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Description: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, WA?rttemberg Germany.
It had long been suspected that Martin WaldseemA?ller, a professor of cosmography at the school in St. The purpose of this little book is to write a description of the world map, which we have designed both as a globe and as a projection [tam in solido quam plano]. Martin WaldseemA?llera€™s Universalis Cosmographia secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum Lustrationes [A Map of the World According to the Tradition of Ptolemy and the Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci] was designed on a single cordiform projection and engraved on twelve wooden blocks (21 x 30 inches each; 54 x 96 inches overall) at Strasburg and printed at St. In Plate IX of the map, numbering the plates from left to right, the top row first, WaldseemA?ller re-asserts that he is particularly delineating the lands discovered by Vespucci.
A general delineation of the various lands and islands, including some of which the ancients make no mention, discovered lately between 1497 and 1504 in four voyages over the seas, two by Fernando of Castile, and two by Manuel of Portugal, most serene monarchs, with Amerigo Vespucci as one of the navigators and officers of the fleet; and especially a delineation of many places hitherto unknown. Vespucci claimed that on his first voyage he made discoveries along the coasts of Honduras and the Gulf of Mexico. In describing the general appearance of the world, it has seemed best to put down the discoveries of the ancients, and to add what has since been discovered by the moderns, for instance, the land of Cathay, so that those who are interested in such matters and wish to find out various things, may gain their wishes and be grateful to us for our labor, when they see nearly everything that has been discovered here and there, or recently explored, carefully and clearly brought together, so as to be seen at a glance.
This mapa€™s greatest claim to immortality, however, is contained in the simple word of seven letters, America, the earliest known use of that name to describe the newly found fourth part of the world, placed on the southern continent (present-day South America) of the world map only by WaldseemA?ller. More than four years had elapsed since Amerigo Vespucci announced what he claimed to be the discovery of an entirely new continent, and as yet that new continent had no satisfactory name. In the first years of the new century, a group of scholars decided to produce a revised edition of the Cosmography of Ptolemy (#119) to meet the urgent need for new maps, according to the new discoveries. Martin WaldseemA?ller, a native of Freiburg in the Breisgau and appointed Professor of Geography at St. Toward the South Pole are situated the southern part of Africa, recently discovered, and the islands of Zanzibar, Java Minor, and Seula. The name appeared in Halmal, a semi-divine mythical forefather or ancestor of the Amelungen, or royal tribe of the Ostrogoths, which was called A–mlunger. Returning to the map, it is curious to note that while the name America appeared on the new continent (South America) of the new hemisphere on the world map, WaldseemA?ller did not choose to use it on the small inset map of the western hemisphere, where South America is labeled Terra Incognita. By selecting the name America for a major portion of the new discoveries, WaldseemA?ller was not unaware of the contributions of Columbus and intended no denial of the credit properly due him. Plate I, in the upper left-hand corner, contains an inscription that explains WaldseemA?llera€™s ideas as to the location of the lands discovered by Vespucci and Columbus. Many have regarded as an invention the words of a famous poet [Virgil] that a€?beyond the stars lies a land, beyond the path of the year and the sun, where Atlas, who supports the heavens, revolves on his shoulders the axis of the world, set with gleaming starsa€?, but now finally it proves clearly to be true. Instead of a€?19 degreesa€? he should have written a€?29 degreesa€? which, when added to the 23 degrees of the tropic, would have made the a€?52 degreesa€? given in the a€?thirda€? voyage as Amerigo Vespuccia€™s farthest south. The remarkable geographical features of the WaldseemA?ller map are, however, more important than the giving of a name to one of them. These close approximations to geographical actualities were natural corollaries of Amerigoa€™s great a€?discoverya€™ of a a€?fourth part of the worlda€?.
WaldseemA?ller places a land to the west of Isabella Insula [Cuba], as do many of the other mapmakers of his time, La Cosa, Cantino, Ruysch and Caveri (#305, #308, #313, #307).
To the south, the long attenuated form given to both Terra Ulteria€? Incognita and to America, the west coasts of which are, as it were, rolled back to indicate WaldseemA?llera€™s lack of knowledge of these areas.
Leaving the New World discoveries, one cannot help but notice the striking resemblance between WaldseemA?llera€™s a€?Old Worlda€? outline and that presented by Henricus Martellus Germanus in his map of 1490 (#256). Although many of the ancients were interested in marking out the circle of the land, things remained unknown to them in no slight degree; for instance, in the west, America, named after its discoverer, which is to be reckoned a fourth part of the world.
In addition to Caveri, Martellus and Ptolemy, other sources synthesized by WaldseemA?ller include the narratives of Marco Polo, whose data concerning the geography of eastern China and the adjacent islands, though already known to the world in the map of Fra Mauro (#249), the Catalan Atlas (#235) and in globes such as those of Behaim (#258), are now for the first time embodied in a popular printed sheet map; and the Northmen, whose explorations in Mare Glaciale and in the neighborhood of Greenland were known from the maps of Claudius Clavus and those of Donnus Nickolaus Germanus. Thus, derived chiefly from Caveria€™s map (#307), itself based in many particulars upon the Cantino world map of 1502 (#308), the WaldseemA?ller production of 1507 transmitted the features of both to an impressive list of succeeding maps, globes and globe gores reaching to 1520 and well beyond.
Of the same year as the map itself, and displaying its features, was the previously alluded to printed globe issued by WaldseemA?ller, known today only by two sets of globe gores on uncut sheets.
WaldseemA?ller, himself, continued his cartographic production beginning with a revised edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (eventually published by others), which included a Supplement composed of 20 maps claimed by some scholars to be a€?the first modern atlas of the worlda€™.
The regression of WaldseemA?ller to the Columbian conception of Cuba as a part of the continent of Asia was without question confusing to those who saw the map of 1516 with its specific legend. One can hardly overemphasize the significance in cartographic history, therefore, of the printed WaldseemA?ller productions of 1507 - world map, insets, and globe gores. The name America (applied to present-day Brazil) appeared for what is believed the first time on Martin WaldseemA?ller's 1507 world map a€” the so-called Baptismal Certificate of the New World.
AMERICA, we learn as schoolchildren, was named in honor of Amerigo Vespucci a€” for his discovery of the mainland of the New World. Traditional history lessons about the discovery of America also raise questions about the meaning of discovery itself.
And yet, despite the issue of who discovered America, we are still confronted with the awesome fact that it was the voyages of Columbus, and not earlier ones, that changed the course of world history. Carew is resurrecting the ideas of Jules Marcou, a prominent French geologist who while studying North America argued, as did other 19th-century writers, that the name America was brought back to Europe from the New World; and that Vespucci had changed his name to reflect the name of his discovery. Like Marcou, Carew wants us to believe that America was not named after Vespucci, but vice versa; that Vespucci had, so to speak, re-named himself after his discovery, gilding his given name by modifying it to reflect the significance of his discovery.
Some scholars believe Vespucci was named after Saint Emeric, son of the first king of Hungary.
As was the custom of the Florentine nobility, Vespucci received an education that featured special instruction in the sciences connected with navigation a€” natural philosophy, astronomy, and cosmography a€” in which he excelled.
During the first half of the 20th century, scholars discovered further evidence that clears away the cloud of misunderstanding and ignorance by which Vespucci has long been obscured. The voyage completed by Vespucci between May 1499 and June 1500 as navigator of an expedition of four ships sent from Spain under the command of Alonso de Hojeda is certainly authentic.
Under Portuguese auspices he completed a second expedition, which set sail from Lisbon on May 31, 1501.
Vespucci not only explored unknown regions but also invented a system of computing exact longitude and arrived at a figure computing the earth's equational circumference only fifty miles short of the correct measurement.
The new geography included in its appendix WaldseemA?ller's large, stunning map of the world, on which the New World is boldly labeled AMERICA a€” in the middle of present-day Brazil. The baptismal passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio has commonly been read as argument, in which the authors said that they were naming the newly discovered continent in honor of Vespucci and saw no reason for objections. Even though the Latinization of Americus fits a pattern, why did the cosmographers not employ Albericus (hence the assumption that "Alberigo" was Vespucci's authentic Christian name), the Latinization that had already been used for Amerigo's name as the author of the Mundus Novus?
Did America get its name through oral tradition when those who had sailed with Columbus or Vespucci circulated stories that gold was to be found in the Amerrique Mountains of Nicaragua? The coast at the foot of the Amerrique Mountains that faces the Caribbean Sea is called the Mosquito Coast, named for the Mosquito Indians, who live there still. The Caribs, traveling far from their Carib or Cariay coast, could see the Amerriques in the distance, and these mountains for them could have signified the mainland. Rodney Broomea€™s recent book, Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name (2001), in which he argues for the Amerike theory, is a very good read, but ultimately lacks the hard evidence to support the authora€™s claim.
An early version of this essay appeared in The American Voice (1988) and a section in Encounters (1991). In late May 2003, the Library of Congress completed the purchase of the only surviving copy of the first image of the outline of the continents of the world as we know them todaya€” Martin Waldseemullera€™s monumental 1507 world map. Martin Waldseemuller, the primary cartographer of the map, was a sixteenth-century scholar, humanist, cleric, and cartographer who had joined the small intellectual circle, the Gymnasium Vosagense, organized in Saint-DieI?, France. Thus, in northeast France was born the famous 1507 world map, entitled Universalis cosmographia secunda Ptholemei traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum que lustrationes (A drawing of the whole earth following the tradition of Ptolemy and the travels of Amerigo Vespucci and others). While it has been suggested that Waldseemuller incorrectly dismissed Christopher Columbusa€™s great achievement in history by the selection of the name America for the Western Hemisphere, it is evident that the information that Waldseemuller and his colleagues had at their disposal recognized Columbus's previous voyages of exploration and discovery.
By 1513, when Waldseemuller and the Saint-DieI? scholars published the new edition of Ptolemy's Geographiae, and by 1516, when his famous Carta Marina was printed, Waldseemuller had removed the name America from his maps, perhaps suggesting that even he had second thoughts in honoring Vespucci exclusively for his understanding of the New World. A reported one thousand copies of the 1507 map were printed, which was a sizeable print run in those days. The Library of Congress's Geography and Map Division acquired in 1903 the facsimiles made of the 1507 and 1516 maps.
Library of Congress and specialists in the Library were encouraged to investigate the opportunity. The 1507 world map is now the centerpiece of the outstanding cartographic collections of the Library of Congress, as it would be for any world class cartographic collection.
The Librarya€™s acquisition of the Waldseemuller map represents an important moment to renew serious research into this exceptional map, to determine the sources which made possible its creation, and to investigate its contemporary impact and acceptance. Through agreement with Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the government of Germany, the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller is to be placed on permanent display in the Library of Congressa€™s Great Hall area in the Thomas Jefferson Building. DESCRIPTION: The existence of sets of gores for making into a globe had been surmised for some time from the discussion in WaldseemA?llera€™s CosmographiA¦ Introductio. That which adds special significance to this young Germana€™s representations of the new lands, so far as a study of globes is concerned, is the repeated recurrence of his particular outlines or contours in the globe maps of the first quarter of the century, produced by such cartographers as Johann SchA¶ner of NA?rnberg (#328), and by those of his school. In a little tract, printed in Strassburg in the year 1509, there appears to be a reference to a globe which may be that constructed by WaldseemA?ller. The twelve such gores, measuring 18 x 34.5 cm, corresponding very closely to those described by WaldseemA?ller were for a long time in the Hauslab-Leichtenstein collection and are now in the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. The world outline is a simplified reduction of WaldseemA?llera€™s large map of 1507 (#310) with relatively few names but (when mounted) sufficient for illustrative purposes.
Martin WaldseemA?ller, theologian and cosmographer, and Matthias Ringmann, a humanist poet, were brought to the monastery of St. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?Marquettea€? of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely.
Considerable speculation, misinformation and some misunderstanding has surrounded these globe gores and the large world map. Description: In 1507, the copper plates used for the 1490 Rome edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia were reprinted, together with six new maps, either by the printer Bernard Venetus de Vitalibus or the editor Evangelista Tosinus.
Although there had been maps created after these voyages, such as Juan de la Cosaa€™s map of the world in 1500 (based on Columbusa€™ second voyage, #305) and the Cantino world map (circa 1502, #306), these maps were not widely known in Europe outside of the professional circles of mariners and government officials for up to fifteen years. The oldest printed maps showing America (as opposed to one-of-a-kind a€?manuscripta€? or hand-drawn maps) are the world maps of Giovanni Matteo Contarini (#308), the one produced by Martin WaldseemA?ller (#310) and this map by Ruysch. This map by Ruysch first appeared as an addition to the issue of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, originally published at Rome in 1507 and 1508, together with a commentary written by an Italian monk named Marcus Beneventanus, under the title of Orbis nouo descriptio. Excepting these excerpts, the Orbis nova descriptio of Marcus Beneventanus only contains an exhibition of learning, which is now quite worthless, but which was perhaps necessary, at that time, as an introduction for the new world to her older sisters: Asia, Europe, and Africa.
While Ruysch is believed by some historians to have been with John Cabot on his famous voyage of 1497, his map makes no direct mention of the Cabots. There are several advanced features of this map that are the work of a virtually unknown cartographer. With the exception of some small maps based on the cosmographical speculations of the ancients, and inserted in the works of Macrobius, Sacrobosco and others (#201), along with the Contarini and WaldseemA?ller maps (#308 and #310), it is one of the first printed maps representing Africa as a peninsula encompassed by the ocean (Note: the Chinese had been displaying Africa in this manner for over 100 years prior to this map, see #227 and #236). Ruyscha€™s map is the first map published in print on which India is drawn as a triangular peninsula projecting from the south coast of Asia and bordered on the north by the rivers Indus and Ganges.
Zimpangu [Japan], which was shown prominently in mid-Pacific on the Contarini-Rosselli map is omitted completely by Ruysch.
Ruysch has produced the first printed map on which the delineation of the interior and eastern parts of Asia is no longer based exclusively on the material collected by Marinus of Tyre and Ptolemy more than a millennium previously, but on more modern reports, especially those of Marco Polo. The exaggerated extension given by Ptolemy to the Mediterranean is much reduced here by Ruysch, from 62 to 53 degrees, the actual difference of longitude between Gibraltar and the western coast of Syria amounting to only 41 or 42 degrees.
The map of Ruysch is the first map published in print that, following a correction made in the portolanos since the beginning of the 14th century, leaves out that excessive projection towards the east, which characterizes Ptolemya€™s map of the northern part of Scotland. In Northern Europe, the church Sancti Odulfi shown on Ruyscha€™s map, is not the church in VardA?, Finnmark, but the cathedral in Trondheim. Ruysch drew his map as a planisphere on a modified equidistant conical projection with its apex at the North Pole which is another remarkable feature. With respect to the New World, the most notable innovation in Ruyscha€™s map is the representation of the western discoveries. Directly south of Gruenlant the following inscription gives warning of the dangers encountered by fishermen in that region: It is said that those who came formerly in ships among these islands for fish and other food were so deceived by the demons that they could not go on land without danger.
Another interesting, but almost illegible, inscription near Gruenlant reads: Hic compassus navium non tenet nec naves quA¦ ferum tenent revertere valent. The Ruysch map is instructive concerning the location of Greenland on late 15th century maps and those of the 16th century. Some of Ruyscha€™s inland Asian data was extrapolated from Poloa€™s description of his trip from Peking to Bengal, which he says he made as an emissary for Kublai Khan. As regards the continental regions south of Newfoundland, and discovered by the Spaniards and Portuguese, Ruysch was clearly of the opinion that they were entirely distinct from Newfoundland or the pseudo Asiatic country which he had visited and delineated; and that they constituted a new world, as yet imperfectly known, particularly regarding its west coast.
Ruyscha€™s map positions a large island in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean between latitude 37 and 40 degrees north. Both Japan and Antilia were described by the influential Italian humanist Paolo Toscanelli in his famous letter of 1474 to King Philip of Portugal, a copy of which Columbus read.
This island of Antilia was discovered by the Portuguese, and now when it is sought it is not found.
Later, not having been found in the Atlantic, the Seven Cities were sought on the American mainland, where they remained an elusive goal of riches-hungry Spanish explorers through much of the 16th century.
While Ruysch undoubtedly believed that the lands seen by the Cabots and Corte-Reals were part of Asia, he thought that the coasts explored by Columbus, Vincente Pinzon, Cabral, and others belonged to a continent separated from Asia by a stretch of open sea. The unnamed northwestern continental land in Ruysch is also far less complete than we find it depicted in the Caveri map (#307); and it is certain, from its shape and position, that if Ruyscha€™s prototype had presented a coast line extending, for instance, so far south as 10 degrees north latitude, he would not have cut it off at ten degrees. Most of Ruyscha€™s Asian data comes from Poloa€™s description of his return to the West from China.
From Zaiton they travelled a€?1500 milesa€? across a gulf to a country called Chamba, which is plotted here slightly inland as CIAMBA. On the margin of the map, near the North Pole, is another interesting inscription referring to the magnetic pole, which it is said was first located by the English friar Nicolas de Linna, who made a voyage to the north in 1355 and presented to Edward III of England an account of his discovery, with the title, Inventio fortunat. The basis of the entire Ruysch map, according to the historian Henry Harrisse, was a purely Lusitanian planisphere, similar to those of Cantino and Caveri (#306 and #307), but constructed after the former and before the latter; that is, between 1502 and 1504, as we have shown in a comparative description of the continental region which is north of Central America in Portuguese charts. There are in the section of the map delineating the New World, two very distinct parts, based upon data of similar origin, one of which, however, was modified in a most important respect. But as Ruysch had himself visited the northern part of Newfoundland on board an English vessel, and acquired from experience positive data concerning the situation of that peninsula, as he calls it: qui peninsulae Terra Noua uocatA¦, without having the same reasons as Gaspar Corte Real to place it in the middle of the Atlantic, within the Portuguese Line of Demarcation, Ruysch, following the charts used by his English companions, brought Newfoundland close to the western continent.
Terra Nova, one of the earliest uses of this term for the modern Newfoundland, appears as a large peninsula jutting out from the mainland of Asia, although on some copies of the map, because of wear or creases, it may appear to be depicted as an island. This is sometimes interpreted to be another element of British influence, as the variation of the compass orientation had been noted by Cabot on his second voyage. Meanwhile, it behooves us to show the Portuguese origin of his geographical data, south of what Ruysch names Terra Nova, which, with him, does not mean the New World, or the country newly discovered, but present-day Newfoundland exclusively; in imitation of the English mariners with whom he visited that island.
To that effect, Harrisse compares the nomenclature of the region placed in Ruyscha€™s mappamundi, south of his Terra Nova, with the names inscribed on the northwestern continental land in the Cantino and Caveri maps, both of which are of the Lusitanian map tradition, with no admixture of foreign geographical elements whatever.
Ruysch inscribes thirty-six names on his map, but not one of them is to be found either in the de la Cosa map or in any other Spanish map whatever; while thirty-one out of its whole number are duly set forth either in the Cantino (#306), or Kunstmann No. Ruyscha€™s delineations of the South American continent embrace likewise, the coasts of Venezuela and Honduras, which were discovered by Spanish navigators, who, of course, made maps of their discoveries. The configuration of the continental land that corresponds with the northwestern region of the Cantino map is distorted in that map, but perfectly recognizable on Ruyscha€™s.
M Polo says that 1500 miles to the east of the port of Zaiton there is a very large island named Sipagu . In a fascinating example of how a geographic misunderstanding can assume a life of its own, Donald McGuirk has demonstrated how Ruyscha€™s hybrid Hispaniola-Japan was transformed into an atypical representation of Japan four years later by Bernard Sylvanus (#318). In Ruyscha€™s Caribbean there lies a strange triangular landmass, undefined on its western coast, in the position one would expect to find Cuba. This was one of the first printed maps to show any part of the New World and may also be one of the first to include information on that continent from first-hand knowledge.
In the state that preceded a€?state onea€? there was a smaller island within this space and it was labeled CVBA. The southern coastline of Newfoundland continues directly west to the land of Gog and Magog, and thence south to Cathay.
Rather than forgetting Cuba, it is obvious that Ruysch deliberated at great length as to how Cuba should be represented. Below Antilia lies LE XI MIL VIRGINE [(Islands of) the Eleven Thousand Virgins], an early reference to the Virgin Islands named by Columbus for the story of St. On South Americaa€™s northern coast is the GOLFO DE PAREAS that Columbus believed lay at the foothills of Paradise.
Nearly blocking the entrance to Columbusa€™ fountainhead of Paradise, the Gulf of Paria, is CANIBALOS IN [Trinidad], introducing to maps the cannibalism which Columbus reported about the Carib islanders. In this long inscription in the interior of Terra Sancte Crucis sive Mundus Novus here for the first time, Ruysch describes the inhabitants and natural products of the country following the letters of Vespucci and other sources.
Portuguese navigators have inspected this part of this land, and have sailed as far as the fiftieth degree of south latitude without seeing the southern limit of it. As far as this Spanish navigators have come, and they have called this land, on account of its greatness, the New World.
On the east coast of South America is the interesting name Abatia Aµniu sactoru, or All Saints Abbey. Then, where did Ruysch pick up the egregious mistake that transformed A baia de todos Sanctos [All-Saints Bay] into Abatia omnium Sanctorum [AIl Saints Abbey]? Thus far the Spanish sailors have come, and because of its magnitude they call it a new world, for indeed they have not seen the whole of it nor at this time have they explored beyond this limit. The Portuguese, of course, had also a€?come this far.a€? Their discovery of Brazil in 1500 was significant because it was rich in trade potential and because it clearly lay on their side of the papal demarcation line. The Ruysch map is classified by the historian Henry Harrisse as a Type III within the Lusitano-Germanic Group of new world maps (the only specimen that Harrisse places in this Type). While one of the more widely circulated of all the printed maps from this period, none have exercised so little influence over the cartography of the New World as this mappamundi.
As mentioned above, Ruyscha€™s world map more usually appears in the 1508 printing of the Rome Ptolemy. It is evident, from what has already been said, that Ruysch deserves to be placed in the first rank among the reformers of cartography. Beans, George H., a€?The Ruysch World map in its earliest known state,a€? Imago Mundi V (1948), 72. Swan, B., a€?The Ruysch Map of the World (1507-1508),a€? Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 45 (1951), 219-236. The oldest printed maps showing America (as opposed to one-of-a-kind a€?manuscripta€? or hand-drawn maps) are the world maps of Giovanni Matteo Contarini (#308), the one produced by Martin WaldseemA?ller (#310) and this map by Ruysch.A  While Contarinia€™s and WaldseemA?llera€™s maps, printed as individual sheets, have fallen victim to the ravages of time, and only a single copy of each is known to have survived, a number of copies of Ruyscha€™s map, which was printed as a plate in an atlas, are preserved today.
Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector. Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones.
As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared). Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales. The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts. The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found.
Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) . In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102).
It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes. Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy.
Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path.
Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator.
Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description.
Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side.
Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.
We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.
The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions. The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions.
Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions.
At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness. These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib.
Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came. From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk.
It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth.
Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts.
There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece.
In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date. The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge. Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established.
In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps.
The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography. The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied. Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess. Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire. When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence. In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life. Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking. The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world. It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone.
China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994. Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters. Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost. As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square.
The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer Johannes SchA¶ner.
Die, located in the Vosges Mountains of France, had made a map of the world in the year 1507. Die in a an original issue of about 1,000 copies (a thousand copies represented a large edition for this time, immediately preceding post-Columbian world maps, such as Juan de la Cosaa€™s, Cantinoa€™s and Caveria€™s (#305 thru #309 - were all manuscript maps). All this we have carefully drawn on the map, to furnish true and precise geographical knowledge.
A Florentine cosmographer, he sailed in 1497 with a commission appointed by Ferdinand and Isabella to investigate reports that Columbusa€™ administration of Hispaniola was inept.
He also credited himself with three other voyages by 1503, when he made his last, an investigation of the coast of Brazil for Portugal. Taken together, these inset hemispheres form the most comprehensive and most nearly correct representation of the world displayed on any map known to have been constructed up to the year of 1507. Besides this world map, WaldseemA?ller also introduced the name America in two other media, in the previously mentioned Cosmographia Introductio and on his globe (thought by some scholars to be the so-called Hausslab-Linchoten globe (#311), both also produced in the year 1507). It happened that in the Vosges Mountains in the little town of Saint-Die, there was a college under the patronage of the studious Duke Renaud (Rene) II of Vaudemon, of Lorraine, the titular a€?King of Jerusalem and Sicilya€?, who was there resident. On Plate V (the Caribbean area) of his map, WaldseemA?ller wrote: These islands were discovered by Columbus, an admiral of Genoa, at the command of the King of Spain.
For there is a land, discovered by Columbus, a captain of the King of Castile, and by Americus Vespucius, both men of very great ability, which, though in great part lies beneath a€?the path of the year and of the suna€? and between the tropics, nevertheless extends about 19 degrees beyond the Tropic of Capricorn toward the Antarctic Pole, a€?beyond the path of the year and the suna€?. Since Columbus never explored as far south as the equator, the words a€?it proves clearly to be truea€? are clothed with meaning only in the light of Amerigoa€™s voyages into the southern hemisphere, not at all in the light of the a€?firsta€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?, from which the dispute ultimately arose as to which could claim priority upon the shore of the new continent, Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci; for that a€?firsta€? voyage, like all the voyages of Columbus, was entirely north of the equator.
In addition to the previously mentioned accuracy and a€?noveltya€™ of the hemispheric insets, and the picturing of the new southern continent, with its surprisingly correct general contour, the inset map presents a portion of the northern continent as well, and the two are correctly joined together by a narrow isthmus.
One is tempted to loose sight of this revolutionary advance over the previously dominating world conception of Ptolemy in focusing all the attention to the single feature that has made WaldseemA?llera€™s map so famous, the first appearance thereon of the name America.
This area may represent the coast of China copied from Marco Polo, and placed here in the belief that the new discoveries were in and near Asia.
In extending the South American coast to 50 degrees South (high-lighted by the implantation of a Portuguese flag), WaldseemA?ller avoids committing himself as to the possibility of a passage by sea around this new continent by continuing its land to the edge of, and actually into, the map frame (compare this abrupt treatment with his depiction of Africa, where he is willing to go outside of the preset form of his map frame in order to accommodate the full extension of the continent and thus substantiate the Portuguese proof of a passage to the Far East). As can be seen on the accompanying comparison illustration, except for the southern half of Africa, in both projection and general geographical contours the Old World of WaldseemA?llera€™s 1507 map seems to have been virtually copied from Martellus. Another is, to the south, a part of Africa, which begins about seven degrees this side of Capricornus and stretches in a broad expanse to the south, beyond the torrid zone and the Tropic of Egocerus (Capricornus).
At least twice Henricus Glareanus copied WaldseemA?llera€™s world map and insets in manuscript. Two maps in this Supplement show the New World discoveries, Tabula Terre Nove and Orbis Typus Universalis. In his great and very important world map of 1516, WaldseemA?ller showed the landmass abutting upon the western border of the map, as in the two above mentioned maps, but here gives it the name Terra de Cuba Asie Partis. The representation in these of the American continents separated from Asia by a broad ocean in the midst of which lay the island of Japan was a splendid synthesis based upon such known particulars as the narrative of Marco Polo, the voyages of the Portuguese to North America by way of the Atlantic and to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, the discoveries of South America by Vespucci and Cabral, the Spanish discoveries in the West Indies and the Caribbean, and above all, perhaps, the notable manuscript maps of La Cosa, Cantino, and Caveri. The only known surviving copy was purchased, in 2003, by the Library of Congress for $10 million.
Further, other discoveries of America have been credited to the Irish who had sailed to a land they called Iargalon, the land beyond the sunset, and to the Phoenicians who purportedly came here before the Norse. Specifically, Marcou introduced the name of an Indian tribe and of a district in Nicaragua called Amerrique, and asserted that this district a€” rich in gold a€” had been visited by both Columbus and Vespucci, who then made this name known in Europe. To define it Carew echoes Marcou, who quotes from his correspondence with Augustus Le Plongeon. He has been wrongfully portrayed as a crafty opportunist ever since the mid-16th century when Bartholomew de Las Casas accused him of being a liar and a thief who stole the glory that belonged to Columbus.
Around 1490 he was sent to Spain by his employers, the famous Italian family of Medici, to join their business in fitting out ships.
At the beginning of 1505 he was summoned to the court of Spain for a private consultation, and, as a man of experience, was engaged to work for the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias (Commercial House for the West Indies), which had been founded two years before in Seville.
The first or traditional series consists of the widely published letters, dated 1504, purportedly written by him.
After a halt at the Cape Verde Islands, the expedition traveled southwestward, reached the coast of Brazil, and certainly sailed as far south as the RA­o de la Plata, which Vespucci was the first European to discover. It was, however, not his many solid accomplishments but an apparent error made by a group of scholars living in St.
This map is the first known map, printed or manuscript, to use the name America, and also the first to depict clearly a separate western hemisphere, with the Pacific as a separate ocean. But, as etymologist Joy Rea has suggested, it could also be read as explanation, in which they indicate that they have heard the New World was called America, and the only explanation lay in Vespucci's name.
Their substitution of Americus for the well-known Latinization Albericus might mean that they wanted a Latinization that would fit and explain the name America which they had already heard applied to the New World. The Indians in the Caribbean did have a word for the mainland, given in the LexicografA­a Antillana (Antillean Dictionary, 1931) as babeque and defined as the name that Columbus understood the Indians to say when they were pointing to a land beyond Haiti and Cuba. It constitutes an incredible Anglicization of the New World a€” and would, for obvious reasons, infuriate Carew.
He purportedly gave one of the islands he explored to a friend, another to his barber, and also promised some Italian friars that they could be bishops. However, even if the name America were known in Bristol in 1497, Hudd has taken a majestic leap to suggest Ameryk's name as its origin. That map has been referred to in various circles as America's birth certificate, and for good reasona€”it is the first document on which the name America appears. He was born near Freiburg, Germany, sometime in the 1470s, and died in the canon house at Saint-DieI? in 1522. That map, printed on twelve separate sheets from wood block plates, when assembled would measure more than 4 1a?„2 feet by 8 feet in dimension.
However, the group also had acquired a recent French translation of the important work Insuper aquattor Amerigo Vespuccii navigationes, Amerigo Vespucci's letter detailing his purported four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean to America between 1497 and 1504. Instead, in the 1513 atlas the name America does not appear anyplace in the volume, and the place of America is referred to as Terra Incognita (Unknown land).
This single surviving copy of the map exists because it was kept in a portfolio by Johannes SchoI?ner (1477-1547), a German globe maker, who probably had acquired a copy of the map for his own cartographic work.
Throughout the twentieth century the Library continued to express interest in and a desire to acquire the 1507 map, when, if ever, it was made available for sale.
Through the combined efforts of several Library of Congress specialists, and many other members of the Library's staff over an 11 year period, the map has made its way to the Library of Congress. The map serves as a departure point in the development of the American cartographic collection in addition to its revered position in early modern cartographic history. The mapa€™s well announced acquisition provides us an extraordinary opportunity to appreciate the earliest of early depictions of our modern world. The Library of Congress is proud to have obtained this unique treasure and is anxious to have this great cartographic document receive the public acclaim and the critical scholarly inspection that it so rightly merits.
This call for further scholarship on the map, its impact, and the sources used to produce it is not meant to suggest that previous scholarship is lacking. Both the globe and the large world map were doubtless printed in large numbers and widely distributed.
It is this reference that the Prince of Liechtenstein, as noted above, has taken as a reference to the gore map, a copy of which is in his collection.
Although a text on WaldseemA?llera€™s later wallmap, the Carta Marina (1516), says that 1,000 copies of the 1507 wall-map were made, it is unlikely that this number were issued, given the survival rate of the one bound copy now in the Library of Congress.a€? The globe map and book had an enormous influence on other geographers, notably Appian, SchA¶ner and Fries, and advanced the science of globe-making and map making particularly in Germany and the Low Countries. The Kraus-Bavarian State Library copy -- in 1960 at Sothebya€™s in London, a set of the gores was offered bound into a Ptolemy atlas of 1486. The Offenburg copy -- following the publicity regarding the acquisition of the copy above by the Bavarian State library in 1992, in 1993 two researchers, Dr. The present example was discovered in February 2003 when the owner, on reading an article in the Frankfurter Algemeinen Zeitung on the Munich copy, realized he owned a similar map amongst his large collection of books and ephemera. To present the various strands of information relating to the genesis, execution and influences of the WaldseemA?ller gores, the following timeline brings together the principal events in the lives of WaldseemA?ller, Ringmann, Vespucci and their circles.
In addition to the new regional maps, this rare new map of the world by Johann Ruysch is sometimes found in advance of its normal appearance in the Ptolemy atlas the following year. Only a few copies of these maps survive not simply because they were manuscript rather than printed maps, but also because they were often regarded as state secrets. It is at any rate a remarkable fact that every time Beneventanus deigns to descend from his pedestal of learning, he communicates a fact of great importance to the history of geographical discovery. Johannes Ruysch was born around the year 1460 in Utrecht, which is now located in the Netherlands.
Cape Race, which appeared on La Cosaa€™s map (#305) as Cavo de Ynglaterra, on Ruyscha€™s map is called C. Apart from the fact that Ruysch was from Utrecht and sojourned in Cologne, little is known of him. The southern point of Africa moreover is here placed on a nearly correct latitude, thus giving a tolerably exact form to that part of the world. Even though it has not yet received its full extension as a peninsula, yet an important deviation from Ptolemya€™s geography is thus made on the map to a part of the world to which almost a privilegium exclusivum of knowledge was attributed to the ancients. Various new names are here added in Scytia intra Imaum, such as Tartaria Magna and Wolha [Volga], and an immense, quite new territory, an Asia extra Ptolemaeum, or Asia Alarci Pauli Veneti, is added beyond the eastern limits of Ptolemya€™s oikumene [known world]. In its plane state the map appears as an opened fan with the curved, or southern edge, at the bottom.
Ruysch depicts the North Polar regions with some geographical basis for the first time and it is believed that the famous Gerhard Mercator was influenced by the map when he prepared the circular inset of the Arctic on his great world map of 1569 (#407). However, his map is also a mixture of tradition, new information, and misleading conjecture. An inscription describing nearby islands warns that sailors who had gone to them had been tricked by demons. He labels the waters within the four islands as the Mare Sugenum, and speaks of a violent whirlpool that sucks the incoming waters down into the earth; in addition, his map shows a ring of small, very mountainous islands around the four islands, which numerous islands Ruysch says are uninhabited. Ruysch judges Poloa€™s TOLMA[N], a region later reincarnated in the New World as part of the Northwest Coast, to lie just south of the realm of Gog and Magog.


This coast Ruysch could not admit to be connected in any manner with as he already depicts in detail the eastern Asiatic seaboards, from the point where they merge with his northern regions, to 39 degrees south latitude, which is the termination of the map. In this island are people who speak the Spanish tongue, and who in the time of King Roderick are believed to have fled to this island from the barbarians who at that time invaded Spain. Near the island of Spagnola [Haiti] and south of the island of Antilia is an inscription that tells the story of that island as given on Behaima€™s globe (Book III, #258). Marco, Maffeo, and Niccolo Polo, long detained at the pleasure of Kublai Khan, were allowed to return to Europe when sent as the personal escorts of a bride for Arghun, khan of the Levant [Persia]. Ruysch designates its coast as SILVA ALOE [aloe forest] for the valuable plant which Polo said the king of Chamba offered as part of his annual tribute to the Kublai Khan. However, theses dates are obviously not correct given the notations on the map of the Portuguese discoveries of 1507. On all other maps of the first half of the 16th century, even on the Cabot map of 1544, it is represented as a group of islands. More likely, however, the legend originated in a medieval treatise, the same from which Ruysch configured his Arctic region. Harrisse establishes a similar comparison between Ruyscha€™s South America and the latter continent in all of the seven world charts, now known, which circulated in Europe when he constructed his mappamundi.
No such designation as the a€?Land of the Holy Crossa€? was ever adopted in Spain for Brazil, or written on any map by the Spanish pilots or geographers of that time. Glaciato on the eastern coast suggests the work of the Italian editor and Baia de Rockas shows the influence of English associations. This island lies between 45A° and 55A° east of the coast of Asia, just above the Tropic of Cancer. But a€?Cubaa€? does not appear as such, and historians have long been puzzled by Ruyscha€™s apparent omission of the island. It has long been recognized that there were corrections to the plates of this map even before the earliest known example, state one - thus the importance of examining an early strike of the map, to better discern these changes.
The vestige of DE CVBA is still discernable, as is part of the coastline of its original (insular?) geography. The stippled lines which represent ocean spill well into the current landmass, both in the north and south. From the Biblical land of Gog and Magog the people of the Middle Ages expected the coming of destructive races at the last day.
Near the island of Spagnola [Haiti] and south of the island of Antilia is an inscription that tells the story of that island as given on Behaima€™s globe (#258). It has long been recognized that there were corrections to the plates of this map even before the earliest known example, state one. In the state that preceded state one there was a smaller island within this space and it was labeled CVBA. After first choosing to represent it as a small island, he then changed his mind and used the outline of the a€?North Americana€? continental landmass on Portuguese manuscript charts akin to the Cantino map (#306), only in smaller dimensions, to represent Cuba on his map. This a€?Land of the Holy Crossa€? also contains the term MUNDUS NOVUS, one of the first references to a a€?New Worlda€? on a printed map. Columbus reached this fancy when attempting to explain the variation of the North Star, noted by him near the Gulf of Paria. It is interesting to note that on State I of the Ruysch map Canibali designated LA DOMINICA [the island of Dominica] instead, which was one of the islands Columbus said was inhabited by that reputably fierce race.
This country, which is generally considered another continent, is inhabited in scattered settlements.
Not in Spanish charts, certainly, but in a Lusitano-Germanic map, manipulated by a northern cartographer who had read the Latin version of the four voyages of Vespucci, printed at St.
In 1507 the Pacific, still simply the a€?Orientala€? or a€?Chinaa€? Sea, had never been sighted from the American side and had only been cursorily approached from the Asian side. Therefore this map is left incomplete for the present, since we do not know in which direction it trends. There are, both in the Ruysch and Caveri (#307) maps, geographical representations and names showing that their prototypes differed in important respects from Cantino. We have never seen its configurations reproduced anywhere; and it is only mentioned twice in the first half of the 16th century. The first of a series on geographical misconceptions,a€? The Map Collector 2 (March 1978), pp. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation.
Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history. Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time. Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art.
It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch.
It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic.
In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C.
In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India.
Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C.
Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther.
We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological.
It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period.
Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers. The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.
This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one. A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained. The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years. There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole.
Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre. These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207). The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance.
This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps.
The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest. In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328).
The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense.
We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ.
That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii. That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c.
That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents. The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps.
To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps.
We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought.
In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice. Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth.
With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge.
In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed.
While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves.
Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge.
Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions. By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps.
Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries. A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them. Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era.
Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works. It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™.
This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 x 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin WaldseemA?ller as author. Henry Harrisse had made this conjecture in his Discovery of North America, which he published when the world was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. As farmers usually mark off and divide their farms by boundary lines, so it has been our endeavor to mark the chief countries of the world by the emblems of their rulers. While certainly not the only large world map produced during this dynamic era of exploration, the Universalis Cosmographia was one of the first large engraved and printed maps to depict the recent Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the Mundus Novus. Much of what Vespucci claimed to have seen on this and other voyages was later called into question by both his contemporaries and, later, by historians. He wrote a letter describing his third voyage that was circulated throughout Europe as a tract called Mundus Novus [The New World], and later was included by WaldseemA?ller in his Cosmographia Introductio (the Solderini letter, see illustration below). To avoid confusion hereafter the main portion of the map will be referred to as the a€?world mapa€?, designating the two small representations of the eastern and western hemispheres, placed above the world map, as the a€?insetsa€?. The term used by some of the map-makers, Land of Brasil, was confusing, for Brasil was the name of an imaginary island located somewhere in the Atlantic, according to popular belief, when there had been no thought of a continent.
Walter Lud, Secretary to the Duke, and a wealthy man, had established a printing press at St. And at the mouth of the Orinoco River is the following: All this is sweet water, a statement based upon the well-known story of Columbusa€™ discovery of the fresh water of the Orinoco River (there is the same reference found on the Bartholomew Columbus map (#304) which has Mar de aqua dolce along the northeastern shores of South America). In other words, on his 1507 map, WaldseemA?ller unmistakably showed that in his own mind he ascribed proof of the existence of the new continent to the Portuguese voyage of Amerigo (the a€?thirda€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?), and that Columbus never detoured from his conviction that he had actually reached the shores of Asia (accepting the longitudinally shortened world of Ptolemy, et al), and that it was the acceptance of Amerigoa€™s proof of its existence more so than Amerigoa€™s supposed priority which caused him to name the new continent America.
However, as can be seen above on Plate I of the world map, the two continents are inexplicably separated by a hypothetical strait, connecting the two great oceans.
Contarini (#308) and Ruysch (#313) distinctly record their belief on their maps that the contemporary explorers had reached China, as does the Columbus map and the letter of Columbus explanatory of his fourth voyage record the same view (#303, #304).
Curiously enough, though, while accepting the Portuguese delineation of the New World and South Africa, WaldseemA?ller reverts to the Ptolemaic conception of North Africa and Asia as refined and expressed by Martellus, rejecting the more accurate rendering of contemporaries such as Caveri. A third instance, in the east, is the land of Cathay, and all of southern India beyond 180 degrees of longitude.
The transmission of the Cantino-Caveri concept through the members of this notable group created one of the mainstreams of interest in the history of cartography. Thus this ingenious geographer not only preserved the geographical concepts of WaldseemA?ller, but also carried the representation of hemispheres a step further by the experimental construction in 1510 of the first known maps of the northern and southern hemispheres on a circumpolar projection. The world picture in the maps and globe of 1507 - the representation, that is, of an American landmass widely separated from the Asian coast with Japan lying between the two - had become the accepted canon in geographic theory and cartographic expression. The new picture compiled from these varied elements and presented to the literate world in printed form became a factor of the highest importance in developing a new concept of the earth and its divisions, rendering obsolete the Ptolemaic geography that had been accepted and revered since the second century of the Christian era.
In 2005, this treasured map was inscribed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, and is the first document in the United States to be so honored.
By the time we are adults it lingers vaguely in most of us, along with images of wave-tossed caravels and forests peopled with naked cannibals.
They were of course preceded by the pre-historic Asian forebears of Native Americans, who migrated across some ice-bridge in the Bering Straits or over the stepping stones of the Aleutian Islands.
The 1497 voyage by John Cabot to the Labrador coast of Newfoundland constitutes yet another discovery of the American mainland, which led to an early 20th-century account of the naming of America, recently revived, that claims the New World was named after an Englishman (Welshman, actually) called Richard Amerike.
To rob people or countries of their names is to set in motion a psychic disturbance which can in turn create a permanent crisis of identity.
Vespucci was probably in Seville in 1492 when Columbus was preparing for his first historic voyage, as well as in 1493 when Columbus returned. In 1508 the house appointed him piloto mayor (pilot major, or chief navigator), a post of great responsibility, which included the examination of the pilots' and ships' masters' licenses for voyages.
Pohl's biography, Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major (1944), and GermA?n Arciniegas's Amerigo and the New World (1955; tr. Addressed to his patron, Lorenzo de' Medici, the Mundus Novus (New World) a€” the title alone revolutionizing the European conception of the cosmos a€” was translated from the Italian into Latin, and originally printed in Vienna; the other letter, addressed to the gonfaloniere (chief magistrate) of Florence, Piero Soderini, was a more elaborate work. Since Vespucci took part as navigator, he certainly cannot have been inexperienced; however, it seems unlikely that he had made a previous voyage, though this matter remains unresolved. In all likelihood the ships took a quick run still farther south, along the coast of Patagonia to the Golfo de San JuliA n or beyond. The entire New World portion of the map roughly represents South America, and when later mapmakers added North America, they retained the original name; in 1538, the great geographer Gerard Mercator gave the name America to all of the western hemisphere on his mappamundi. In ignoring the possible intention of these words as explanation, most scholars have ignored the simple fact that place names usually originate informally in the spoken word and first circulate that way, not in the printed word. Why did they ignore the common law in the naming of new lands: the use of the last names of explorers and the first names of royalty?
It is almost certain that Columbus first heard the name of the mountains pronounced by a Carib. Las Casas believed for a while that this must be Jamaica, but later decided it was the name for the mainland. No proof exists to substantiate his claim that Cabot actually honored the Welshman by naming America after him.
It is also the first map to depict a separate and full Western Hemisphere and the first map to represent the Pacific Ocean as a separate body of water. The large map is an early sixteenth-century masterpiece, containing a full map of the world, two inset maps showing separately the Western and Eastern Hemispheres, illustrations of Ptolemy and Vespucci, images of the various winds, and extensive explanatory notes about selected regions of the world.
In that work, Vespucci concluded that the lands reached by Columbus in 1492, and explored by Columbus and others over the ensuing two decades, was indeed a segment of the world, a new continent, unknown to Europe.
In the1516 Carta Marina, South America is called Terra Nova (New World), and North America is named Cuba, and is shown to be part of Asia. That portfolio contained not only the unique copy of the 1507 world map, but also a unique copy of WaldseemuI?ller's 1516 large wall map (the Carta Marina) and copies of SchoI?ner's terrestrial (1515) and celestial (1517) globe gores. In 1999, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg notified the Library that the German national government and the Baden-WuI?rttemberg state government had granted permission for a limited export license. The map provides a meaningful link between our treasured late medieval-early Renaissance cartographic collection (which includes one of the richest holdings of Ptolemy atlases in the world) and the modem cartographic age unfolding as a result of the explorations of Columbus and other discoverers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Major segments of this world map have not received the concentrated scrutiny that the American segments have received. WaldseemA?ller states in a legend on his marine chart of 1516 (#328.1) that he had printed his map of 1507 in one thousand copies, but only one of which is now known to exist. WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann started work on a new edition of Ptolemy's Geographia that was to combine Ptolemaic maps with a new set of modern maps. By 1890, it had been acquired by the Prince of Liechtenstein and studies by Gallois dated it to 1507 following the realization that it was the lost globe described in the St.
References to accurate factual information are principally taken from 19th century sources, much of the 20th century work on the subject being a reiteration of earlier work by Humboldt, Da€™Avezac-Macaya, Fischer, Varnhagen and Harisse.
It is not enumerated in the table of contents of the 1507 edition and it must be assumed that Ruyscha€™s drawing came into the engraver's hands late in the year, just in time to be engraved and inserted into some of the copies then printed.
This situation changed drastically from 1506 to 1507 when three separate efforts to produce world maps were published. This must be noted, as it constrains us to limit our interpretation of the geographical configurations and legends to the map itself.
He thus incidentally informs us that the author of this map, which from a geographical point of view marks an epoch in cartography more distinctly than any other that has ever been published in print, had joined in a voyage from England to America.
Ruysch may therefore have drawn on first-hand knowledge in producing a map that is independent of the Contarini-Rosselli map of 1506, although there are a number of similar characteristics.
Ruysch also gives on his map a relatively correct place to the Insule ae Azores, Insula de Madera, Ins. The Indian peninsula on the Ruysch map now has significantly more names on both the west and east coasts than the Contarini-Rosselli map (#308) and, further east, Ruysch recognizes that the old Ptolemaic coastline can no longer apply. Here the Chinese river-system is given in a manner indicating other sources for the geography of eastern Asia, than Marco Poloa€™s written words.
The first cartographer who adopted Ruyscha€™s reduction, was the celebrated Gerard Mercator. Some of the lettering is also unusual as it appears to have been made by a punch rather than the usual burin engraving tool.
Inland from North America, into Ruyscha€™s a€?Asiaa€? proper, the influence of the medieval imagination is found in the dreaded realm of Gog and Magog from which the Antichrist would spring at Armageddon. South of TOLMA lies the mountainous country of TEBET [Tibet, but actually in present-day Sze-cha€™wan and YA?n-nan], which a€?is terribly devastated, for it was ravaged in a campaign by Mongu Khan . Here dwelt an archbishop with six other bishops, each one of whom had his own particular city. Groves of trees yielding a black wood, which Polo said was used for making chessmen and pen-cases, are noted by Ruysch as SILVA EBANI [ebony forest].
Originally, the region was delineated nearly as we see it in Cantino, and in all the Lusitano-Germanic maps. The use of the name Insula Baccalauras on the coast of Terra Nova is one of the earliest instances of the appearance on any map of the American coast of that Romance word for codfish, baccallaos.
The use of the letter a€?ka€? in this a€?Rocky Baya€? is one of the mapa€™s scant traces of the British flag under which Ruysch is believed to have sailed.
Along the Asian coast facing this whirlpool arctic is IUDEI INCLUSI, where the lost tribes of Israel were thought to dwell. This is shown by the fact that none of his designations for the Honduras, Venezuela, and Guyana coasts are to be found among the fifty names inserted along those sea-boards by Juan de la Cosa, who was one of the discoverers; nor even in the nomenclature of the Ribero map (#346) and other official quantity of cosmographers, who must have followed, in that respect, though it was twenty-five years later, the traditions of the Spanish school. He depicts no island, whether named a€?Isabellaa€? or otherwise, between that northern continent and Hispaniola.
Ruyscha€™s problem was that two of his prime sources of data a€” the recent Spanish expeditions, and Marco Polo a€” both located an island at that spot.
In his scholarly work, The Continent of America, John Boyd Thacher made this comment regarding the Ruysch map; a€?The mystery of this map a€” and every early map boasted its mystery a€” is the absence of the island of Cuba from its place in the Caribbean Seaa€?. It is astonishing to think that a map which was published only once, over a period of one or two years, had so many revisions (at least six).
Thus the importance of examining an early strike of the map, to better discern these changes.
Whether this second configuration represents combined information from Columbusa€™ first two voyages, data gained from Amerigo Vespuccia€™s a€?firsta€™ voyage, an early description of the Yucatan, or some other source has been, and will continue to be, a matter of great debate. Another inherited tradition involving the a€?fairer sexa€? is found in the island of MATININA to the south. South America is mapped through the Gulf of Venezuela, with the Guahira Peninsula shown as an island (TAMARA QUA). Columbusa€™ association of Paria with Paradise was reinforced by the fact that there he encountered four rivers emptying into the gulf, corresponding to the number of rivers commonly believed to flow from Paradise. While at Dominica on the Second Voyage, a colleague of Columbus wrote that a€?these islands are inhabited by Canabili, a wild, unconquered race which feeds on human flesh.
The name a€?Americaa€? had been suggested only the previous year by WaldseemA?ller (#310), and it is possible that Ruysch had not heard of the suggestion when he made his map or for some reason he did not care to follow it. Die in Lorraine, in May, 1507, and where we see Omnium sanctorum abbatiam, while all the Spanish maps properly inscribe, Baya de todos sanctos (Turin and Weimar charts). Vincent of Vespuccia€™s third voyage (1501-02), hence the name of the mountains shown just inland by Ruysch. The Asiatic coasts are different; the nomenclature presents also a number of names that are in one and not in the other two, and vice versa. The legends on this map are consequently of very high interest, and form a more important contribution to the history of geography than many a bulky volume. They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment. Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?. In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse. The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist.
A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes.
Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive.
The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period. Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms.
The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties.
We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus.
In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan. Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors.
Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them.
Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire.
John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions. In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps.
Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged. Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella. Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world.
Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places. To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence. Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions. When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans. Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society.
Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map.
Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map.
Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no authora€™s name or date. And (to begin with our own continent) in the middle of Europe we have placed the eagles of the Roman Empire (which rule the Kings of Europe) and with the key (which is the symbol of the Holy Father), we have enclosed almost the whole of Europe, which acknowledges the Roman Church.
In that letter, Vespucci proposed that the new lands ought to be called a a€?New World, because none of those countries were known to our ancestors . In the western hemisphere inset the two Americas are shown as a continuous landmass firmly joined together by an isthmus, unlike the representation in the world map where the two continents are inexplicably separated by a strait. Die that he prepared the treatise Cosmographia Introductio, which presented this description of itself: An Introduction to Cosmography, together with some principles of Geometry necessary to the purpose. Both the inset and the world map illustrate another important feature, the representation of a great ocean even broader than the Atlantic, between the New World and Asia. However, this view is not supported on the WaldseemA?ller map either by the place-names found in the area of the new discoveries, or by the overall visual image presented by the placement of the new discoveries as totally separated by some distance from Asia. One difference being that the WaldseemA?ller map is basically a a€?land mapa€™ and the interiors are somewhat filled-in, whereas the Caveri chart is basically a portolano, or nautical chart, with little or no interior detail.
This Ptolemaic basis results in giving the map an extremely exaggerated representation of the eastern extension of Asia; in fact, the landmass of the Old World, alone, extends through some 230 degrees of longitude. All these we have added to the earlier known places, so that those who are fond of things of this sort may gaze upon all that is known to us of the present day, and may approve of out painstaking labors. In 1512 appeared, far away in Cracow, Poland, in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, the inset hemispheres of the 1507 map, copied and reprinted by the Polish scholar without reference to their source (#319).
From it evolved, indeed, today's concept of the geographical divisions of the continents and islands, and of the great waters that form our earth. A black African discovery of America, it has been argued, took place around 3,000 years ago, and influenced the development of Mayan, Aztec, and Inca civilizations. The naming of America, then, becomes essential to a full understanding of our history and cultural values a€” ourselves a€” especially when considered in terms of the range of theories about the origin of the name.
Subsequently, according to Marcou's account, Vespucci changed his Christian name from Alberico to Amerigo. Amalrich, which literally meant work ruler, or designator of tasks, might be freely translated as master workman.
Moreover, as a reflection of national pride, a theory native to Hungary argues that the European explorers of the New World (or their priests) named it after this popular saint, in the old tradition of bestowing place names in honor of saints. He also had to prepare the official map of newly discovered lands and of the routes to them (for the royal survey), interpreting and coordinating all data that the captains were obliged to furnish. Harriet de OnA­s) are among the best efforts that dispel the shadows to which he was relegated by those who maligned his fame.
In the voyage of 1499a€“1500, Vespucci would seem to have left Hojeda after reaching the coast of what is now Guyana (Carew's homeland). His published letters had fallen into the hands of these German scholars, among whom was the young cartographer Martin WaldseemA?ller.
WaldseemA?ller's 1507 map, lost to scholars until 1901 when it was found in a German castle, is now reckoned to be the first to show the name, and the earliest record of its use. Moreover, to read the passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio as explanation lends credence to the theory, argued by Carew, Marcou, and others, that the early European explorers called the new continent Amerrique or, perhaps, another name with a similar pronunciation.
Their ignoring it, Rea claims, further supports the idea that they were trying to force an explanation and that the only one they could think of was a Latinization of Vespucci's first name. Columbus, who met the Indians of this coast, presumably heard the name Amerrique from them: he was looking for gold and the Indians gave him some, telling him he could get more to the west in the mountains there. Amerrique, therefore, must derive from a Carib word, possibly one of the Carib culture words a€” not a word in the Mayan language, which was not spoken in Nicaragua, though it almost resembles in sound the Quiche Mayan iq' amaq'el meaning perpetual wind. The purchase of the map concluded a nearly century long effort to secure for the Library of Congress that very special cartographic document revealing new European thinking about the world nearly 500 years ago. Waldseemullera€™s 1507 map was a bold statement that rationalized the modern world in light of the exciting news arriving in Europe as a result of explorations sponsored by Spain, Portugal, and othersa€”not only across the Atlantic Ocean, but around the African coast and into the Indian Ocean. Because of Vespucci's recognition of that startling revelation, he was thus honored by the use of his name for the newly discovered continent. Sometime later in history, the family of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg acquired and retained Schoner's portfolio in their castle in Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany, where it remained unknown to scholars until the beginning of the twentieth century when its extraordinary contents were revealed.
Having obtained this license, which allowed this German national treasure to come to the Library of Congress, the Prince pursued an agreement to sell the 1507 map to the Library. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?marquettea€™ of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. They were provided with at least six printed editions and certainly several manuscript versions of the Geographia. The notoriety and mystery that has surrounded both the globe, map and large wall-map has often concentrated on the naming of America, but in truth, given that they named South America after Vespucci, who had sailed furthest around it, it is not unreasonable. Vera Sack found a third example of the gores inserted into a copy of Aristotle published in Freiburg in 1541. An inscription on the map just off Taprobana refers to the voyages of the Portuguese to that area in the year 1507.
The Contarini-Rosselli map of 1506 (#308) and Martin WaldseemA?llera€™s map of the world and globe of 1507 (#310 and #311) were very influential, but not very widely published. Marcus adds nothing whatever as regards facts and data; instead, his treatise is less complete, considering that he fails to mention either Cuba or the continental land which the map exhibits between Newfoundland and South America. Both maps are on fan-shaped conical projections, engraved on copper in typical Italian style, and select from a variety of Spanish, Portuguese, and earlier sources. In its main features the delineation of eastern Asia, to the south of latitude 60 degrees north, on the map of Ruysch, so nearly resembles Behaima€™s globe (#258), that a common original might have served for both. On his famous map ad usum Navigantium of 1569 (#406), he gives the Mediterranean Sea a length of 52 degrees. This suggests that the map was prepared for press in a hurry and the punch used as the quickest method of lettering the plate. Ruysch correctly draws Gruenlant [Greenland] as separate from Europe, not connected with Europe by a vast polar continent as some earlier maps indicate.
Originally a Biblical saga, the story of these two malevolent creatures developed a rich mythology through medieval lore. In like manner, there is a second peninsula above Norway that usually represents Greenland Island (G) on most maps of the period. Wherefore this island is called by many a€?seven cities.a€? This people lived most piously in the full enjoyment of all the riches of this time.
The historian Varnhagen maintained that it was the land seen by Vespucci on his disputed voyage of 1497.
This coast was called a€?Labradora€™s Landa€? as it was first sighted by the Portuguese, JoA?o Fernandes, the a€?llabradora€? or laborer, whom John Cabot had brought with him from the Azores, where he had gone the previous summer to recruit skilled seamen for his crew.
This can be seen simply by comparing the eastern profile of the Terra del Rey de portugall (present-day Newfoundland) in Cantino and the King-Hamy (#307.1), with the profile of the Terra Nova of Ruysch, which is exactly the same region. There is no certain authority for the statement sometimes made that the term was first applied in the west by the Cabots nor for the assertion by Peter Martyr that the word was found by Europeans in use among the natives of Terra Nova. In the Atlantic between Ireland and Greenland lies an island with an inscription stating that this island in the year of our Lord 1456 was totally consumed by fire. But the Spaniards always, and justly, claimed to have discovered that country, as Pinzon had sighted and actually taken possession of the land situated by 8A° 19a€™ south latitude, three months before. For Columbus it was the island of Hispaniola [modern-day Haiti and the Dominican Republic]. Indeed, many scholars of early New World cartography have debated the meaning of this oversight on Ruyscha€™s part. Obviously the printers were taking great care to ensure that it was accurate and up to date.
It can be surmised that Ruysch was confused by Columbusa€™ insistence that Cuba was the eastern tip of a continental Asian promontory; Columbus, on his second voyage (1493-94), went so far as to force his officers to make sworn statements that Cuba was such a peninsula, in effect the Aurea Chersonesus or Cattigara of Ptolemy. This outline continues within the current landmass except to the northwest, where it extends into the ocean as a faint but obvious serpentine line.
No trace of Columbusa€™ fourth voyage (1502-03), in which he stumbled across Central America, is found on Ruyscha€™s map. Pierre Da€™Ailly had declared that there was a€?a fountain in the Terrestrial Paradise which waters the Garden of Delights and which flows out by four rivers,a€? and Columbus himself annotated his copy of the Imago Mundi with a€?Fons est in paradisoa€? [a fountain is in Paradise]. I would be right to call them anthropophagi.a€? That Ruysch, on the later states of his map. We here obtain notices regarding exploring-voyages undertaken before 1508, of which no other information is met with in the history of geographical discovery.


Vespucci said this cape lies eight degrees south of the equator (modern-day Recife), and that thence sailing southwest along the coast they encountered friendly Indians a€?gazing in wonder at us and at the great size of our ships.a€? Vespucci remarked that a few of the Indians, taken a€?to teach us their tongue,a€? volunteered to return to Portugal with them. This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time.
The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction. After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on. The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy.
The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art. Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period.
They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope.
The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes. We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt.
Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period.
Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret. The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances.
If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire.
What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area.
The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. The greater part of Africa and a part of Asia we have distinguished by crescents, which are the emblems of the Sultan of Babylonia, the Lord of all Egypt, and of a part of Asia. To the east of the continent in the inset is the Atlantic, to the west is another great sea with the island Zipangri [Japan, Marco Poloa€™s Zipangu] nearly in the middle of it but closer to the American continent than to the Asian. Mundus Novus [New World] and Terra Incognita [Unknown Land] were less real names than descriptions, though for many years these last two terms were quite prevalent on maps showing new discoveries. The duke and several professors in the college used this press in their geographical project. The decision to display a large expanse of ocean west of the New World discoveries was, of course, pure conjecture on the part of WaldseemA?ller since, in 1507, the discoveries of Balboa and Magellan were still a few years off in the future. On the other hand, navigators unknown to modern historians, may have sailed along the coast of Florida at this time. This lack of any substantive modification, of the Far East especially, is understandable in light of the scarcity of verifiable reports from this region and the focus of popular attention on both Africa and the New World. This one request we have to make, that those who are inexperienced and unacquainted with cosmography shall not condemn all this before they have learned that it will surely be clearer to them later on, when they have come to understand it. To question the origin of America's name is to question the nature of not only our history lessons but our very identity as Americans. The records of Scandinavian expeditions to America are found in sagas a€” their historic cores encrusted with additions made by every storyteller who had ever repeated them.
The two men eventually became friends; Columbus later wrote that he trusted Vespucci and held him in high esteem.
Vespucci, who obtained Spanish citizenship, held this position until his death in Seville in 1512. Nonetheless, both biographers disagree about the authenticity of his two published letters, key documents in a dramatic controversy: Arciniegas accepts them as genuine, whereas Pohl rejects them as forgeries. In the first series of documents, four voyages by Vespucci are described; in the second, only two. Turning south, he is believed to have discovered the mouth of the Amazon River and explored the coast of present-day Brazil.
This voyage is of fundamental importance in the history of geography in that Vespucci himself became convinced that the lands he had explored were not part of Asia but a New World. Inspired to publish a new geography that would embrace the New World, the group collectively authored a revision of Ptolemy, which included a Latin translation of Vespucci's purported letter to Soderini, as well as a new map of the world drawn by WaldseemA?ller. Hudd opens with a reference to Bristol's 1897 celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of North America by John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto), the Italian navigator and explorer who had sailed for England, laying the groundwork for the later British claim to Canada. The map must have created quite a stir in Europe, since its findings departed considerably from the accepted knowledge of the world at that time, which was based on the second century A.D. It is remarkable that our entire Western Hemisphere was thus named for a living person; Vespucci died in 1512. Yet, cartographic contributions by Johannes Schoner in 1515 and by Peter Apian in 1520 adopted the name America for the Western Hemisphere, and that name became part of accepted usage.
The uncovering of the 1507 map in the Wolfegg Castle early last century is thought by many to have been one of the most extraordinary episodes in the history of cartographic scholarship.
In late June 2001, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the Library of Congress reached a final agreement on the sale of the map at the price of $10,000,000.
Waldseemuller recognized the transition taking place, as the title of his map notes and his placement prominently of images of Ptolemy and Vespucci, next to their worlds, at the top portion of the 1507 world map denotes.
In 1949, the Liechtenstein map collection was bought en bloc by the famous New York dealer H.P.
The Aristotle formed part of the Grimmelshausen-Gymnasium library given to the Stadtbucherei Offenburg. This enlarged map of the known world constructed from recent discoveries, engraved on copper, is one of the earliest printed maps showing the discoveries in the new world.
There is only one original copy of each map in existence today, and both of these copies were discovered in the 20th century. It is even doubtful whether the Celestinian monk, or any of the parties engaged in the publication of the Ptolemy of 1507-1508, had any personal intercourse with Ruysch. By this name he probably designates either the illegitimate son of Columbus, Ferdinand, who sojourned in Europe until his 19th year (1509), or rather the brother of Columbus, Bartholomew, who seems to have been an eminent cartographer.
The African continent on the map is yet another cartographic advance as it breaks with the early tradition which held that there was a land-bridge between eastern African and the peninsula of Southeast Asia.
Sri Lanka, under the name of Prilam, is also laid down by Ruysch with about its proper size, and correctly as regards the southern point of India. Both deviate from Fra Mauroa€™s map of the world (#249), which gives us a representation of these regions much inferior to both Behaim and Ruysch. Ruyscha€™s map is also the first printed map on which, in conformity with the drawings on the portolanos, a tolerably correct direction is given to the northern coast of Africa, by attending to the considerable difference of latitude between the coastlines to the east and to the west of Syrtis, and by giving a proper form to that bay. So, it was in place long before Ruysch made his map, and to be true, no one knows from what saint it was named. Instead of connected with Europe, he links Greenland with Asia through Newfoundland (Terra Nova). Gog and Magog were traditionally imprisoned behind the Caspian gates by Alexander the Great; belief in the menace was so great that the level-headed Roger Bacon hoped that the study of geography might predict when, and from what direction, their onslaught might come in the days of the Antichrist so as better to prepare to defend against them. Above this is Hyperborea Europa (H) which is a carryover from the Norveca Europa of the de Virga map of 1414 (#240) where it was presumed the Hyperboreans lived near the North Pole.
Sailing seven hundred miles south-south-west from Chamba the traveler, says Polo, passes two uninhabited islands, Ruyscha€™s SODVR and CANDVR. Turning north, a€?they had,a€? says Peter Martyr, a€?in a manner continual daylight.a€? The action of the compass in those high latitudes might well cause the alarm expressed in the above inscriptions. By 1506 Portuguese fishermen were hauling so much cod from northern American waters that their monarch sought tariffs on its import. Here the compasses of the ships lose their power, and it is not possible for ships which have iron on board to return. It is tempting to suggest that this is an epitaph for the fabulous island of Brasil from Irish legend.
The other six originated in Portugal, and were delineated during the first few years of the 16th century. They consequently never accepted its Lusitanian name, and invariably called that region Tierra del Brasil. Henry Harrisse, in his book, The Discovery of North America, states that as early as 1526 Franciscus Monachus criticized the Ruysch map for its depictions in the Caribbean Sea. Apparently much soul- searching was done in the choosing of its delineations, especially in regard to the New World. Within this smaller island, and to the left of the name CORVEO are found the faint letters DE CV Under the small triangle preceding the name CORVEO is the letter B and under the following C the letter A is found.
At the southern end of South America another inscription states that the Portuguese had sailed as far south as 50A° latitude without seeing the southern limit of the land, possibly also a reference to Vespuccia€™s third voyage. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times. He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing.
Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca.
From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II.
There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed.
Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od.
Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e. At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth.
In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres]. And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world. It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands. On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping.
Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes.
This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. 90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography. Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history.
However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century.
The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C. The part of Asia called Asia Minor we have surrounded with a saffron-colored cross joined to a branding iron, which is the symbol of the Sultans of the Turks, who rules Scythia this side of the Imaus, the highest mountains of Asia and Sarmatian Scythia. Westward from that island is to be recognized the eastern coast of Asia, showing Catay, or Cathay, and other identifiable names. But now the fact that there was a new continent beyond the western ocean had become nearly common knowledge throughout Europe, and there was everywhere a subconscious demand for an adequate name, a universally acceptable name. In all its forms the underlying meaning was that of work; as for example, the word for work in Hebrew is amal, and in old Norse aml, the consonant sounds of which were retained in the verb moil.
In this respect, WaldseemA?ller may have been led by the maps of La Cosa, Caveri, and Cantino to believe that this was at least a possibility, for he depicts a small portion of the northern mainland extending from the narrow strait in Central America to just north of Terra Ulteria€? Incognita [Florida]. Not many interior details are shown to speak of, but a large group of natives is shown at the Cape, and above them, a large vignette of an elephant. As can be seen, Terra Incognita replaces America and it is placed up against a frame that avoids any speculation as to the size or shape of the new continent(s). It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia and Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Emeric, and Emery. In the face of the spurious charges that he was an ignorant usurper of the merits of others, the fact that Spain entrusted him, a foreigner, with the office of pilot major certainly bolsters his defense. Until the 1930s the documents of the first series were considered from the point of view of the order of the four voyages.
On the way back, he reached Trinidad, sighting en route the mouth of the Orinoco River, and then made for Haiti. Unlike Columbus, who, to his death, clung to the idea that he had found the shores of Asia, Vespucci defined what had indeed been found a€” and for this he has been rightfully honored. He clearly never tried to have the New World named after him or to belittle his friend Columbus.
Very different spellings for the same Carib word reflect variants that sound little like each other; thus, the variants of the name Carib are Canibe, Galibi, Caniba, Canibal and Caliban. For his achievement Cabot received a handsome pension conferred upon him by the King, from the hands of the Collectors of Customs of the Port of Bristol. In 1479, four Bristol merchants received a royal charter to find another source of fish and trade. The map sheets have been maintained separated (not joined, with each of the large maps comprised of twelve separate sheets) and that is the probable reason why they survived. In late May 2003, the Library completed a successful campaign to purchase Waldseemullera€™s 1507 world map, after receiving substantial Congressional and private support to achieve the terms of the contract.
37 (1985), 30-53, is an extensive airing of the date of the printing of the 1507 world map and other Waldseemuller contributions. But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world you will hereafter find out and read.a€? Harrisse thinks it probable that a real globe accompanied and was sold with this little volume. Ringmann, a supporter of Vespucci, had already published in 1505 an edition of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus, a vivid description of the New World which became a bestseller around Europe. The mystery of the globe map, its definition of Florida (before it was discovered by the Spanish), the Pacific (before any man had officially seen it), the coast of South America (before anyone had officially sailed along it) and the use of the name The Western Ocean in the Pacific, all suggest that the Portuguese may have been more active west of the Tordesillas Treaty Line before 1505. Kraus, however the globe map was retained and offered by the Prince at a special auction at Parke-Bernet in New York on 24 May 1950. By contrast, Johannes Ruyscha€™s 1508 map of the world was much more widely published and many copies were produced and still exist. Otherwise we would certainly find in the elaborate description that Marcus Beneventanus gives of the transatlantic discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese, some statement or name that should have been omitted in the map.
For there is an annotation on a copy of: Paesi nouvamente retrovaetc, Vicentia 1507, at the library Magliabechi, stating that Bartholomew, when visiting Rome in 1505, wrote, for a canon of the church of San Giovanni di Laterano, a narrative of the first voyage across the ocean, to which a map of the new discoveries was appended.
It is thought (see the Beneventanus commentary below) that he accompanied John Cabot on his expedition to North America in 1497 and 1498, or, considering the prevalence of Portuguese names on his 1507 map, a Portuguese ship leaving from Bristol. Ruysch adopts the Portuguese name, Terra Sancte Crucis [Land of the Holy Cross] for South America instead of Tierra del Brazil, the name used by the Spaniards. It is also the first map that shows the Portuguese discoveries and landfalls along the southern and Cape coasts.
Taprobana is placed further towards the East Indian peninsula, in which position this geographical remnant from the time of Alexander the Great was retained, down to the middle of the 16th century. Neither is it any reason for thinking that the island above Norway is meant to be Svalbard. In addition, he shows the northern polar regions as a basin with a number of islands, thus prompting the long-held hope for a Northwest passage from Europe to Asia. This threat was quite real to Columbus, who figured himself prominently into the events, believed by him to be close at hand, leading to the end of the world.
Across the vertical ocean or Ginnungagap (GP) is a caption that cautions mariners not to rely upon compass bearings as the compass fails in this region. Among the Polean islands lying further to the south on Ruyscha€™s map is AGAMA, which like TOLMA would later be transposed to the New World as a region of the Northwest Coast. The evidence that the landfall of the Cabots was Greenland and not Labrador is cited by Biggar. There are forests, mountains and rivers: there is the greatest abundance of pearls and gold.
Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem.
I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map.
It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era. The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making.
See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes.
Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research. Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic. Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction. The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps.
There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century.
It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration. Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere.
But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer.
Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today. There was no question whatever in the mapmaker's mind, therefore, as to the separate identities of the American and Asian continents.
Here the northern coast terminates abruptly with open sea beyond approximately 50 degrees, with Newfoundland being shown as an island far to the east.
While the shape his Africa resembles reality more so than Martellusa€™, WaldseemA?ller extends the continent to beyond its actual 34 degrees South in a similarly misguided manner as Martellus with WaldseemA?llera€™s Africa reaching an inexplicable 50 degrees plus.
Gone, however, is that mysterious strait that had separated North and South America on the 1507 map.
But the question concerning the authenticity of these historic letters remains fundamental to the evaluation of Vespucci's achievement. According to the conflicting theory to which Pohl and other modern scholars subscribe, these documents should be regarded as the result of skillful, unauthorized manipulations by entrepreneurs, and the sole authentic papers would be the private letters, so that the verified voyages would be reduced to two. Vespucci thought he had sailed along the coast of the extreme easterly peninsula of Asia, where Ptolemy, the 2nd-century Greek geographer, believed the market of Cattigara to be; so he looked for the tip of this peninsula, calling it Cape Cattigara. Nonetheless, the name America spread throughout Europe and quickly established itself through sheer force of usage. One of these officials, the senior of the two, who was probably the person who handed over the money to the explorer, was named Richard Ameryk (also written Ap Meryke [Welsh] on one deed, and elsewhere written Amerycke) who seems to have been a leading citizen of Bristol at the time. Not until 1960 did someone find bills of trading records indicating that Richard Amerike was involved in this business. To us, the 1507 map appears remarkably accurate; but to the world of the early sixteenth century it represented a considerable departure from accepted views regarding the composition of the world. The portfolio with its great treasure was uncovered and revealed to the world in 1901 by the Jesuit priest Josef Fischer, who was conducting research in the Waldburg collection. And from that fragile first glimpse of the world, so adequately described by WaldseemuI?ller in 1507, the Library of Congressa€™ cartographic resources provide the historical breadth and cartographic depth to fill in the geographic blanks left by those early cosmographers.
Works that have increased our knowledge about WaldseemuI?ller and the group in Saint-DieI? include: Joseph Fischer and Franz R.
They exhibit the Old World, in the main, in accord with the Ptolemaic idea, and the New World with a close resemblance to the Caveri map record (#307), and that of WaldseemA?llera€™s world map of 1507. By April 1507, WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann had completed the booklet, Cosmographiae Introductio, to accompany the globe and wall-map. Such information would have been kept secret by the Portuguese, and it is perhaps here in this globe that the secrets were first drawn up for a wider audience, particularly since Vespuccia€™s allegiance to Portugal changed when he became a Spanish citizen. The catalogue published a reserve of $50,000, but it failed to sell and was sold privately in 1954 to James Ford Bell for approximately $45,000.
They were offered for sale in 1991, and purchased by the Bavarian State library in Munich for approximately 2 million DM (in excess of $1million). The few personal details given by the commentator and by Thomas Aucuparius in the preface were most probably conveyed by a letter accompanying the map when it was sent in manuscript from Germany to Rome. His general accuracy in the eastern hemisphere is almost certainly due to contemporary information gained from Portuguese navigators and explorers. Ruysch seems to have had no doubt that Gruenlant was a part of Asia and not of Europe as usually represented on maps of this period.
In the gulf formed by North America and the ominous land of Gog and Magog lies the Spanish Main, the Caribbean, which in Ruyscha€™s mind was really the China Sea. Usually, maps had this caption southwest of Greenlanda€”thus one may be on good grounds for identifying the land here called Grvenlant as Labrador (L). Mixing Polean, Portuguese, and Ptolemaic data, Ruysch charts a JAVA MAJOR and LAVA MINOR, Poloa€™s Java and Sumatra respectively. Ruysch uses the term to designate the entire peninsula of North America, and names its most southeasterly point as C. Cannibalism had, though, been reported independently by early mainland explorers, such as Vespucci, perhaps rendering the Trindad association more plausible in Ruyscha€™s mind.
No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings.
Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars.
It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities.
Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense.
The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds. Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts. Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond.
A red cross symbolizes Prester John (who rules both eastern and southern India and who resides in Biberith); and finally on the fourth division of the earth, discovered by the kings of Castile and Portugal, we have placed the emblems of those sovereigns. This interpretation is similar to both Cantino and Caveri and helped keep alive the possibility of a northern access to the as yet unnamed Pacific and, of course, the riches of far Cathay. Over to the left, on Tabula Terra Nove, apparently referring to the Pearl Coast and perhaps to Honduras, we read the surprising inscription: Hec terra cum adiacentib insulis inuenta est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castellae [This land with the adjacent islands was discovered by Columbus of Genoa by order of the King of Castile]. Its appearance undoubtedly ignited a debate in Europe regarding its portrayal of an unknown continent (unknown to Europe and others in the Eastern Hemisphere) between two huge bodies of water, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and separated from the classical world of Ptolemy, which had been confined to the continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia.
Shortly after the appearance of the 1507 world map by Waldseemuller, Vespucci was appointed the first Pilot Major in the Spanish House of Trade (the Casa de la ContratacioI?n) in Seville, and in that capacity was responsible for navigational issues and concerns of Spanish shipping to the new western possessions, across the Atlantic.
In 1903 an elaborate set of facsimiles of the 1507 and the 1516 maps accompanied by a scholarly study by Josef Fischer and Franz von Wieser appeared. The North American region is nameless, but the South American region bears conspicuously the name America. According to the historian Henry Harrisse, if Ruysch had supervised the engraving in person, the probability is that the nomenclature would have been entirely in Latin, or according to its original Portuguese form, instead of being so frequently Italianized, as is seen in the pronoun a€?doa€?, everywhere written a€?dea€?, and in the words Terra secca, C.
This may be a notice respecting the same map, that Marcus Beneventanus had seen with a€?Columbus Nepos,a€? and which appears to have been partly copied by Ruysch, whose map consequently may be regarded as a direct illustration of the ideas prevailing in the family of Columbus as to the distribution of the continents and oceans of the globe. Off the coast of Gruenlant is the location of an island that was totally consumed by fire in the year of our Lord, 1456. Since most historians have assumed this is simply another frivolous naminga€”we can understand the controversy over whether the Spanish navigator Fernandez (The Labrador) actually discovered Greenland or Labrador. He creates a a€?moderna€? Sri Lanka [PRILAM] from Portuguese sources but exiles the old TAPROBANA, the Sri Lanka or Ceylon of Ptolemy, to the east, giving it both the old and new names (TAPROBANA ALIAS ZOILON), and mistakenly notes the 1507 Portuguese landfall in Sri Lanka by it rather than by Prilam. Popularly it was also called La terra dagli Papaga [Parrotsa€™ Land], on account of those large and beautiful birds that Gaspar de Lemos brought to Portugal. Then it is more probable that this feature of the map is inspired by the Inventio Fortunatae, or from the fact that the old cartographers wanted the landmasses to be in balance.
The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C. The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas.
It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him.
Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks.
Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction. Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries].
Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example.
And what is to be borne in mind, we have marked with crosses shallow places in the sea where shipwreck may be feared.
Gemma Frisius and Sebastian Munster edited versions of the latter, so that the WaldseemA?ller type, or Lusitano-Germanic Group, held the field until the advent of Mercator, Ortelius, and the Dutch school of the mid-16th century. A statement that is in obvious conflict with the thrust of both the graphic productions of 1507 (map and globe) and the text of Introductio CosmographiA¦ referred to earlier - both prepared more or less as a testimony to Amerigo Vespucci. As soon as he was back in Spain, he equipped a fresh expedition with the aim of reaching Asia. Glaciato and Capo formoso, which certainly indicate a translation of Portuguese names, made not by a German, but by an Italian, without being errors of the engraver. The one inscription to the left of India states that this sea, which on the Ptolemaic maps was represented as landlocked (#119), was shown by the Portuguese to be connected with the ocean. On the other hand, we know that several cartographers identified North American mainland as a€?Greenlanda€? so the label for Labrador on this map is not so unusual.
De Fundabril on the peninsula extending toward Spagnola is suggestive of Cuba as that name was given by Columbus, on his second voyage, to a cape on the coast of Cuba which he left the on the 30th of April. Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization.
Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias.
The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface.
Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. But the Spanish government did not welcome his proposals, and at the end of 1500 Vespucci went into the service of Portugal. He is thought to be the a€?Fleming called Johna€?, a close friend of Raphael who at one point resided with him. On Taprobane (alias Zoilon), which almost corresponds to the immense island currently called Sumatra, there is a long legend, partly borrowed from Ptolemy, but with the interesting addition that Portuguese mariners arrived there in 1507.
On the scroll upon the west coast of this unnamed land is the inscription: As far as this the ships of Ferdinand have come. South of JAVA MINOR [Sumatra] an inscription refers to an archipelago of precisely 7,448 islands reported by Polo, probably the Philippines but here suggesting Indonesia. BACCALAURAS [codfish island], testifying to that fisha€™s profound influence on early Atlantic exploration. Crvcis, but Cabo de Santa Maria de la Consolacion which is the name given to that cape by Pinzon on January 26, 1500, or Rostro Hermoso, as he also, if not de Lepe, named it. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate.
Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date.
Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form.
Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society. The Cosmographiae provided an introduction to the new geography of the world as laid out in the globe and wall-map, and included a Latin translation of Vespuccia€™s four voyages.
It has been suggested that he assisted and advised Raphael on his 1509-1510 Astronomia and other frescoes in the Stanza della segnatura.
Another legend on the southeastern parts of Asia alludes to the existence of numerous islands in that part of the ocean, of which notices from Indian merchants seem to have already reached Europe. This term, in its sundry Romance variations, soon became a major place-name associated with North America. Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through.
He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter.
The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface. Not long after, Ruysch went to work at the Portuguese court as cartographer and astronomer, presumably by recommendation of Julius II who was a friend of Manuel I of Portugal. It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement.
As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities. At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu.
This Portuguese influence may be due only to the fact that Portuguese charts, while kept in great secrecy, were more numerous than Spanish ones. This comment, as well as the rivera€™s latitude and its probable origin in the Corte-Real voyages, all suggest that this is the Gulf of St.
The adjacent features also make sense in this interpretation; C GLACIATO (a reference to glacial waters) would be Newfound-land, C DE PORTOGESI would be Nova Scotia, and IN BACCALAURAS would be Cape Breton or Prince Edward Island. This Chinese Li was by the European cartographers confounded with the Italian mile (60 = 1 degree).



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