos had demonstrated the impossibility of any such hydrographical anomaly, and the moral difficulties in the way of the identification of Cathay with Paradisea€?. Here again we have plain testimony to the derivation of the Vinland map from a cartographic prototype, and to the character of this prototype. The a€?shut-up nationsa€? were also identified with Gog and Magog and with the Tartars, who were held to be descended from the Ten Tribes.
In many 15th century charts the chain has (usually written in larger lettering to the north of Madeira) the general name Insule Fortunate Sancti Brandani, or variants.
The alternative form Branzilio (or Branzilia), suggesting an association with the name of the legendary island of Brasil, is not found in any other surviving map.
The chart-forms characteristic of Biancoa€™s style of drawing are not reproduced in the Vinland map; at what stage these disappeared we do not know, and they were not necessarily in the original model followed by the compiler.
The historical statements about Vinland contained in the map, on the other hand, doubtless come from a textual source, as those in Asia and Africa can be shown to do. There was no question whatever in the mapmaker's mind, therefore, as to the separate identities of the American and Asian continents. Here the northern coast terminates abruptly with open sea beyond approximately 50 degrees, with Newfoundland being shown as an island far to the east. While the shape his Africa resembles reality more so than Martellusa€™, WaldseemA?ller extends the continent to beyond its actual 34 degrees South in a similarly misguided manner as Martellus with WaldseemA?llera€™s Africa reaching an inexplicable 50 degrees plus. Gone, however, is that mysterious strait that had separated North and South America on the 1507 map.
But the question concerning the authenticity of these historic letters remains fundamental to the evaluation of Vespucci's achievement. According to the conflicting theory to which Pohl and other modern scholars subscribe, these documents should be regarded as the result of skillful, unauthorized manipulations by entrepreneurs, and the sole authentic papers would be the private letters, so that the verified voyages would be reduced to two.
Vespucci thought he had sailed along the coast of the extreme easterly peninsula of Asia, where Ptolemy, the 2nd-century Greek geographer, believed the market of Cattigara to be; so he looked for the tip of this peninsula, calling it Cape Cattigara. Nonetheless, the name America spread throughout Europe and quickly established itself through sheer force of usage.
One of these officials, the senior of the two, who was probably the person who handed over the money to the explorer, was named Richard Ameryk (also written Ap Meryke [Welsh] on one deed, and elsewhere written Amerycke) who seems to have been a leading citizen of Bristol at the time. Not until 1960 did someone find bills of trading records indicating that Richard Amerike was involved in this business. To us, the 1507 map appears remarkably accurate; but to the world of the early sixteenth century it represented a considerable departure from accepted views regarding the composition of the world.
The portfolio with its great treasure was uncovered and revealed to the world in 1901 by the Jesuit priest Josef Fischer, who was conducting research in the Waldburg collection. And from that fragile first glimpse of the world, so adequately described by WaldseemuI?ller in 1507, the Library of Congressa€™ cartographic resources provide the historical breadth and cartographic depth to fill in the geographic blanks left by those early cosmographers. Works that have increased our knowledge about WaldseemuI?ller and the group in Saint-DieI? include: Joseph Fischer and Franz R.
They exhibit the Old World, in the main, in accord with the Ptolemaic idea, and the New World with a close resemblance to the Caveri map record (#307), and that of WaldseemA?llera€™s world map of 1507.
By April 1507, WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann had completed the booklet, Cosmographiae Introductio, to accompany the globe and wall-map. Such information would have been kept secret by the Portuguese, and it is perhaps here in this globe that the secrets were first drawn up for a wider audience, particularly since Vespuccia€™s allegiance to Portugal changed when he became a Spanish citizen.
The catalogue published a reserve of $50,000, but it failed to sell and was sold privately in 1954 to James Ford Bell for approximately $45,000. They were offered for sale in 1991, and purchased by the Bavarian State library in Munich for approximately 2 million DM (in excess of $1million). The result has been a polarization of many prominent authorities from many disciplines into three camps: the a€?believersa€™, the a€?nonbelieversa€™, and the a€?undecideda€™. Only through extremely fortunate circumstances did the ultimate reunion with this particular copy of Vincenta€™s manuscript occur, also in 1957, in Connecticut. The classical Insulae Fortunatae were the Canaries, the only group known in antiquity, and the association with St. The name Brasil, in many variants, was generally applied by cartographers of the 14th and 15th centuries (a) to a circular island off the coast of Ireland, and (b) to one of the Azores, perhaps Terceira; the variant forms of the name include Brasil, Bersil, Brazir, Bracir, Brazilli.
Eric [Henricus], legate of the Apostolic See and bishop of Greenland and the neighboring regions, arrived in this truly vast and very rich land, in the name of Almighty God, in the last year of our most blessed father Pascal, remained a long time in both summer and winter, and later returned northeastward toward Greenland and then proceeded [i.e. All the major divergences, in the geographical elements of the Vinland map, from the representation in Bianco can be traced to its compilera€™s reading of the Tartar Relation or to changes forced upon him by the design adopted.
These instances suggest that the draftsman of the Vinland map, as we have it, may not have been its compiler, but that the map may have been copied from an immediate original or preliminary draft (having the same content) by a clerk or scribe who was no geographer and did not have access to the compilation materials. Kemmodi) montes, where a borrowing from a classical text (such as Pomponius Mela), in which the rendering of the initial aspirate was retained, may be suspected; the form in the Vinland map could hardly have been derived from Ptolemya€™s. A red cross symbolizes Prester John (who rules both eastern and southern India and who resides in Biberith); and finally on the fourth division of the earth, discovered by the kings of Castile and Portugal, we have placed the emblems of those sovereigns. This interpretation is similar to both Cantino and Caveri and helped keep alive the possibility of a northern access to the as yet unnamed Pacific and, of course, the riches of far Cathay. Over to the left, on Tabula Terra Nove, apparently referring to the Pearl Coast and perhaps to Honduras, we read the surprising inscription: Hec terra cum adiacentib insulis inuenta est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castellae [This land with the adjacent islands was discovered by Columbus of Genoa by order of the King of Castile]. Its appearance undoubtedly ignited a debate in Europe regarding its portrayal of an unknown continent (unknown to Europe and others in the Eastern Hemisphere) between two huge bodies of water, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and separated from the classical world of Ptolemy, which had been confined to the continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia.
Shortly after the appearance of the 1507 world map by Waldseemuller, Vespucci was appointed the first Pilot Major in the Spanish House of Trade (the Casa de la ContratacioI?n) in Seville, and in that capacity was responsible for navigational issues and concerns of Spanish shipping to the new western possessions, across the Atlantic. In 1903 an elaborate set of facsimiles of the 1507 and the 1516 maps accompanied by a scholarly study by Josef Fischer and Franz von Wieser appeared.
The North American region is nameless, but the South American region bears conspicuously the name America. While the coupling of this name, in the Vinland map, with one from the Tartar Relation (Nimsini) may however mean that Hemmodi too came from a Carpini source, it is more likely that the cartographer was here trying to integrate his two sources.
And what is to be borne in mind, we have marked with crosses shallow places in the sea where shipwreck may be feared. Gemma Frisius and Sebastian Munster edited versions of the latter, so that the WaldseemA?ller type, or Lusitano-Germanic Group, held the field until the advent of Mercator, Ortelius, and the Dutch school of the mid-16th century.
A statement that is in obvious conflict with the thrust of both the graphic productions of 1507 (map and globe) and the text of Introductio CosmographiA¦ referred to earlier - both prepared more or less as a testimony to Amerigo Vespucci. As soon as he was back in Spain, he equipped a fresh expedition with the aim of reaching Asia.
The general name Desiderate insule given in Vinland Map to these islands is not found in any other map; the only explanation we can hazard is that it may allude to the Portuguese attempts at discovery and colonization of the Azores from, probably, 1427 onward. But the Spanish government did not welcome his proposals, and at the end of 1500 Vespucci went into the service of Portugal. The Cosmographiae provided an introduction to the new geography of the world as laid out in the globe and wall-map, and included a Latin translation of Vespuccia€™s four voyages. The handwriting is similar in character to that of the manuscript and shows the same idiosyncrasies in individual letters.a€™a€™ The map was therefore probably prepared by the scribe who copied the texts of the Speculum and the Tartar Relation.
The inner or western coasts of the three islands and the eastern coast of the mainland, fringing the Sea of the Tartars, have no counterpart in any known cartographic document, but are drawn with elaborate detail of capes and bays. This river has many other very large branches, besides that of Senega, and they are great rivers on this coast of Ethiopiaa€?. Considering that this sea represents (so far as we know) the cartographera€™s interpretation of a textual source, it may be suspected that the outline of its shores was seen by him in his minda€™s eye and not in any map.



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