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Sans costume, Robert (not his real name) is a property developer, recently divorced, and living with his 19-year-old daughter. The TLC film follows Robert and two other men as they attempt to merge their everyday lives with a desire to don lifelike bodysuits and almost cartoonish masks to masquerade as full-figured female dolls.
Robert began dabbling in cross-dressing 16 years ago, not long after finding some discarded women’s clothes in a rental property. Robert calls the purchase “a life-changing experience,” and he slips into his FemSkin once a week or so for elaborately costumed photo shoots in his house, which he posts on Sherry’s Facebook page.
For the past seven years, dozens of dolls have descended on Minneapolis for the annual “Rubber Doll World Rendezvous,” reveling in a community and acceptance they’re hard-pressed to find at home. Robert, attending his first Rubber Doll World Rendezvous this past year, donned a gold bikini, gold gloves, and a shiny blond wig to greet fellow maskers with whom he’d only had an online relationship until then. For producer Luke Malone, 32, and director Nick Sweeney, 31, the world of dolls and masking is a topic they’ve mulled for six years, fascinated by a popular YouTube account of a masker named Julie.
Even participants in the cross-dressing scene are visibly uncomfortable around the mask because of its horror movie connotations. Some families and significant others, including John’s wife and daughters, are more accepting.
But Malone and Sweeney say fears of discrimination were unfounded when they went out with the dolls and a film crew.
The documentary’s most touching scene is when Robert introduces Sherry to the outside world for the first time, walking around his old stomping grounds of Newport Beach in his full doll getup. Robert may still be confused about his hobby and nervous about preserving his anonymity, but he isn’t putting on the brakes anytime soon. This is an updated version of an article that first appeared on the Daily Beast on January 7, 2014. It’s a practised stare, cold, hard and unblinking, that the sniper levels at the cluster of abandoned homes.
On the other side, his counterpart has been pestering the small contingent of Kurdish fighters for days.
At such close proximity, Hassan’s men must also contend with a near-daily barrage of mortars.
Erbil, Iraq: Mustafa Yusif Mustafa, a medic with the Zeravani forces shows a laminated version of the training certificate he received from Canadian special forces stationed in the Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq.
Vance, for the first time, identified the group being trained as the Zeravani forces, and said Canada will form and arm a Zeravani “commando” force. Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan brought a similar message to the commander of the Zeravani forces back in December. Al-Khazr, Iraq.* Zeravani forces man a heavy machine gun at frontlines of the fight against the self-styled Islamic State.
The decision to so strongly support the Zeravani was based in part on information provided by Canada’s foreign service and Canada’s amabssador in Jordan—information that ignored the tenuous political situtation in Kurdistan and the deep divides that plague all of Kurdistan’s armed groups, including the peshmerga, say several Canadian foreign service sources, both current and recently retired, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
The agreement held until regional elections in 2009 and the emergence of a third political movement, Gorran, that became the official opposition. Canadian Defence Department officials argue Canada’s focus on the Zeravani is part of a larger strategy formulated in consultation with its coalition allies. But critics of Canada’s approach say Canadian officials have not, in practice, supported the regional government, but only one side of it. Al-Khazr, Iraq.* Colonel Abdularrahman Hassan, a commander of the Zeravani forces, keeps an eye on Islamic State positions at the frontlines near Mosul. Kakei, a Canadian citizen who joined Gorran in September 2014, adds that he cannot understand why Canada has been so one-sided in its support for the Kurds. Canadian diplomats say other coalition countries have at least tried to make their support for the Kurds broad-based, training both KDP and PUK peshmerga while pressuring the parties to unify their forces. According to three senior diplomatic sources who spoke to Maclean’s, the narrowing of Canada’s sphere of influence in Iraq stems primarily from the emergence of Islamic State and a new focus within the foreign service on the destruction of ISIS. In April 2013, Stephen Harper appointed his close confidant and head of personal security, Bruno Saccomani, as ambassador to Jordan, which is also responsible for Iraq. Around the same time, a 2012 internal RCMP report that was leaked to the media outlined claims from junior RCMP officers in Saccomani’s detail of intimidation, favouritism and harassment.

Artist Ron Piccirillo claims he found the heads of a lion, an ape and a buffalo hovering in the air in the background of the Mona Lisa, after turning the painting on its side.
New York artist Ron Piccirillo is claiming to have unlocked the secrets behind one of the most mysterious faces in history - Mona Lisa. Piccirillo argues that several animals can be seen hidden in the painting when it is set horizontally.
The animals led Piccirillo to Leonardo da Vinci's journals and a few passages that mention the animals he sees.
One of the passages that references "her heart gnawed by a swelling serpent" also says, "Give her a leopard's skin, because this creature kills the lion out of envy and by deceit." Though the passage does not mention the "Mona Lisa" specifically, Piccirillo said he believes the references to the serpent and the lion lead back to the painting and back to the woman with the infamous smile. Piccirillo said he believes that Mona Lisa was not an actual person, but, rather, symbolic of the human trait of envy. Members of the art community do not necessarily agree with Piccirillo's sense of the importance of his discovery.
Lincoln called the theory "problematic" and said that the interpretation may have more to do with the viewer than the painting itself.
Lincoln also noted that da Vinci's journals themselves are fragmentary and were put back together after his death. But when he powders his latex and silicone suit and climbs in, pulling a frozen, doll-faced mask over his head, and throwing on a wig and a dress, he’s Sherry. And he has reason to be concerned—masking is one of the last taboos among gender-bending subcultures, misunderstood and alienated even by the cross-dressers Robert goes out with. But he hated the way he looked with a face full of makeup and had nearly given it up until he donned his first mask. It came from a family-owned and -operated business running out of Wildwood, Florida, where Barbie Ramos and her three sons build and deliver $1,800 realistic custom-made skins to clients across the globe. They paint his nails and help him dress as he transforms into Jennifer, a towering doll with wavy brown hair and a black leather bodysuit. Still a scattered and hidden bunch, maskers keep in touch via online social networks such as Doll’s Pride.
Less than a year ago, the pair, who’ve known each other since attending university together in Sydney, Australia, decided to pursue the little-known subject.The community of maskers, normally wary of outsiders, warmed quickly to the filmmakers. We will not share your email with anyone for any reasonSince masking is such a new and unusual lifestyle, they’re viewed as strange even by similar subcultures. Joel, a 28-year-old British masker, has been dressing up—while hiding his suits from his parents—since he was 15. His target is not far off: 200 m or so across rolling green fields in territory belonging to the self-styled Islamic State.
For a year and a half, al-Khazr, 35 km southeast of the Islamic State stronghold of Mosul, Iraq, has been a key outpost protecting Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan Region, from advances by Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS. Suicide bombers sneaking through the tall grasses are a threat too, as is an all-out assault similar to the one ISIS attempted in December last year, which the Kurds beat back with the help of their Canadian trainers. Jonathan Vance, Canada’s chief of defence staff, arrived at al-Khazr with reporters in tow to outline Canada’s secretive training mission in northern Iraq. In press reports following Vance’s visit, they were referred to simply as peshmerga, a term that describes Kurdish forces in general.
Canadian special forces stationed in the Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq have focused their training and supply mission on the Zeravani, a security force attached to the Kurdistan Region’s Interior Ministry and considered loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or KDP. Three sources with ties to the embassy say the advice ignored the warnings of other Kurdish political groups and diplomats in the region.
But its critics say it may also be sowing the seeds for longer-term instability that could someday come back to not only haunt the region, but undermine Canada’s reputation as a reliable partner in the Middle East.
Hassan, now occupy key frontline positions around Mosul and have reportedly been involved in some of the most important Kurdish victories against ISIS, including the retaking of Sinjar last November. Gorran has targeted Kurdistan’s main power brokers, particularly the Barzanis, with allegations of corruption and nepotism, a message that resonates with a growing segment of Kurds.
Last October, Gorran was blamed for stoking protests demanding the Kurdistan Region president, Masoud Barzani, step down.
During his time in the ministry of peshmerga affairs, he says he met regularly with other coalition members, but never Canadians.

Diplomats and experts were stunned, pointing out Saccomani had no experience handling such a complex file. The Rochester graphic designer and painter said a lion, ape and buffalo can be seen around Mona Lisa's head and a snake or crocodile is near her right shoulder.
He also believes that his discovery will be important to an art community that has been puzzled by the painting for centuries.
She pointed out that the image people are looking at is not the original painting and that even the original has been worn down by time, with crack and oil. Transformed into Sherry, Robert joins the living dolls, a group of like-minded men profiled in a new documentary.When 71-year-old Robert looks in the mirror, which he does often when dolled up, he sees a beautiful blond woman, voluptuous in her yellow halter dress and chunky heels. The two-day convention hosts seminars that range from “introducing this activity to spouses, dealing with friends, raising children and addressing strangers,” to “latex repair and maintenance.” At night, they hit the clubs together, posing for pictures with amazed patrons. Once they were interviewing a doll when a tough-looking man walked past and demanded to know “what the fuck was going on.” Malone, thinking the guy was going to throw a punch, explained the costume.
For hours on end the sniper lies still on a foam mat, training his sight for any sign of movement: a reflection from binocular glass, a scurry or a shift, anything that will provide him with a reason to fire. The bullets whistle over the top of the sandbagged berm protecting the Kurds from Islamic State. Other political groups complain that Canada has played favourites, arming and training forces that have political ties at the expense of Kurdish unity. Until then, Canadian officials had been tight-lipped about what exactly the mission in Iraq involved or what its 69 Special Operations forces had been doing.
But the Zeravani, according to several Canadian diplomatic sources, as well as military and government officials in Kurdistan, are not part of any broad-based Kurdish military force. Global Affairs Canada rejects the claims and says it listens to all political groups in Kurdistan. Government ministries, divided between the two dominant parties—the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—often fight over scarce resources and field their own security forces.
Other political groups complain that Canada has played favourites, arming and training forces that have political ties at the expense of Kurdish unity.(Photograph by Adnan R. Her name is Sherry and she passes the time taking selfies in the courtyard of her Orange County mansion and floating topless in the macaroni-shaped pool. His own daughter has adopted a “don’t ask, don’t tell” defense since he revealed his habit last year.
His live-in girlfriend doesn’t seem to mind the unusual hobby, though Joel knows better than to test her acceptance out in the wider world. They have become so commonplace that the Kurdish fighters—a group of three are sitting on a broken old couch drinking tea, others cleaning weapons—barely take notice. It is a specialized unit nominally attached to the ministry of interior and in practice overseen by one political party in Kurdistan.
The KDP, for instance, operates a “counterterrorism force” headed by Masrour Barzani, the son of Masoud Barzani, the Kurdistan Region’s president. In their wake, Barzani’s nephew, Kurdistan Region Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani, removed four Gorran ministers, including the minster of peshmerga affairs (technically the man in charge of Kurdistan’s military), from their posts and prevented the speaker of the house, also from Gorran, from entering the Kurdish capital, Erbil, a KDP stronghold.
After ISIS took control of Mosul, Gorran parliamentarians proposed a law that would merge the peshmerga. The failure of his first marriage was due in part to the rubber doll habit, his second one has had similar issues, and Child Protective Services have even been called to his house.
Patience was one of the key things he learned from his Canadian trainers, he had explained earlier, the ability to focus on his breath and stay relaxed.
Canada has embarked on a dangerous strategy by backing the Zeravani, those same sources say.
The PUK, meanwhile, has its own “counterterrorism group,” headed by Lahur Talabani, son of Jalal Talabani, the founder of the PUK. But since the end of 2014, contacts with Gorran have stopped.” Samal Aburrahman, the head of Gorran’s Erbil office, says, “we don’t even know what Canada has provided to Kurdistan.

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