Description: Printed as part of an edition of Ptolemya€™s Geography, in the dedication to this edition, Sylvanus declares himself to be the author. Geographically, while one of the very earliest printed maps to show any part of the North American continent, Sylvanus is still less advanced than his immediate predecessors. In the Trivulziana collection in Milan is an unusual metal casket of Italian origin which has a cordiform map of the world engraved in metal on the lid.
Although Vasco da Gamaa€™s success in reaching India via southern Africa in 1497-99 vindicated Portugala€™s earlier decision to abandon intensive exploration west of the Azores, the incentive to sail west had remained strong and some adventuresome individuals undertook, often at their own expense, further voyages of discovery into the western ocean.
Sylvanus records the North American landfall of the Corte-Real brothers as regalis domus, a curious term in that it is a€?corte-reala€? inverted and Latinized.
They say this country is very populous and the houses of its inhabitants are of long strips of wood covered with the skins of fish. Another noteworthy observer to the affair was the Italian Alberto Cantino, perhaps best described as a foreign spy. East of the homeland of these amiable people is terra laboratoruz, or Labrador, discovered by Joao Fernandes, a Portuguese-Azorian who sailed under the British flag and whose important voyage is contemporary with that of the Corte-Reals. In South America, called Terra Sanctae Crucis [Land of the Holy Cross], the only place-name is canibaluz romon.
In the Caribbean, just west of Cuba and Hispaniola (but on the other end of the map) lies Zampagu Ins [Japan]. Sylvanus left the eastern shores of Asia and the western bounds of the Corte-Reala€™s North America open, thus allowing for the possibility that they were contiguous. This map, and the other maps in the 1511 Ptolemy atlas, were the first to be actually printed in color.
Sylvanusa€™ map was not reprinted and hence remains relatively scarce.A  Occasional copies may be found printed on vellum. DESCRIPTION: Just as the Juan de la Cosa map (#305) graphically dramatizes the impact of Columbus on Renaissance Europe, the Cantino planisphere glorifies the achievements of the great Portuguese navigators of the same period, including Vasco da Gama, Cabral, and the Corte-Real brothers. Cantino having occasion to return to Italy, took the map with him, left it in Genoa to be forwarded to Ferrara; and from Rome, wrote a letter to his master. The large manuscript world chart is a a€?planispherea€? drawn on vellum, colored and gilt, and measures 218 x 102 cm and is the earliest surviving Portuguese map of new discoveries in the East and West.
From the moment that we admit the existence of a map which exhibited the northwestern continental region as reaching only to the Tropic of Cancer, we may presume that there may also have been a map which represented that land ten degrees shorter still; inasmuch as such is, prima facie at least, its latitudinal area in the map of Cantino.
The latest geographical datum in the present map is, at the north, the legend expressing fears that Gaspar Corte-Real had perished: e crese que he perdido. The names north and south of Porto Seguro, on the Atlantic coast, were inscribed, as already stated, after the map had been delivered to Cantino, but very soon afterwards, and at Lisbon. As to the northwestern configuration, the historian Henry Harrisse is hesitant to believe that it appeared in Cantino for the first time. Evidence of when an early manuscript was produced is essential in determining its priority and significance.
The American coastline remains fragmentary, because up to this time probes had been made only to the West Indies, Nova Scotia-Newfoundland, part of the South American coast, and possibly Florida.
In the north Iceland is placed very nearly in its proper location and the Corte-Real landfalls in Greenland and Labrador (1500-01) are marked by Portuguese flags and by the legend contained in a banderol (against Greenland): This land which was discovered by order of . Farther west, majestic trees on the large island labeled Terra del Rey de portugall [Land of the King of Portugal] in the North Atlantic recall the description of the east coast of Newfoundland given by the Corte-Reals when they returned to Lisbon in October 1501.
These two maps, the Cantino and the Caveri, both of Portuguese background, are the basis of the cartographical series, dominant for the next quarter century, which Harrisse aptly named the Lusitano-Germanique Group or Type (Ganong refers to this map as a Vespucci Type).
As the name indicates, that series of charts and globes was based upon data sent from Portugal.
Cast far away into the sea, to the northeast of the northwest coast, there was Newfoundland, designated as Terra de Corte-Real; whilst Greenland, under the name of Terra laboratoris, assumed the shape of a long and narrow island, stretching from east to west. 2.The second type set forth the same South American configurations as the first, but with the Venezuelan coast unbroken. 3.The third type differed from the Cantino chart with respect to the northwestern continental region by its extension southward about five degrees, and additional names inscribed on the northern coast. 4.The fourth type differed from the preceding by a more complete or elaborate delineation of the northeastern continental region, which here extended, southwardly, about eleven degrees, with insular additions.
This fourth type is represented by the curious planisphere of Nicolay de Caveri (#307), and, with modifications, in the SchA¶nerean globes (#330, #345). 5.The fifth type presented the same nomenclature and configurations as the preceding, but probably with different legends or general titles for the north and south continental regions.
1.A map with Cuba exhibited in an insular form, according to the first statements of Columbus himself, and without any continental region situated west of that island. 2.A map with Cuba (called Ilha yssabella) represented together with a western continent close to it, but the latter extending southward only to about our 20 degrees 30 minutes north latitude. 3.A map resembling the preceding, but with its northeastern coast prolonged through a gulf, about five degrees southwardly. 5.A map with a continuous coastline, connecting definitely both sections of the American continent. This evolution found its last term when the Lusitanian nomenclature, which is inscribed on that continental region, was blended with configurations borrowed from the Sevillan Hydrography, upon the latter appearing directly for the first time in Central Europe. In the succeeding two years, two of the Portuguese maps in the so-called Kunstmann Series, one of them by Pedro Reinel show the Newfoundland area with full indication of Portuguese sovereignty and occupancy. All of these were manuscript maps of limited circulation, but in 1506 appeared in Florence, engraved by Francesco Roselli, a world map (#308) on a conical projection constructed by Giovanni Matteo Contarini.
The maps of the first type have exercised little or no influence on the contemporary cartographers of Central Europe. By comparing together the configurations of that northwestern continental land in the maps which represent what we call Types II, III, IV, and V, the reader will notice and bear in mind that in Cantino (Type II), the said region ends at the south with a sort of peninsula trending eastward. A significant point to be kept in mind in the discussion of the maps of Cantino and Caveri and their chief derivative, the WaldseemA?ller world map of 1507 (#310), is that, whether or not they regarded Newfoundland as an island, they showed Verrazzano and his contemporaries no connection of solid land between Newfoundland and the Florida landmass portrayed on them.
It is to be observed as a matter of special interest that the makers of both the Cantino and Caveri maps intended to convey the belief that the two continents of North and South America formed a grand division of the earth separated from both Europe and Asia and lying between the two. Area A is the continental land that emerges from the northwestern extremity of the map, and trends eastwards.
Area B represents its peninsula, with one of the names that serve to identify the relative positions in Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes. Area C is the west end of the island of Cuba, here called, as in all that class of maps, Ilha yssabella. If we are seeing Cuba (C) and Florida (B), no one knows from whom this information came, as Florida was not formally discovered until 1513.
Northwest of Ilha yssabella a coastline is laid down marked Parte de Assia and bearing names from Columbusa€™ first two voyages.
Lawrence Wroth and other historians of New World discoveries believe that both Cuba and Florida were depicted, and that Cantinoa€™s chart was the prototype for the important maps of the Lusitano-Germanic series. The Brazilian coast is decorated with Portuguese flags, beautiful parrots and trees and announcements of the landing in April 1500 by the Portuguese, Pedro Alvares Cabral. The African continent is shown for the first time with something closely approaching its correct outline: on the east coast the names of Soffala, Mozambique, Kilwa, and Melinde occur, and the island of Madagascar is inserted but not named.
The main feature to be noted with regard to Asia is the almost complete abandonment of Ptolemya€™s conception of the southern coasts, and the great reduction in the longitudinal extent of the continent. The so-called King-Hamy chart (#307.1), also dated 1502, is interesting as showing the Ptolemaic conceptions of Asia in the process of being fitted to the new discoveries in the west.
The Cantino chart, therefore, demonstrates clearly that Portuguese cosmographers had entirely abandoned the Alexandriana€™s figures, and were already aware that the Spanish discoveries in the west, far from neighboring on Cipangu [Japan] and the Asian mainland, were separated from them by an interval of almost half the circumference of the globe.
The Cantino planisphere is the earliest extant example of the so-called latitude chart, which was developed following the introduction of astronomical navigation, during the second half of the 15th century. The construction of the rhumb line system in the Cantino planisphere uses two circles (some charts use only one, others use as many as three, depending of size): the western circle is centered on the Cape Vert Islands, the eastern circle is centered in India. Shown above, the rhumb-line construction scheme and geographic lines in the Cantino planisphere, adapted from Gaspar.
Farther west, majestic trees on the large island labeled Terra del Rey de portugall [Land of the King of Portugal] in the North Atlantic recall the description of the east coast of Newfoundland given by the Corte-Reals when they returned to Lisbon in October 1501.A A  A year or possibly two years later there appeared the Nicolo de Caveri world map (#307), the work of a Genoese cartographer, depending in many, but not all particulars, upon the Cantino production.
These two maps, the Cantino and the Caveri, both of Portuguese background, are the basis of the cartographical series, dominant for the next quarter century, which Harrisse aptly named the Lusitano-Germanique Group or Type (Ganong refers to this map as a Vespucci Type).A  Harrisse discusses the influence of this Lusitano-Germanic type of map both on the geography of the New World and mapmakers in Central Europe for more than twenty-five years. Northwest of Ilha yssabella a coastline is laid down marked Parte de Assia and bearing names from Columbusa€™ first two voyages.A  This area, which is incomplete and partially off the map, perhaps is the greatest unsolved cartographic puzzle of the period.
1906: Availability of panchromatic black and white film and therefore high quality color separation color photography. G+ #Read of the Day: The Daguerreotype - The daguerreotype, an early form of photograph, was invented by Louis Daguerre in the early 19th c. The first photograph (1826) - Joseph Niepce, a French inventor and pioneer in photography, is generally credited with producing the first photograph.
Easy Peasy Fact:Following Niepcea€™s experiments, in 1829 Louis Daguerre stepped up to make some improvements on a novel idea.
Description: The Lenox Globe is often referred to as the oldest extant post-Columbian globe. What is known about the provenance and acquision of this special globe by the New York Public Library was assembled by Robert W.
Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. There was no good indication as to when the little globe was made, but three prominent scholars in the late 19th century - Benjamin De Costa, Henry Harrisse and Justin Winsor a€“ addressed this perplexing issue before Joseph Fisher made his discovery of the WaldseemA?ller map in July 1901.
Harrisse in his landmark work The Discovery of North America (1892) concluded that the most likely date for the Lenox Globe was 1511. Prior to Harrisse, Justin Winsor in the mid-1880s was equally perplexed concerning what to make of and how to date the Lenox Globe. The scholar who provided the first and to this day still the most in-depth analysis of the Lenox Globe was Benjamin De Costa (1831-1904).
What makes De Costaa€™s scholarship in his 1879 essay so outstanding is that he is open and candid about the profound implications of dating any globe or map depicting the entire continent of South America so many years before Magellana€™s voyage of 1519-1522. This is an astonishing pattern of cartographical evidence concerning South America prior to Magellana€™s voyage in 1519.
We should also observe that even before De Costa, the world famous scholar Alexander de Humboldt took seriously the proposition that there may have been more extensive exploration of South America (Portuguese in his and our view) than the conventional wisdom allowed due to the tradition, surrounding Magellana€™s famous voyage.
For his part, De Costa was well aware of Cosmographiae Introductio and the small WaldseemA?ller globe gores (#310) found in the passage in the south. It is evident that the Lenox Globe must have been constructed subsequent to the discovery of the coast of South America, in 1500, by Cabral, who gave it the name Vera Cruz, which was soon changed to Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, as on this globe. On the other hand, the almost complete lack of information betrayed by the maker of the globe concerning the east coast of North America, and the absence of the name America on South America would indicate that it antedates the map of Martin WaldseemA?ller of 1507 (#310). Because the date of this globe could be deduced mainly from its representations of America, let us give a brief resume of the condition of geographical knowledge respecting the New World for several years subsequent to 1510. In the year 1500, Juan de la Cosa, the Pilot of Columbus, drew a map of the New World (#305), but North America does not appear, Newfoundland being represented as a part of Asia. What has been said thus far applies only to North America, but, upon turning to South America, the representation has the appearance of belonging to a period later than 1511. In order to present the subject with clearness, it will be useful to state first, that the La Cosa map of 1500 (#305) exhibited the northern coast of South America, together with the eastern coast down to about 25A° S. On this point it may be observed that such a termination to South America was doubtless rendered probable by the argument from analogy. Sometimes the information thus derived was of great value, and it would appear that the maker of the Lenox Globe had received information of this kind.
The uncertainty of the globe-maker respecting Madagascar may be explained by the fact that it was not until 1508 that Da€™Acuhna made his exploration of the island, though it was known to Marco Polo. The SchA¶ner Globe of 1520 (#328) has an island similar in form and situation to the nameless island of the Lenox Globe, but in a reversed position, and called Madagascar.
In support of the suggestion that the Madagascar and Certina of the globe are simply Sumatra and Java misplaced, we may cite the fact that the well-known islands of Sumatra and Java do not appear in their places, while the Malayan peninsula, labeled on the globe as Loac, is extended so far south as to confuse the geography of the whole region. It is true that one of the first references to the southern coast of Australia in the 17th century was that of 1627, when a Dutch ship sailed along the shore for a distance of a thousand miles, while one of the earliest maps of that century which showed the outlines of Australia was the Montanus map of 1572.
Attention has already been called to the fact that the great nameless island, with its attendant islands, is placed westward instead of southeast of the Malayan peninsula; but Sylvanus, in his Ptolemy map of 1511 (#318), moves the whole group into its proper position to the southeast, thus giving a somewhat correct view of the geography of that region.
Thus far nothing has been said of the general appearance of the globe, though, if it were necessary, many details could be pointed out which indicate its ancient origin. In Asia the Himalayan range, anciently known as Imaus, had its influence upon the globe-maker's geography, who indicates Schite extraianivm for Scythia extra Imaum.
Moabio appears to be the Maabar of Marco Polo, who says that in this entire Province there is never a Tailor to cut a coat or stitch it, for the very good reason that everybody goes naked. Beyond Newfoundland is a sinking ship, with the figure of a human being in the water, possibly an allusion to the loss of the Portuguese Cortereal.
When, however, the maker of the Lenox Globe looked away toward the region now occupied by North America, he saw only a watery waste, in the midst of which the island of Bacaleos or Newfoundland, rode like some ship at anchor. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], being close to Yucatan, whose well-known bay, first explored in 1518, has a conjectural coast line trending towards the south instead of the west. The name America does not appear upon the Lenox Globe, which fact, so far as it possesses any significance, favors the belief that the early date of 1504 assigned to the instrument is correct.
Hylocomilus, while admitting the priority of the voyage of Columbus, felt no necessity for naming the New World after one who, in the most pronounced manner, declared that there was no New World to be named.
Humboldt maintains that Vespucci, equally with Columbus, believed that the land discovered formed a part of Asia. The Viscount Santarem (Researches respecting Vespucci) has taken the ground, as well as some others, that the map of Hylocomilus, in the Ptolemy of 1513, was the work of Columbus.
The southern coasts of Asia are drawn less correctly than on the map of Ruysch and on the TabulA¦ NovA¦ of Asia inserted into the Ptolemy edition of 1513. In the New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names: Mundus Novus, Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], and one in the far north, but unnamed, clearly resembles the Cortereal region, as it appears on the Cantino and Caveri maps (#306, #307).
Most of the inscriptions on the globe reference back to the medieval picture of Asia, combining antique sources, travel accounts, and fabulous legends. From the standpoint of 2012, with our greater appreciation of the WaldseemA?ller world map, we can see how De Costaa€™s suspicions of a pre-Magellan discovery of the strait point to the broader cartographic issue.
Either the Lenox Globe really was a post-1507 creation, which in view of its shortcomings oddly failed to take into account the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was reportedly issued in 1000 copies for sale, along with the essay Cosmographiae Introductio.
De Costa did not explicitly renege on his estimation of the 1510 date for the Lenox Globe as the most probable but he waffles. Given these facts, one has to give serious consideration to the possibility that the creator of the Lenox Globe made it before April 1507 or at least not to long after that date if one is to explain ignorance of this widely published essay.
De Costa originally prepared his analysis in 1879 without benefit of any knowledge of the large WaldseemA?ller world map discovered 22 years later. For his part, NordenskiA¶ld in his Facsimile Atlas (1889) cited De Costaa€™s a€?estimate of 1508-1511a€? and concluded that this a€?seemed to be about righta€?. In his later work entitled Periplus published in 1897, NordenskiA¶ld dramatically asserted that knowledge of the Pacific, the isthmus and a water passage to the south a€?must have reached Europe prior to Balboaa€™s journeya€?. Ultimately, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their 1926 work A Book of Old Maps argued that the Lenox Globe was made sometime in the 1503-1507 period. One reason why they came to this conclusion was that the Lenox Globe lacks the sophistication of the Ruysch world map (1507-1508) with its more accurate depiction of features associated with the region of the Indian Ocean, something which troubled both De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld. The bottom line is that the maker of this globe seems to be unaware of not only the WaldseemA?ller 1507 map, the Ruysch map of 1508, but also ignorant of others such as the Juan de la Cosa, Cantino and Caveri maps from the 1500-1504 period which do show substantial parts of the North American mainland including Florida and the Gulf coastline and also in the Caveri map the Central American coastline from Mexico to roughly Honduras. This discontinuity in cartographical conception makes it hard to know where to place the Lenox Globe on the family tree of maps and globes made during the first decade of the 16th century. This analysis, if correct, would suggest that Lenox Globe was not likely to have been based on tightly held information in the possession of Spanish navigators. Furthermore, given that Balboa did not cross the Isthmus of Panama to see the Pacific Ocean until 1513, it is extremely hard to imagine the maker of the Lenox Globe getting his a€?island-likea€? conception or vision of the new southern continent from Spanish sources. There is other evidence that strongly points to the source of the Lenox Globe being Portuguese rather than Spanish. This geographical distortion seems far too neat or convenient in political terms to have been a mere coincidence as we can see when we superimpose the Line of Demarcation established by this treaty onto the Lenox Globe. Despite this obvious manipulation of nautical data, Fite and Freeman, like De Costa before them, observed that the Lenox Globe still accurately places the southern edge of of this continent at 55 degrees south of the equator.
What is amazing is that Fite and Freeman made such a bold statement based merely on their assessment of the Lenox Globe of uncertain date with no consideration of the WaldseemA?ller globe gores of 1507 which also clearly shows a southern water passage. We would argue further that if this analysis is correct, then the Lenox Globe would represent a stepping-stone or interim intellectual stage in the evolution of geographical knowledge that made possible the more impressive and comprehensive cartographic synthesis articulated by Mathias Ringmann in Cosmographiae Introductio and shown visually in the world map and globe made by Martin WaldseemA?ller at the Gymnasium at Saint-Die. Note the same land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere as in the Jagiellonian Globe, but unlike on that globe, unnamed. The Jagiellonian Globe, dating from around 1510, held by the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland, depicts a continent in the Indian Ocean to the east of Africa and south of India, but labeled America. The appearance in the mid-16th century of Jave la Grande in a series of mappemondes drawn by a school of cartographers centred on the French port of Dieppe, suggesting an early Portuguese or Spanish discovery of the eastern coast of Australia, has been called a€?one of the puzzles of European historya€?. An ancient Map of the World has been discovered in the British Museum, which lays down the coasts of New-Holland, as described by Cooke and Bougainville.
In all the subsequent discussion of the Dieppe maps and Spanish or Portuguese discovery of the East coast of Australia in the early 16th century, it is noteworthy that there has been no consideration of the Jagiellonian Globe and the bearing it might have on the matter.
The Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 1911 carried an article with the arresting title, a€?Australiaa€™s Discoverer: was it Amerigo Vespucci?a€?. Professor Estreicher drew attention to a globe of similar date held by the New York Public Library, known as the Lenox Globe. Ein solches Land is nur Sudamerica allein, und wir mussen annehmen, dass jene Insel Sudamerica vorstellen soll, freilich an einer ganz falschem Stelle. Estreicher proposed Louis Boulengier of Albi as having been the cartographer responsible for the Jagiellonian Globe, on the basis of similarity between it and the Tross Gores, dating from 1514-1518 (#324), of which Boulengier is known to have been the author. An armillary clock, similar to the Jagiellonian, made by Jean Naze of Lyons in 1560 is held at the Orangerie Planetarium of the Staatliche Museen Kassel (formerly the Hessisches Landesmuseum). But the most revealing feature of this globe is that its maker was aware of Cosmographiae Introductio, because he refers to America. If it was impossible that the maker of the Jagellonian Globe with the benefit of access to Cosmographiae Introductio which invented the name America could have been that confused, why the gross mistake? Edward Stevenson, discussing Estreichera€™s work in 1921, commented that he seemed not to have noticed that the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA possibly indicated not only an acquaintance on the part of the Jagiellonian cartographer with WaldseemA?llera€™s suggestion as to the name America, but a belief that America was actually located in this particular region.
In the sixth climate toward the Antarctic there are situated the farthest part of Africa, recently discovered, the islands Zanzibar, the lesser Java, and Seula [Ceylon], and the fourth part of the Earth, which, because Amerigo discovered it, we may call Amerige, the land of Amerigo, so to speak, or America. In his 1911 interview, Petherick pointed out that Thomas Morea€™s Utopia (published in Louvain in 1516) reflected this concept of the eartha€™s geography. The representations of the east coast of a€?Jave Ie Granda€™ [sic] (Australia) delineated in those maps are, I assert, very rough representations and repetitions of the east coast of South America when that continent and our Australia were supposed to be one, before the Pacific Ocean was known. From this perspective, one might speculate that the bizarre attachment of the name America to a mythical or hypothetical island in the southern Indian Ocean was an expression of strong contempt for the Florentine navigator and an attempt to delink his name from the South American continent, which had been made by WaldseemA?llera€™s team at Saint-Die in 1507. Catigara was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
In claiming that Amerigo Vespucci discovered Australia Petherick may simply have been intending to make the point hyperbolically that the coastline of the Dieppe maps, taken by some to represent Australia, was the coast of the land discovered by Amerigo, misplaced into the Eastern Hemisphere. The Jagiellonian Globe demonstrates that it was possible for early 16th century geographers to depict the same coastline, that of eastern South America, in two different places on the same map. The Jagiellonian Globe reminds us that we must try to look at the early maps through the eyes and with the knowledge of their makers, free of the preconceptions arising from our current geographical knowledge.
Another four decades were to pass before another scholar addressed the question of the date for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Why did Pohl see the creation of the Lenox Globe being linked so closely to the publication of Vespuccia€™s letters in Italy in 1505? Levilliera€™s analysis in an essay in Imago Mundi entitled a€?New Light on Vespuccia€™s third voyagea€? was stunning in this regard. We should observe at this juncture that even prior to the so-called Italian-Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters, the famous Cantino map (#306), which is also of Portuguese-origin and which dates to no later than November 1502, also shows the eastern coastline bending abruptly (and falsely) to the southeast.
Thus, in his essay for the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in 1963 Pohl was on solid ground when he pointed to the similar or parallel tampering with the text of Vespuccia€™s original letter for the Italian-Soderini edition as grounds for suspecting that the Lenox Globe dates to a period before the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507.
Nevertheless, Pohl deliberately dodged the question of the uncanny depiction of the new southern continent in his 1963 essay. Pohl went to considerable lengths in this long footnote in 1944 to dismiss any evidence -- the account in the Newen Zeytung journal, the SchA¶ner globes and Valentine Fernandesa€™ remarks in a deposition in a Portuguese court in 1503 -- that supports Magellana€™s assertion that Portuguese navigators had discovered the strait much earlier, and no later than 1506.
Pohla€™s rigid position concerning the a€?accidentala€? or a€?imaginarya€? features of the Lenox and Jagellonian Globes remains baffling given that he was prone to accept highly dubious claims of evidence for the presence of Europeans and Asians in America -- such as the stone tower in Newport, Rhode Island which has been reliably dated to after 1492. In the more than forty years since Pohla€™s essay was published there has been little attention paid to the Lenox Globe. Meridians and parallels are engraved and numbered on its surface at intervals of ten degrees, the prime meridian passing through the island Ferro.
We believe that when all the evidence and analysis of the historical context are taken into consideration, Fite, Freeman, and Pohl presented a compelling, convincing argument that places the creation of the Lenox Globe prior to the WaldseemA?ller map and globe gores.
Furthermore, it seems more probable that the Lenox Globe was based on sensitive information that was improperly acquired directly from someone in Lisbon than it was based on information leaked from the Gymnasium at Saint-Die while the work on Cosmographiae Introductio, the world map and globe gores was still underway in 1505-1506. Thus, there is some basis for concluding that the maker of the Lenox Globe had learned about a water passage and thus knew a lot more than Vespucci conveyed, at least more than the Florentine navigator revealed openly in Mundus Novus which entered into circulation in 1503-1504.
In conclusion, we can summarize what appear to be five solid facts concerning the creation of the Lenox Globe.
Second, the maker of this globe also knew from sensitive Portuguese sources a lot more about the overall shape of the entire southern continent than Vespucci conveyed (at least openly) in Mundus Novus that entered into widespread circulation beginning in 1503- 1504.
When one considers all this chronological evidence, analysis of the most probable historical context points to the creation of the Lenox Globe between the publication of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus in 1503-1504 and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the large world map were printed.
Whatever the truth, the Lenox-Jagellonian Globes add to a large body of cartographic evidence that points to a Portuguese discovery of the strait before 1519 which is what Magellan had always insisted, and to a clandestine exploration of the west coast of this new fourth continent as far north as what we know as Acapulco no later than 1507.
Magellana€™s odd decision was illogical or counter-intuitive if he and his contemporaries believed that this new land mass was an extension of Asia. It is a reasonable conclusion that Magellan understood from extensive discussions with Spanish officials and navigators that this land mass was connected to the land region we know as Central America with which the Spanish were quite familiar by 1518- 1519.
Chauncey, Henry, a letter written on January 21,1902 to Willberforce Eames, official at the Lenox Library. Lingren, Uta, a€?Trial and Error in the Mapping of America in the Early Modern Period,a€? in America: Early Maps of the New World, editor, Hans Wolff, New York, 1992, pp.
Nordenskiold, Adolf, Periplus - An Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing-Directions, Stockholm, 1897, p. Pohl, Frederick, a€?The Fourth Continent on the Lenox Globea€?, Bulletin of The New York Public Library, Volume 67, Number 9 (September 1963), pp.
Stevenson, Edward Luther, a€?Martin WaldseemA?ller and Early Lusitano-Germanic Cartography of the New World,a€? Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Volume XXXVI, Number 4, 1904, pp.
Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, Houghton-Mifflin & Company, 1884-1889, Volume III, pp. Zakrzewska, Maria N., Catalogue of globes in the Jagellonian University Museum, translated by Franciszek Buhl, Kracow, 1965. A A A  Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. A A A  Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. This item will be sent through the Global Shipping Programme and includes international tracking. Delivery of products will normally be made within 3-5 working days from clearance of payment.
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Little is known about most of them, and what we do know is generally restricted to those for which a privilege was first obtained from the Portuguese Crown. Surely familiar with the latest in Azorean exploratory gossip, in 1501 he and his brother Miguel set out from Lisbon with a fleet of three ships and reached Newfoundland Miguel returned to Portugal first, carrying with him many Indians as proof of their success, while Gaspar delayed his return to investigate further the new land. While endowing it with a politically neutral name, Sylvanusa€™ placement of the land far to the east of the raya nonetheless secures it for Portugal anyway. They have brought back seven natives, men, women, and children, and in the other caravel which is expected from hour to hour, fifty others are coming.
Visiting the second ship, Cantino described Miguela€™s Indian captives as gentle people who laughed easily, showed their pleasure freely, and whose language was smooth sounding but not understandable. Fernandes may have reached eastern Canada; Sylvanusa€™ map, however, is one of several early works that contribute to the opinion that Fernandes actually reached Greenland instead. The latter word is probably a mis-spelling for domon, or dominion [the domain of cannibalism]. To find a pattern for his mapa€™s Japan, Sylvanus apparently looked to the Ruysch world map (#313) of four years earlier. Although he also leaves the north coast of Japan undefined, his designation of that land as ins[ula] seems to make clear that he did not envision it connecting to the Asian mainland.
The East Indian islands are the by now familiar reconstruction of Marco Poloa€™s voyage from China into the Indian Ocean, and they lie off the a€?falsea€? Southeast Asia peninsula, a remnant of Ptolemya€™s Africa-Asia land bridge. Most examples of the map (the present one included) have a curious flaw: in Asia, the place-name come, meant as a black ink word, printed lightly in red as well.
Unlike the other maps that are printed on the backs of preceding and succeeding maps, the world map is blank on the reverse. His new heart-shaped projection was however adapted by several later cartographers (among them Apian and Vavassore) and used for a number of important maps throughout the sixteenth-century. This, one of the first sea charts of the era of European trans-Atlantic discovery that can be precisely dated, is a manuscript born of controversy and intrigue. Wishing to cover a common screen, he had the map pasted on its folds, after cutting off and throwing away the top margin, which doubtless contained a title engrossed in large gothic letters, the tail end of one of which is still visible. A few years afterwards, the librarian of the Biblioteca Estense, the Signor Boni, happening to pass in the Via Farini, noticed in the shop of a pork butcher, called Giusti, the Cantino chart still put to such ignominious use.
It represents the known world at the exciting moment when Europe was learning of its actual extent.
It is not likely that such an elaborate planisphere, executed for a prince, should have been left without some ornamented frame.
In the present state of the enquiry, the critic is bound, therefore, to accept, as being within the meaning of the original cartographer, the configuration and extent of that continental land as we find them measured and depicted in the said map. He states that it doubtless originated with other maps, and proceeded from a type on which had been grafted data borrowed from fragmentary surveys brought by mariners of different nations, as we suppose, and who must have visited that coast several times in the course of clandestine expeditions. For example, several key but undated maps were made in the first years of the 16th century, but the primacy of the 1502 Cantino world map is established on the basis of its date. Portions of this explored area were recorded, but gaps in the coastline were not filled in until further explorations. That is, the configurations and nomenclatures were derived from maps constructed by Lusitanian cosmographers, with information furnish-end at the close of the 15th century by Spanish or Portuguese navigators, and which soon afterwards found their way into Lorraine and Germany.
We possess only what may be called a€?derivativesa€?, more or less direct, some in manuscript others engraved, the complete affiliation of which cannot be established, as we do not know how many productions of that character have intervened, or when they were devised, nor precisely in what form originally.
A striking peculiarity consisted of a wide break on the north coast of the southern continent, between Brazil and Venezuela. The West Indian archipelago was also complete, including Cuba, which is there named Ilha yssabella.
But, notwithstanding cartographical distortions, due chiefly to the kind of projection adopted by the maker of the map, the original profiles of that continental land can be easily recognized in the corresponding region depicted by Johann Ruysch in his mappamundi (#313).


Its material difference from the three last types above described, consisted in a continuous coastline connecting the northwestern mainland with the southern continent. In this production the Newfoundland-Labrador area is shown with the specific label: Hanc terram invenere naute Lusitanor[um] Regis.
What Harrisse calls the Lusitano-Germanic cartography begins only with the introduction of mappamundi that belonged to the second type. All the other maps have such a scale; unfortunately, it can be of no service in this analysis. Wrotha€™s discussion of the northern discoveries as an element in the Verrazzano story, he states that the Cantino and Caveri maps take a place of great significance for many reasons, good and bad. This belief is graphically portrayed in the Caveri map where open water borders the western shore of the North American continent.
There is speculation that an early Amerigo Vespucci voyage may have been the source, or that an unknown Portuguese pilot could have unofficially sailed through Spanish waters before 1500 and coasted Florida. These delineations, such as the WaldsemA?ller wall map (#310), did much to illuminate the New World for Europeans.
There is no reference to the arrival on the north part of the coast in 1499 of Vicente Pinzon, Columbusa€™ early partner. This area of the planisphere shows Africa and the Indian Ocean as known to the Portuguese after the voyages of Vasco da Gama (1497-99) and Cabral (1500-01) and later discoveries reported in Lisbon as recently as September 1502. These appear to mark the limit of first-hand knowledge; beyond, the outline must have been inserted largely by second-hand report.
The southeastern coastline of Asia is shown as lying approximately 160A° east of the Line of Demarcation, a figure very close to the truth.
This chart has many features of the Ptolemy world map in Southeast Asia, where Malacha and Cattigara appear together, but the point of importance is that the longitudinal extent eastwards from the demarcation line to the southeast Asian coast is still approximately 220 to 230 degrees. Contrarily to the portolan charts of the Mediterranean, which were constructed on the basis of magnetic courses and estimated distances between places, in the latitude chart places were represented according to their latitudes.
In that year the map suffered the fate of the entire ducal library and collections, and was transferred to Modena when Pope Clement VIII despoiled Cesare da€™Este of his duchy. One assumes that its maker had been allowed to study the Cantino map while that document lay in Genoa. Although yssabella strongly resembles Cuba, and the peninsula to the northwest could be Florida, there are several theories to the contrary. Talbot was active from the mid-1830s, and sits alongside Louis Daguerre as one of the fathers of the medium. Niepcea€™s photograph shows a view from the Window at Le Gras, and it only took eight hours of exposure time!The history of photography has roots in remote antiquity with the discovery of the principle of the camera obscura and the observation that some substances are visibly altered by exposure to light.
Again employing the use of solvents and metal plates as a canvas, Daguerre utilized a combination of silver and iodine to make a surface more sensitive to light, thereby taking less time to develop.
Its historical significance arises from the fact that it is the oldest surviving globe from the post-1492 period and the oldest surviving globe to illustrate any portion of the New World. Thus, in this respect, the small globe does not convey the awareness that there had to be a distinct second ocean (the Pacific) as the WaldseemA?ller map (#310) clearly does.
Harrisse believed that the Lenox Globe was made in France derived from a€?an Italian modela€? and he detected what he thought were some features or nomenclature reminiscent of a sketch map allegedly from the hand of Leonardo Da Vinci (#327) now kept in the Library at Windsor Castle. He was one of the first scholars to make the astute observation about how quickly and how inevitably it was that the Europeans would connect the dots, would grasp the continuous unbroken coastline from Labrador to Argentina as seen in the Stobnicza map of 1512 (#319). He remarked in his Narrative and Critica1 History of America that a€?its date is fixed at 1510-1512, but by some as early as 1506-1507.a€? Curiously Winsor, who died in 1897, never identified which scholars favored the earlier date that would place the creation of the Lenox Globe before the WaldseemA?ller map.
When he published his critical assessment in a long article for The Magazine of American History in September 1879, he was ahead of his time.
There in fact are several other maps, globes, or globe gores - associated with the names Boulengier (#324), Green (#342.1), Hauslab-Leichtenstein (#310), Nordenskiold (#311), Stobnicza (#319), and the well-known globes and maps of Johannes SchA¶ner (#328) from the 1515-1520 period - which show this continent having a strait or cape like the African continent and also having a distinctive a€?ice cream-conea€? shape quite unlike Africa. And this evidence should raise doubts and did in fact raise doubts among some late-19th century scholars such as De Costa, Nordenskiold, Varnhagen and Winsor concerning the conventional wisdom that everyone in Europe was in the dark prior to Magellana€™s famous expedition. And Humboldt based his conclusion in the 1830s, on the fact that the little essay Cosmographiae Introductio published to accompany WaldseemA?llera€™s world map in 1507 and which names for the first time the New World as America in Vespuccia€™s honor, also describes the new continent in the southern hemisphere as being like an a€?enormous island in it that it is found to be surrounded on all sides by watera€?. Therefore, unlike Harrisse who curiously was not willing to date the globe before 1511, De Costa was firm in his conclusion that the Portuguese must have found the strait no later than 1510. It seems probable that it was made after the publication, in 1503, of Vespuciusa€™ letter to Lorenzo de Medici, in which he gave an account of his third voyage, when he followed the Brazilian coast 34A° south latitude. De Costa, Justin Winsor and Henry Harrisse have assigned a date of 1510-11, for the reason, amongst others, that, while several of its representations are in advance of the published knowledge of 1508, they are behind that of 1511-12. In 1508, on the map of John Ruysch (#313), Newfoundland also appears as a part of Asia, being marked Terra Nova. In its New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names, Mundus Novus, Terra Sanctae Crucis, and Terra de Brazil.
The ordinary observer must have perceived that the great bodies of land on the globe terminated towards the south in points.
The principle in accordance with which the age of this globe is to be deduced is now therefore quite clear. The globe shows very distinctly a large island, without any name, lying in the Indian Ocean.
This excuse, however, cannot be offered for those who later represented Zanzibar as a great island out in the ocean. Acting, however, in accordance with the suggestion offered, it would prove an easy task to bring order out of the confusion. Nevertheless it is probable that Australia was known centuries before, when the Chinese, with the marinersa€™ compass, navigated those seas. Amongst these might be mentioned the peculiar configuration of the Asiatic coasts, the style of the lettering, the drawing of the ships, and the aspect of the marine monsters. He also puts Simarum Situs on the border of the Gulf of the Ganges, where Sinarum Situs is put by Ruysch, Sinarum, like Serica, or silk, being a name applied to China, which on the globe is called East India. The globe-maker, however, should have placed the province where Polo and the Nancy Globe (#363) place it, on the Coromandel coast. Below South Africa is a grotesque monster, intended for a whale, the creature being delineated with much care.
He may have heard of the Vinland of the Northmen, but the story of the Cabots had already been locked up in depositories where it was destined to lie too long; while Martyra€™s map of Beimeni, or Florida, together with the publications of 1512, 1513, 1515, had not come from the press. The word Getulia and Zamor point to the influence of the Goths and Moors in Africa, while Paludes Nile show that, in common with the geographers of that period, the globe-maker had anticipated the discoveries of Livingstone and Stanley.
Cuba, on the other hand, is correctly laid down as an island, being called Isabel, in honor of Queen Isabella. The name America was first proposed in 1507 by Martin WaldseemA?ller, known under the Greek pseudonym of a€?Hylacomilus.a€? It appears in his Cosmographiae Introductio, where, having called attention to the fact that the old continents were named after women, he observes that the new one should be called after a man. Hylacomilus was entirely friendly to Columbus, as was the case with Vespucci in his relations to the Genoese; nevertheless the geographer of St. He says that three times in his second voyage Vespucci calls the country terra del Asia, but in the third voyage calls it una€™ altro mondo and Mondo nuovo. This map shows the separation of America from Asia, but we believe that the Lenox Globe is earlier. Or the Lenox Globe indeed was made prior to 1507 that would or could mean that its amazing depiction of the new southern continent was derived from highly valued geographical knowledge that also made possible the brilliant synthesis that we see in the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507.
The main reason for De Costaa€™s waffling is that he remained intrigued with the notion that there was a€?some connectiona€? between the Lenox Globe that refers to the New World as Mundus Novus, and Vespuccia€™s 1501-1502 voyage. Curiously, for some reason, even though De Costa lived until 1904, there is no record of what he thought after the discovery of this map in 1901, which might well have prompted him to date the Lenox Globe prior to 1507. The Baron had no doubt that the globe was made well before Magellan since its depiction of Asia was more primitive than what one sees on the Ruysch map included the 1507-1508 Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia. The Ruysch map was inserted in the widely available Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia which published in 1507-1508, the first such edition of this work since 1490. Instead, in sharp contrast, the Lenox Globe shows what the Cantino and Caveri maps do not show: namely, the coastline from Venezuela around Panama then upward to Honduras with no hint of a strait in the region of Panama. Ita€™s amazing depiction of the southern continent, essentially in its entirety as a land mass totally separate from Asia and surrounded like an island virtually on all sides by water makes the Lenox Globe a strange hybrid. In Spanish maritime circles, knowledge of the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico, Florida, and even much of the coast north of Florida (all of which fell within the Spanish maritime zone) was fairly complete by 1502-1504.
At the same time, we know that in the Spring of 1501, after Cabral had found the east coast of Brazil the previous year, the Portuguese focused intensely on exploring the eastern coastline of South America in order to determine if there was a cape and if it fell within Lisbona€™s maritime zone. The globe reflects a pro-Portuguese political bias and here we come to what is perhaps the most astonishing and revealing feature of the globe.
We can also see this same eastward twist of the coastline in the Cantino (#306) and Contarini (#308) maps both of which date to before the WaldseemA?ller map.
Based on this evidence, Fite and Freeman felt compelled to conclude (again like De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld) that this a€?suggests a water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519a€?. In any case, the preponderance of evidence and the historical contextualization seems to validate the Fite-Freeman argument that the Lenox Globe dates to sometime between late 1503 when the first editions of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novos were published and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller world map and globe gores appeared.
The globe illustrates how geographers of that time struggled to reconcile the discoveries of new lands with orthodox Ptolomaic cosmography.
The discussion over this puzzle may be dated from 1786, when Alexander Dalrymple first drew attention to the resemblance between the shape of Jave la Grande on the Dauphin, or Harleian map (#378) and the shape of the coastline of New South Wales as it had been charted by James Cook in HMS Endeavour in 1770.
This map, which is on parchment, appears from the characters, and other circumstances, to have been made about the beginning of the 16th century.
This had been described in the 9th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica and discussed in an article by Benjamin Franklin De Costa in the Magazine of American History. Estreicher pointed out that the western coasts of both this continent and the MUNDUS NOVUS in the Western Hemisphere are schematic and without detail, in contrast to the eastern coasts which show bays, rivers and promontories, indicating that they are the result of actual discovery by voyagers. Diese Annahme wird zur Gewissheit, als wir auf dem Jagellonischen Globus finden, dass die Insel die Inschrift tragt: AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. The Tross Gores also bear the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA, but in this case placed over South America (WaldseemA?llera€™s America), and there is no continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere.
The depiction of the continents on the globe in this clock is similar to the globe or gores made by Louis Boulengier in 1514, indicating how globe makers could persist in using cosmographical concepts that were decades out of date. Unlike the Lenox Globe, the Jagellonian Globe has engraved on it the lines of latitude and longitude with the prime meridian passing through the island of Ferro.
However, as mentioned above, he oddly applies this name, not to the new fourth continent in the Western Hemisphere but instead to an unsubstantiated mythical island in the southern portion of the Indian Ocean.
For his part, Estreicher drew the sensible and logical conclusion that the use of the name America clearly indicates that the Jagellonian Globe was made after the spring of 1507. One distinct possibility consistent with the other indication of a pro-Portuguese political bias, is that the Jagellonian Globe was made by someone with that same bias and who was furious that Amerigo Vespucci had revealed far too much in Mundus Novus for Lisbona€™s liking and who may well have been dismissed in late 1504 from further service for Portugal for that reason.
Hythlodaeus, the narrator, whose name perhaps recalls Hylacomylus (WaldseemA?llera€™s name in latinized form), is said to have accompanied Amerigo Vespucci on what, according to the perhaps apocryphal but widely read Soderini letter, was his fourth voyage (1503-1504). This analysis would suggest that the Jagellonian version of the Lenox Globe might have been a hostile reaction to what the mapmakers had done at St. The maker of the Jagellonian Globe who inserted this erroneous inscription with regard to Americaa€™s location on a globe was dependent on a prior cartographic projection that had to have originated elsewhere. Writing of his 1499 voyage, Amerigo Vespucci said he had hoped to reach India by sailing westward from Spain across the Atlantic around the Cape of Catigara into the Sinus Magnus, the Great Gulf that lay to the East of the Chersonese Aureus [Malay Peninsula]. Johannes SchA¶nera€™s globe of 1515 (#328), like Boulengiera€™s of 1514 (#324), depicted America but, like the Jagiellonian and Lenox, showed another continent to the South West, labeled BRASILLIE REGIA. This was a cosmographical concept, not based on actual surveys, but as Stevenson pointed out, assumed because the geographers of the time such as WaldseemA?ller, ignorant of the reality of the Pacific Ocean or of North America, thought Amerigo Vespuccia€™s newly discovered land was located in the Southern Hemisphere to the eastward of Africa.
As an authentic document from the early sixteenth century incorporating and demonstrating the cosmographic concepts of that time, it deserves consideration in any discussion of how the Dieppe maps came into existence. Frederick Pohl (1889-1991) accepted the Fite-Freeman position in an essay published in the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in September 1963.
Pohl drew this conclusion in part because after he published a biography of Vespucci in 1944, Pohl seems to have become aware of the observations of German Arciniegas and Robert Levillier that the Portuguese map makers were in the habit of twisting the southern coastline of South America toward the southeast so that the cape or strait would fall on Lisbona€™s side of the Line of Demarcation established by treaty in 1494.
Although Pohl in his 1963 essay curiously did not mention Levilliera€™s essay or Arciniegasa€™ well-known Vespucci biography, he had already argued in 1944 that someone must have tampered with Vespuccia€™s letters to Soderini in various passages, especially that conspicuous alteration from a€?southwesta€? to a€?southeasta€? to give the false impression that the eastern coastline shifted abruptly in that direction a€“ as we can see illustrated in the Lenox Globe in a quite dramatic fashion. This exaggerated geographical feature strongly suggests that officials in Lisbon were quite eager as early as 1502 to spread misinformation or disinformation about the true direction of the coastline below the Tropic of Capricorn at 23 degrees latitude south. We can say this because he buried a discussion of this specific issue in a long footnote on pages 225-226 at the back of his biography of Vespucci published in London in 1944. However, the most telling observation is that if there was no European knowledge of a cape or a strait with regard to the new southern continent prior to Magellan, why do these globes a€?twista€? the southern portion of the continent to make people believe that a cape and water fall so far to the east, in the direction of, and therefore within the Portuguese maritime zone? Hans Wolff who edited and also contributed to America: Early Maps of the New World (1992) made a passing remark about how the Lenox Globe a€?is slightly older than the Brixen-Hauslab globe of 1523a€? but his suggestion that the globe dates to around 1520 is not credible. While it is neither signed nor dated, there is scarcely a doubt that it is as old as the Lenox globe; indeed, the geographical features of the two globes are so similar that they appear to be the work of the same globe maker, or copies of a common original, yet it is note-worthy that the nomenclature of the Jagellonicus globe is somewhat richer. At the same time, the maker of the globe evidently and curiously was still not aware of the decision at Saint-Die to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci. First, the maker of this globe accepted or echoed Portuguese cartographic propaganda after 1502 concerning the configuration of the eastern coastline which was depicted as shifting or twisting in a highly exaggerated fashion in a southeasterly direction into the Atlantic. Third, despite all the evidence that the maker of the Lenox Globe was working almost exclusively with Portuguese sources, he oddly fails to provide the more accurate depiction of South Asia that we find in the Cantino, Caveri and Ruysch maps all of which were completed in the 1502-1507 time period. Pohla€™s suspicion that this globe appeared around the time of the publication of the questionable Italian or Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters in 1505 or 1506 is a compelling argument. Magellana€™s strange decision to turn and sail due west across the Pacific after having sailed northward to a considerable extent up the Chilean coast remains an intriguing fact.
Instead, Magellan seems to have been acting on the assumption or belief that this new southern land, though quite huge, was either an enormous island or a new continent totally separate from Asia, which is precisely what both the Lenox Globe and WaldseemA?ller maps clearly suggest. And surely at that time the Spanish had abandoned any hope in a strait in that region, otherwise they would not have backed Magellana€™s expedition to reach the Moluccas. In this letter, Chauncey conveys what he was able to learn about Hunta€™s discovery of the Lenox Globe and its later acquisition by Lenox from conversations with Hunta€™s widow who was Chaunceya€™s sister-in-law. In der Jagellonischen Bibliotek, Bulletin lnternational de la€™Academie des Sciences de Cracovie, Comptes Rendus des Seances (March 1900), a€?Resumesa€?, pp. If the item comes direct from a manufacturer, it may be delivered in non-retail packaging, such as a plain or unprinted box or plastic bag. We will endeavour to deliver goods within the times stated but delay in delivery of goods is sometimes outside our control. Find out more about your rights as a buyer - opens in a new window or tab and exceptions - opens in a new window or tab. You've read and agree to the Global Shipping Programme terms and conditions - opens in a new window or tab. Import charges previously quoted are subject to change if you increase your maximum bid amount. For instance, in the whole of continental Europe there are only three names: magna germa, Italia and dalma. The map is copied from Sylvanusa€™ map of 1511 and was probably engraved shortly after that date.
Sylvanus may have been modifying a Portuguese prototype in the interest of discretion, as the map was published in Venice, adopted city of John Cabot, who had discovered land in the same region as the Corte-Reals for the king of England.
In sum, except for the guarded looks of the men, they are similar in every other way to ourselves as to features and appearance. Ruysch did not show Japan, but rather explained in an inscription that he believed Japan to be the same as one of the islands recently discovered by the Spanish (in the Caribbean).
No ambiguity whatever is found with GRVENLANT [Greenland], which Sylvanus integrates fully into the Asian continent, placing it due north of CA TAI REGIO [Cathay]. But most disappointing is Sylvanusa€™ apparent ignorance of data gained from the Portuguese voyages to India, as he still reverses the relative proportions of India and Ceylon. This quirk has helped reconstruct the method used to print the map, demonstrating that separate registers printed each color.
The capital letters are printed in red by means of type set into the woodblocks that, together with the decorative wind-heads, zodiacal signs, and distinctive heart-shaped projection, make this a most striking representation.A  The place-names are printed from movable type. Success in the bitter rivalry between Spain and Portugal required that the new geographical data generated by discoveries in the East and West Indies be kept secret.
He bought the map, removed the vellum from the screen, and presented that all-important geographical monument to the Este Library where it is now preserved. Due to the size of this chart, the coasts are shown in considerable detail, and, as shown above, the place-names are numerous. There is, besides, a long easel stroke near the northern extremity of the line of demarcation, which has the appearance of the lower end of an ornate capital letter, which may have belonged to a running title. The ad quem date is fixed by the letter from Alberto Cantino, then in Rome, to Ercole da€™Este, dated November 19, 1502, saying that the chart made in Portugal at the Dukea€™s order had been left for him with an agent in Genoa. A new and important feature was, west and north of that island, an extensive continental region running from south to north, bearing no general title, but dotted with many names of capes, rivers, and landing places; the east coast bathed by the Oceanus occidentalis. Neither do we possess a direct specimen of this fourth type; but it certainly revives in the mappamundi of Stobnicza (#319), and in the Tabula Terre Nove of WaldseemA?ller (#320). One of their common features is their location of Newfoundland as an island, says Harrisse, a€?cast far away into the seaa€? to the east or northeast of that American continental landmass which they admirably portrayed.
The conclusion in the case of the Cantino map must be arrived at by consideration of the fact that it shows only 257A° of the 360A° of the eartha€™s surface and that its eastern coast of Asia is shown as bordering on open water. Again, prominently shown is the Line of Demarcation of the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed by Spain and Portugal in June 1494. The fact that the cartographer has a legend on the discoveries in the northeast American shores stating that they were thought to be part of Asia does not controvert this.
In the Cantino planisphere, latitudes were incorporated only in the coasts of Africa, Brazil and India, while Europe and the Caribbean Sea continued to be represented according to the portolan chart model. The western and eastern outer circles are tangent to each other at a large wind-rose in central Africa, with a fleur-de-lis indicating North. There is also an elaborate depiction of the Portuguese castle of SA?o Jorge da Mina (Elmina Castle, on the Gold Coast of west Africa), flanked by two African towns.
The Duke having expressed a desire to obtain a map illustrating those voyages, Cantino ordered it from a cartographer living in Lisbon, and whom some scholars suspect to have been an Italian artist.A  Historian Henry Harrissea€™s opinion is that there were then in Portugal several Italian artists who made maps, not as cartographers, but as copyists and miniaturists (the maps of Nicolas de Caveri #307 and Kunstamann No.
Though upon it is found no statement referring to Corte-Real or the King of Portugal, in the northern area it bears, as indication of sovereignty, the Portuguese flag upon the southern tips of Greenland and Newfoundland.
One is that the anonymous Portuguese mapmaker confused Spanish reports of the configuration of the newly discovered islands and duplicated Cuba; first as the island but also as the incompletely explored area to the northwest.
Porta (1541-1615), a wise Neapolitan, was able to get the image of well-lighted objects through a small hole in one of the faces of a dark chamber; with a convergent lens over the enlarged hole, he noticed that the images got even clearer and sharper.
Though he is most famous for his contributions to photography, he was also an accomplished painter and a developer of the diorama theatre.
As far as is known, nobody thought of bringing these two phenomena together to capture camera images in permanent form until around 1800, when Thomas Wedgwood made the first reliably documented although unsuccessful attempt. The globe was first discovered in an antiques shop on the Quai Voltaire in Paris around 1854 by a New York architect named Richard Morris Hunt.
Despite this fact, what makes the Lenox globe extremely important, indeed revolutionary, is that it depicts the continent of South America as a separate island-like continent. He argued that this globe was not part of the a€?cartographical familya€? with roots in Portuguese sources a€“ such as the Cantino (#306) and Caveri (#307) maps However, closer examination requires a major reassessment of that conclusion because the historical context and other cartogcaphic evidence imbedded in the Lenox Globe suggest that it is indeed of Portuguese origin, or inspiration, or was made to convey Lisbona€™s political perspective on discoveries in the New World. Harrisse correctly predicted in 1892 that the Stobnicza map was a derivative of the WaldseemA?ller world map of 1507 and argued that if and when it could be found, it also would show this same continuous unbroken coastline. However, it is probable that among the unnamed scholars was the agent Henry Stevens himself who stated that he favored the date of 1506-1507 in an undated letter in the possession of The New York Public Library. For example, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their folio-sized work entitled A Book of Old Maps published in 1921 by Harvard University Press essentially repeated much of what De Costa had said more than forty years earlier. These scholars were not entirely convinced that these maps and globes (including especially the Lenox Globe) were a€?provocative geographical cartoonsa€? as Lawrence Bergreen claims in his book on Magellana€™s famous voyage. He suggested that the Lenox Globe had a€?some connectiona€? with the voyage of Vespucci in 1501-1502 to South America in the service of the Portuguese King Manuel.
The western coast of South America is drawn here, as in other maps that were constructed before the news of Magellana€™s circumnavigation had arrived in Europe, laid down not by direct observation but by estimation. Of course the simple fact that an instrument of this kind represents the condition of geographical knowledge at a certain period does not infallibly prove that it was produced at that particular period.
On the Lenox Globe, however, Newfoundland appears as an island, though without any name, and at the same time no part of continental North America is laid down. In fact, the entire continent is laid down, though apart from the Lenox Globe, no analogous representation is found before that of the SchA¶ner Globe, 1520 (#328). Nevertheless the Lenox Globe gives all of South America, the drawing alone rendering it probable that the draughtsman was not unacquainted with the configuration of Terra del Fuego.
Good reasons also exist for believing that Africa was accepted as the a€?modela€? for South America.
To the northward of this island is another, called Madagascar, though the true Madagascar is laid down in its proper place without any name. This may be done by moving the great nameless island into the position occupied by Australia on the modern maps, carrying with it Certina, the so-called Madagascar, and the three islands without name. From Lelewela€™s sketch of map of Idrisi (#219) it is evident that the region including Java was perfectly well known in 1154. In fact he made too long and too sudden a stride towards the truth to be followed, though Lelewel, while severely criticizing his work, admits that some of his delineations were not equaled for many years after.
The delineation of the Asian coast using the a€?Tiger Lega€? configuration carries on the tradition also employed by the Behaim Globe, and the Marlellus, King Hamy, WaldseemA?ller, Roselli, and Contarini maps. In this region, near the equatorial line, is seen Hc Svnt Dracones, or here are the Dagroians, described by Marco Polo as living in the Kingdom of Dagroian. In the work entitled Globus Mundus, printed at Strasburg, 1509, the suggestion occurs again, Hylacomilas, evidently repeating himself.
To break the force of this, Humboldt refers to the fact that Cadamosto calls the west coast of Africa Altro mondo. The separation, however, on the map in question proves that it could not have been the work of Columbus, as it has been shown repeatedly that Columbus died in the belief that there was no separation. Third: It is the oldest instrument of any kind showing the entire continent of South America. And this connection, if correct, would suggest that a 1510-1511 date might be too conservative, especially when De Costa himself drew attention to one crucial fact. As far as direct European knowledge of the west coast of South America which was implicit in the Lenox Globe, NordenskiA¶ld hesitated, even though in 1884 he had on his own discovered a fabulous set of globe gores very similar to the WaldseemA?ller globe gores that conveys the continenta€™s the distinctive ice cream- cone shape. The main reason that he shifted was that he was heavily influenced by the discovery in the 1890s of four copies of the WaldseemA?ller 1507 world map made by Heinrich Loritti (Glareanus). By the time the Ruysch map appeared, the Portuguese had established a presence in South Asia (India), which this map reflects.
It conveys or mixes the sophistication of the 1507 WaldseemA?ller map with respect to the southern continent, with a retarded perception of the new lands in the northern hemisphere that lay within the Spanish maritime zone.
The Maggiolo world map (#316), which dates to January 1511, is the last known map to contain this curious geographical feature. According to Robert King it offers a clue as to where Thomas More located his Utopia, and may provide a cosmographic explanation for the Jave la Grande of the Dieppe school of maps.
The names are in French, and it is adorned with Fleur de Lis, but most probably has been translated from the work of some Spanish Navigator, whose discovery being forgotten, left room for the new discoveries of the English and French Navigators. Petherick, Commonwealth Parliamentary Archivist, historian, collector of Australiana and bibliographer, whose name is commemorated in the Petherick Reading Room of the National Library of Australia.
It is five inches in diameter and made of copperplate, manufactured probably in France to form the central feature of an astronomical clock or armillary sphere, like the Jagiellonian Globe.
WaldseemA?llera€™s America referred to what later became known as South America, as the continental extent of the lands later known as North America was not understood in 1507.
The formula AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA would indicate a common authorship, and therefore a French origin, for the Tross Gores and the Jagiellonian Globe. The relevant phrase on the Jagellonian globe is America novitert reperta [America, land newly discovered]. However, there is no way such a mistaken attribution to a island in the Indian Ocean could have been made if the maker of the Jagellonian Globe had in his possession the world map or globe gores made at St.
Amerigo set out from Lisbon in May 1503 in an unsuccessful attempt to reach Malacca (Melaka) by sailing westwards. In sum, the Jagellonian borrowed directly from the Lenox Globe which does not refer to America. On the earliest of the Dieppe maps, that of Jean Mallard of c.1536-1540, La Catigare is located on that part of the Terre Australe occupied on later Dieppe maps by Jave la Grande. SchA¶ner said that his source of geographical information was the Newe Zeytung auss Presillg Landt [New Tidings from the Brazilish Land], printed in Augsburg, probably in 1514 and compiled from reports on the recent discoveries sent back to the Fugger banking house in Augsburg from their agents in Madeira. Pohl went further and also argued that the globe in all probability was made in the immediate wake of the publication in Italy in 1505 of Vespuccia€™s letters concerning his four voyages ostensibly addressed to the Florentine leader, Piero Soderini.
Despite his personal fascination with European, especially Norse or Viking expeditions to the New World prior to 1492, Pohl declared in that footnote that while he was impressed by the accurate placement of the endpoint of South America at about 56 degrees latitude south in both the Lenox and Jagellonian globes, he concluded that this was a€?accidentala€? and that the depiction of a west coast was a€?imaginarya€?.
Another contributor to this volume, Professor Uta Lingren (University of Bayreuth) preferred the 1511-1512 date.
We do know that Lenox Globe reflects the island-like conception or model for the new continent that in fact was articulated in Cosmographiae Introductio, in sharp contrast to Vespuccia€™s remarks in Mundus Novus. Again, when we take all the facts into account, the analysis continues to point to the time period between 1503 and 1507 for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Fourth, the maker of the Lenox Globe was still not aware of the Spanish and also English exploration of significant coastline of the North American continent which we already find reflected in the Cantino and Caveri maps made by 1504 (#306 and #307). We believe that he made that decision based on inside knowledge which suggested to him that if he took the clearly safer route and followed closely this largely barren, mountainous coastline further northward, then he was not going to reach Asia and the Moluccas. The knowledge that the region associated with the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean was a vast a€?cul-de-saca€? or a gulf - il grand golfo as both Peter Martyr and Vespucci described it - supplied the prime motivation behind Magellana€™s attempt to reach Asia in the alternative fashion that he proposed. A copy of this letter is in the possession of the Rare Book Division (Reserve Room) of The New York Public Library. It is now a prized possession of the New York Public Library, of which the Lenox Library now forms a part. If you reside in an EU member state besides UK, import VAT on this purchase is not recoverable.
If we or our suppliers have any issues with dispatch, we will notify you of this position immediately where you will have the right to cancel the order and we will refund any money paid by you for the goods. All items brought New come with a 1 Year Warranty faulty items cana€™t be returned for a refund after 21 Days they will only be replaced or repaired. Import charges previously quoted are subject to change if you increase you maximum bid amount. South America, of which the western coast only is shown, is titled Terra Sanctae Crucis but it contains none of the place names carefully recorded on Ruyscha€™s map of 1508 (#313). Lawrence River, never returned, and Miguel, who then returned to America to search for him, vanished as well.
In any event he is ambiguous about the landa€™s nature, leaving it undefined on the west and omitting fully the 40A° of longitude which would have revealed its relation to Asia or Terra Sanctae Crucis (South America). Although Ruysch indicated Hispaniola as that which he believed to be Japan, he placed an unidentified island - or part of a northern promontory of a continental Cuba as per Columbus - to the west. The practice of printing maps in color was not pursued, however, and except for a few isolated attempts the printing of maps in color did not become established until the development of lithographic processes in the 19th century. Information from returning mariners was assembled by cartographers to form official charts for kings and their advisors. Duca Hercole [a€?this sea chart of the islands recently discovered in the regions of the Indies has been presented to the Duke of Ferrara, Ercole da€™Este, by Alberto Cantinoa€?]. This, together with the act that the map, when rescued from the butchera€™s shop, was pasted on a screen after it had been stolen from the palace of the Dukes of Ferrara, indicate that the map may have suffered, on the part of its last owner, an excision all around the border.
To the northeast of that land, and at a great distance, lay an insular country ascribed to the Corte-Reals; and, still more easterly, Greenland, but this time in the form of an extensive peninsula, trending west from Northern Europe. In another discussion of its character Harrisse affirms his belief, now generally accepted, that Cantino did not intend to represent this Newfoundland-Labrador landmass as an island, but as the known eastern extension of a supposed continental land not definitely located.
By having the western coast of his North American continent coincide with the western edge of the map, he left indefinite the length of its westward extension, but it seems reasonable to believe that the missing 103A° of his design comprised not only westward-extending land but beyond it water of the same ocean that washed the eastern shore of Asia. This, and the map of Juan de la Cosa (#305), are the oldest surviving maps to bear this historic line.
The places whose latitudes are given thus are inserted only approximately in their correct positions. For the Portuguese, theoretical and practical considerations happily coincided in this instance; when the question of sovereignty over the Moluccas arose, it was to their interest to reduce the longitudinal extent of Asia in order to bring the coveted islands within their sphere. This dense rhumb-line mesh was used in navigation as a reference, for reading and marking directions (courses) between places. Other illustrations include a lion-shaped mountain representing the Sierra Leone mountain range, the Alexandria lighthouse (laid horizontal), the mythical Mountains of the Moon (legendary source of the Nile River) in central Africa, and either the Table Mountain or Drakensberg range in South Africa.
2 (#309), are clearly works of that kind).A  The latter charged him by contract twelve gold ducats (approximately $60), and required about ten months, from December 1501 to October 1502, to execute the work. Because two of Corte-Reala€™s ships returned to Lisbon and brought this news in October 1501, the map could not have been completed before then.A  Therefore, while the maker unfortunately remains unknown, the date is certain.
Dom Manoel, King of Portugal, they think is the end of Asia.A  Only the tip of Greenland is displayed, but with a fair amount of accuracy.


But, as there can be no doubt as to the intention of the makers of all those maps to represent Cuba (under the name of Ilha yssabella), and as we know the exact latitude of that island, we will adopt its most northern cape, as fixed in modern charts (23A° 11'), for a sort of meridian and touchstone to establish the relative position of all lands and islands in that part of the Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes. Another interpretation considers yssabella to be Cuba but regards the peninsula as the Asian mainland Columbus and Cabot believed they had reached. Schulze mixes chalk, nitric acid, and silver in a flask; notices darkening on side of flask exposed to sunlight. A daguerreotype, produced on a silver-plated copper sheet, produces a mirror image photograph of the exposed scene.
In the late 1860s Henry Stevens, an agent for James Lenox and other collectors of rare books and other historical artifacts, became aware of this special globe and recognized its historical significance. We can even detect the suggestion of a cone-shape in the lower latitudes below the equator and a cape or water passage at the far southern end. Given his perspicacity, it remains odd that the Lenox Globe with its distinct image of the South America as a real a€?islanda€? - totally disconnected from other landmasses - and with no depiction of North America at all a€“ was still not enough to persuade Harrisse to date the globe prior to 1507. Stevens must have taken this position by the late 1870s, because an entry under a€?Globesa€? in the Encyclopedia Britannica edition of 1879 quotes him as assigning the date of 1506-1507 to the Lenox Globe. This total separation from Asia is exactly the cartographic projection we find on the Lenox Globe.
And De Costa astutely pointed to Vespuccia€™s repeated assertion in Mundus Novus that he had reached 50 degrees below the equator which means the Italian navigator would have fallen just short of the strait by only two degrees on this voyage. Under peculiar circumstances, it would be possible for an instrument like this to possess many of the marks which indicate an early origin, simply through the failure of the designer to incorporate the results of the latest explorations, concerning which he might have been ignorant; but this suggestion, in order to have any weight in the present case, should be supported by some proof of such ignorance. In Peter Martyra€™s work (Legatio Babylonicd) of the following year, Florida appears as Beimeni, while the Stobnicza map in the Ptolemy of 1512 (#319), gives a rough view of North America, similar to that found in the Ptolemy of 1513 (#320). This circumstance might, therefore, lead some to conclude that the globe originated at a late period.
How, then, could the globe-maker have known that South America terminated in such a form near latitude 55A° S.?
But it is by no means unreasonable to suppose that the termination of South America was known in 1510, even though its circumnavigation had apparently not been accomplished. Perhaps it is not too much to believe that this globe has some connection with the third voyage of Vespucci, which brought him to the latitude of the Straits of Magellan.
When this is done, the student will have before him a tolerable indication of the geography of that region. In the 13th century Marco Polo traveled with a map of the world in his hand, by the aid of which he appears to have described Madagascar.
The a€?Tiger Lega€? is Catigara which was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
These people, as once charged against the Irish, feasted upon the dead and picked their bones. That country is called TERRA SANCTO CRVCIS, as upon the Ruysch map, and MVNDVS Novvs, a name given by Sandacourt, a Canon of St. The name occurs in SchA¶nera€™s Luculentissima, etc., 1515, but the idea that it was generally used is a mistake.
It is probable that he had resolved upon this course before Columbus died, while there is nothing whatever to indicate that Vespucci took any action to secure the honor awarded to him, or even that, any more than Columbus, he was solicitous upon the subject. This, however, he confesses is a mere adaptation of the old classic use, the alter orbis of Pomponius, Mela and Strabo. The Genoese, at the end of Cuba, on his second voyage, required his companions to declare on oath that Cuba was not an island the person maintaining the contrary being liable to a fine of ten thousand maravedis, and to have his tongue cut out.
Fourth: It is the oldest instrument showing that the discoveries of Columbus formed no part of the Asiatic Continent, and that America was absolutely Mvndvs Novvs, or the New World.
That fact is the absence of America on the globe as a name for the new continent - a name which caught on quickly at least in Italy and northern Europe after Cosmographiae Introductio was published in many editions following the first edition in St Die in eastern France in April, 1507. Glareanus states that he had followed the projections of WaldseemA?ller whose large map still had not been found but whose globe gores were well known since the early 1870s.
The other crucial factor that Fite and Freeman cite as in favor of an earlier date prior to 1508 is the fact that the Lenox Globe does not show any portion of the North American mainland - meaning, as observed earlier, that the maker of the little globe was still wedded to the Ptolemaic concept of only one ocean separating Europe and Asia.
Although there is in fact a curl in that direction, it is quite exaggerated on the globe which is a strong hint that someone wanted to be sure that others would conclude that the cape or strait fell inside the Portuguese maritime zone as defined by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494.
In the interview, Petherick referred to the work of Tadeusz Estreicher, a professor at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. On both globes South America is shown, bearing the names MUNDUS NOVUS, TERRA SANCTAE CRUCIS and TERRA DE BRAZIL. This conclusion becomes a certainty when we find that on the Jagiellonian Globe the island bears the inscription: AMERICA-NEWLY-DISCOVERED]. The fact remains, the Lenox Globe and the Jagiellonian Globe are evidence that there was an authoritative map made around 1507-1508 that showed, albeit mistakenly, a continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. Having gone with Amerigo as far as the farthest point he reached (ad fines postremae navigationis) on the coast of the new continent, Hythlodaeus left the expedition and after passing through unknown lands proceeded on to the Portuguese base at Calicut in India by way of Taprobana (Ceylon, present day Sri Lanka) discovering the fabulous island of Utopia on the way. The reverse sequence - the notion that a€“ the Lenox Globe could appear after the Jagellonian Globe, the WaldseemA?ller map and also the many editions of Cosmographiae Introductio a€“ and deliberately drop the name America - makes no sense whatsoever. On the Harleian mappemonde, CATIGARA is not to be found on the western coast of IAVE LA GRANDE but, as noted by Petherick, is located on the western coast of LA TERRE:DVBRESILL, indicating a pre-Magellanic lack of knowledge of the existence of the Pacific Ocean and the notional character of IAVE LA GRANDE.
And last but not least, he refused to follow or more likely did not know of the decision at St.
All the foregoing analysis means that Magellana€™s main claim to fame as a navigator rests not with the discovery of the strait - an achievement which he disavowed - but to his bold decision like that of Columbus in 1492 to cross an ocean whose real breadth was unknown. The small globe is composed of two copper-engraved hemispheric sections closely fitted along the equator, as in the case of the Ulpius Globe (#367), and pierced for an axis. Terra cubA¦ and Hispaniola appear similar in shape to that displayed on Cantino (#306) all the other maps Harrisse refers to as the Lusitano-Germanic group. This suggests that Sylvanus was skeptical of the opinion expressed by the Venetian ambassador to Lisbon, Pietro Pasqualigo, that the new land extended south to the a€?parrot landa€? of Cabral (Brazil).
They have no arms nor any iron, but whatever they fashion and make they do by using very hard and sharp stone, with which they can work anything however hard. For Sylvanus, it was much more sensible to adopt that homeless island as Japan, rather than Hispaniola, because it as yet had no identity, and because it was in the position of Cuba, which Columbus himself had once said was really Japan. Terra cubA¦ and Hispaniola appear similar in shape to that displayed on Cantino (#306) all the other maps Harrisse refers to as the Lusitano-Germanic group.A  However, while further north, the island terra laboratorus is so misplaced that it is situated only a few degrees west of Ireland. It may seem strange that, with so much exploration activity during this period, why no earlier original Portuguese charts has survived (as far as we know). A meridian was drawn some 960 nautical miles west of the Cape Verde Islands that divided the entire world in two for the purpose of European overseas expansion. East of India is a large gulf and then a southward-stretching peninsula, a relic of the coasts which Ptolemy believed to enclose the Indian Ocean. Six scale bars graduated in Iberian leagues, with a variable number of sections (or logs), are distributed over the chart's area.
Along the central African coast are the various cross stone markers (padrAµes) erected by Diogo CA?o and Bartolomeu Dias in the 1480s.
While yet in Lisbon, the probability is that Cantino interviewed Americus Vespucci, who had just returned to that city from his third voyage, and obtained from him supplementary information, which we assume to be the additional names in a cursive handwriting.
The alchemist Fabricio, more or less at the same period of time, observed that silver chloride was darkened by the action of light.
Chemistry student Robert Cornelius was so fascinated by the chemical process involved in Daguerrea€™s work that he sought to make some improvements himself. In 1869, he persuaded Hunt to permit the Coast Survey Bureau in Washington DC to make an accurate facsimile projection which has been used by many subsequent scholars. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find any explanation from Stevens as to why he chose this date. For all these reasons, De Costa at several points in his essay conveyed his strong suspicion that the Portuguese learned a great deal more about the continenta€™s configuration in the years that followed and well before Magellana€™s expedition. Respecting the points on which the globe gives no light, information was, nevertheless, so wide-spread in 1511 as to render it difficult to believe that any globe or map maker of the period could have failed to know of its existence. The very early map attributed to Leonardo da Vinci (#327) shows Florida as an island, but since the map was not published, no inference can be drawn from it.
If, however, it were to be argued that the Lenox Globe belongs to a period subsequent to SchA¶ner, it might be necessary to assign its date to the 16th century.
How, in fact, could he have known that it terminated at all, especially since sketches later than 1515, with one or two unimportant exceptions, represented Terra del Fuego as joined to a great continent, supposed to cover the entire region around the south pole? Peter Martyr, writing to the Pope in 1514, seems to have a definite view of the shape of South America quite in advance of published maps. Since, however, this part of the Indian Ocean contains no such vast island, and since Australia does not appear in its proper place, it has been suggested by De Costa that, though we do so with extreme diffidence, that Australia is represented by the great island in question, which was misplaced; while the so-called Madagascar and Certina are simply Sumatra and Java. Borneo and Celebes (called Java Minor by Ramusio), having their proper place, New Guiana, without any name, also appearing. At that period the great island of Australia, lying close to well-known islands, could hardly have remained unknown to geographers. At the same time the maker of the globe, in common with Sylvanus, in forming the outline of what we venture to offer as Australia, appear to have made a certain use of those outlines characteristic of the Java Major of the Fra Mauro map and the Behaim Globe (#249 and #258), which lay on the east coast of Asia. Loac is the Locac of Marco Polo, and Seilan is the Borneo of our day, the former name having been taken from its proper place near India to make room for Taprobana, which was often applied to Sumatra. 568), believes it necessary to refute what Sebastian Munster said in his Cosmography, to the effect that it sometimes falleth out that Mariners, thinking the Whales to be Islands, and casting out ankers vpon their backs, are often in danger of drowning. Die, when he framed the title of the Latin version of Vespuccia€™s letter, which described Brasil. The name was first published on a map made by WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (#310) and later by Appianus, 1520 (#331), in the work of Gamers, but the Ptolemy of 1513, in a legend on the map made by Hylocomilus himself (#320), attributes the discovery of the new world to Columbus. He then shifts the argument, and shows that Peter Martyr in 1493-4, while speaking of the novis orbis, did not recognize its separation from Asia, and that this use was long continued.
And the date of April 1510 on one of these Glareanus copies made it impossible for the Baron to support von Wiesera€™s attempt to push these maps to the 1520s. This strange level of ignorance on both points seems puzzling for any map or globe made as late as 1510- 1512, and defies a good explanation. Professor Estreicher described a globe which he dated to between 1509 and 1511 held in the Library of the University.
De Costa noted a large land mass depicted in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere, unnamed on the Lenox Globe and suggested, a€?with extreme diffidencea€?, that this land represented Australia, misplaced to this location. The Jagiellonian Globe shows that its maker believed this continent to have been the New World discovered by Amerigo. Is it possible that this globe-maker was simply confused because he did not have the benefit of the world map and only had a copy of Cosmographiae Introductio in front of him? This placed the land discovered by Amerigo and the island of Utopia which lay contiguous to it to the south of Taprobana and India.
When we also note that the Lenox Globe was made by someone who amazingly still seems to be in the total dark about basic geographical knowledge concerning North America a€“ well-known by 1507 to many scholars, not just those involved with WaldseemA?ller - then this would lend considerable weight to the conclusion that the Lenox Globe should date to a time period prior to or no later than Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller map - namely, to the 1503-1507 period as Fite and Freeman argued in 1926. In other words, the Brazilish Land, Presillg Landt, was differentiated from Brazil proper, otherwise known as America.
Given her exclusively technical approach to this globe, she complained about the bending of the tip of the continent towards the east, but it never occurred to her than this feature might have been part of an attempt to deceive, an effort to spread disinformation to make persons think that a cape would fall on the Portuguese side of the maritime demarcation line established in 1494. Die that became widely known after April 1507 to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci who had re-entered Spanish service in early 1505. Thus Sylvanus transplanted Ruyscha€™s uncommitted Cuba to be a€?truea€? Japan, salvaging it from Ruyscha€™s confused Caribbean.
The Tordesillas demarcation line between the Spanish and Portuguese spheres is inserted, and the Portuguese discoveries in the northwest are made to lie just on the Portuguese side of the line.
Nor is it impossible that it should have also exhibited in the supposed cut-off part, a prolongation of the coast southward, such as we see in the map of Nicolay de Caveri (#307).
The Newfoundland-Labrador land is shown unmistakably as an island in the maps of the Lusitano-Germanic Group.
Near its extremity occurs the name Malaqua and off it the large island of Taporbana [Sumatra]. In north Africa, there is the Montes Claros in the usual place of the Atlas mountains, the legend below on the left reading that this is the land of King Organo, whose king is very noble and very rich, and to the right that this is the land of the King of Nubia, the king of which is continuously making war on Prester John and is a moor and a great enemy of Christians. It was only two hundred years later that the physicist Charles made the first photographic impression, by projecting the outlines of one of his pupils on a white paper sheet impregnated with silver chloride. It was commercially introduced in 1839, a date generally accepted as the birth year of practical photography.The metal-based daguerreotype process soon had some competition from the paper-based calotype negative and salt print processes invented by Henry Fox Talbot. And in 1839 Cornelius shot a self-portrait daguerrotype that some historians believe was the first modern photograph of a man ever produced. At the time, Stevens hoped to conclude a purchase for the British Museum and was prepared to pay Hunt the handsome sum of A?2,000, according to Hunt's widow. To get some clue as to why that date might have made sense to Stevens we need to turn to a contemporary scholar who pondered more deeply and put his thoughts in writing as to when this globe might have been made. The maps of 1511, 1512 and 1513 nevertheless must have been known to every intelligent person engaged in globe making, and if the Lenox Globe had been made during those years, or later, it would have reflected information published to the world.
On his map is found a Latin legend, translated as follows: Portuguese mariners discovered this part of this territory, and proceeded as high as the fiftieth degree of South latitude, but without reaching its southern extremity. Being secretly together in a chamber with the Bishop of Burgos, Martyr says that they examined many sea charts, one of which Vespucci was said to have set his hand, while another had been influenced by both Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus. In accordance with this view, it would be necessary to conclude that, though misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, even Australia was known to the geographers of that early period.
It would appear that the Java Minor of Marco Polo, a term applied by him to Sumatra, came eventually to include the entire region.
The maker of the Lenox Globe may have misunderstood his instructions, and thus pushed Australia into the Indian Ocean. In Northern India is Sacha- vvm Regno, the sugar region described in the Ptolemy of Patavino (1596). It would appear as though Milton found his own Leviathan on the page of Hakluyt, in whose works he had read the treatise signed Arngrimus Ionus. This has been alluded to as very curious, though the course pursued by Hylacomilus was altogether consistent. The Lenox Globe appears to have been made at a time when geographers regarded the matter with unconcern, as neither Columbus nor Vespucci have any honor awarded.
He forgets, however, that Martyr describes South America as land never known by the ancients. 145.) Pinzon on the first voyage understood Cuba to be a city, and that the land here was a continent of great size, which extended far to the north (First Voyage of Columbus, Boston, 1827). That said, NordenskiA¶ld was still content in Periplus to give the Lenox Globe a date of about 1510 that just happened to be the same year for the Glareanus copies of WaldseemA?llera€™s work. Fortunately, it has survived the vicissitudes of the 20th century and is still held in the Treasury of the Jagiellonian Library, now the Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego Collegium Maius. If so, a€?it would be necessary to conclude that, although misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, Australia was known to the geographers of that early perioda€?. Not likely because Vespuccia€™s detailed letters concerning all his voyages were attached to Cosmographiae Introductio. This is just where Amerigoa€™s newly discovered land is shown on the Jagiellonian Globe, indicating that Sir Thomas More probably had such a globe before him when he wrote Utopia. The Zeytung described the voyagers passing through a strait, like the Strait of Gibraltar, between the southernmost point of America or Brazil, and a land to the South West, referred to as vndtere Presill (in Latin, Brasilia inferior). In sharp contrast, Rudolf Schmidt in the 1991 reprint of Konrad Kretschmera€™s famous 1892 atlas of facsimile maps underscored the crucial question in his brief commentary where he remarked: a€?How does the unknown author of the Lenox Globe arrive at a quite good representation of South America, if we disregard the eastward kink, which after all persisted for a long time in drawings of Africa as well?a€? Schmidt at the time was the President of the International Coronelli Society that promotes the study of globes. He described the people brought back by Miguel, probably the Beothuk Indians, now long extinct.
They are very shy and gentle, but excellently formed as to arms and legs and shoulders, beyond describing. Beyond is the suggestion of a land regalis domus whose western coastline is left open, as is the whole eastern coastline of Asia at the other extremity of the map.
It has been generally, though not universally, agreed that political reasons lay behind the placing of the island on both the Cantino and Caveri maps in the Portuguese sphere just beyond, in the eastward sense, the Line of Demarcation established in 1494 by the Treaty of Tordesillas. Consequently, although Spain claimed most of America, the Portuguese controlled the East Indies and Brazil. The eastern coast of Asia runs away to the northeast, almost featureless but with a number of names, mostly unidentifiable, on the coast and indications of shoals off shore. But before Stevens could make this offer, Hunt already had already decided to give the globe as a gift to Lenox out of admiration for him.
This was the case with many of the early geographical works; but in every such instance it is easy to show that the map is not in accordance with the text, and that the map was introduced by the publisher in lieu of something better. According to this argument, this globe, therefore, takes its place in the year 1510, or the beginning of 1511.
But this question is one that may be disembarrassed, for it will not prove a difficult task to show how the globe- maker may have obtained, in 1610, the knowledge which he exhibits.
Speaking of South America, he says it reaches forth into the sea even as Italy doth, although not like the leg of a man, as it does. That this was so appears from the fact that names belonging to Java and the neighboring islands are given on maps of a later period.
The attention of the designer of the globe may have been directed to the subject by the voyage of Gonnville, who sailed from Honfleur in June 1503, for the East, and fell upon a great country, not far from the direct route to the Indies, which they called Southern India. Near Persia is Carmenis, the Kermann of Marco Polo, who does not refer to the neighboring Calicut, or Calcutta. The history of this name, however, is not quite so clear as the others, though Navarrete calls attention to Muratoria€™s notice of the fact that brazil, signifying a red dye-wood, was an excisable article at Ferrara and Modena in 1193 and 1306.
The really curious thing remains to be stated, and for the special consideration of those writers who have had so much to say about the ingratitude shown to Columbus by early geographers. Certainly Vespucci never gave the impression in these letters or in the earlier publication known as Mundus Novus that he was sailing in the Indian Ocean.
A very similar globe, belonging to an astronomical clock and apparently of about the same age as the Lenox Globe, is in the library of the Jagiellon University at Cracow in Poland. The delineation of the Asian coast using the a€?Tiger Lega€? configuration carries on the tradition also employed by the Behaim Globe, and the Marlellus, King Hamy, Roselli, WaldseemA?ller, and Contarini maps. It may be observed that this eastward location of the island is even more strongly emphasized in the celebrated King-Hamy-Huntington chart (#307.1), an anonymous Italian production of a date slightly later than that of the map of Caveri.
The photos were turned into lantern slides and projected in registration with the same color filters.
Hunt had a close relationship with Lenox because Lenox had hired him to design a large mansion in Manhattan to house his private collection. After passing this year, and reaching 1520, the newly found lands are so well known as to be celebrated in an English poem, entitled the Four Elements. 7) calls attention to the fact that in the fourteenth chapter of the work, in which the map of Ruysch appears, there is a separate statement, to the effect that the Portuguese had surveyed the coast of South America as far as 37A° S., and that it was known as far as 50A° S.
The Globe of Ulpius (#367) illustrates this phase of the question, Java Minor appearing as a very large island, and the true Java not being laid down at all. He also quotes from Capmanya€™s Memorias sobra la antiqua marina, commercio, y artes de Barcelona, which contains references to this wood connected with the years 1221, 1243, 1252 and 1271.
The point is this, that though Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, lived until 1539, and for many years was an owner and diligent reader of the Cosmographise Introductio, which he annotated and rebound, he is not known to have written or spoken a syllable, or to have caused any one else to write so much as a word, expressive of any sense of injustice done to his father by the naming of the New World after Vespucci. It has invariably been used by mapmakers to represent the coast of North America, whatever may have been its origin. Winsor, neither of who had seen the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was only discovered in 1901, fixed the date at 1508-11 and 1510-12, respectively.
The globe consists of two gilded copperplate calottes, inscribed with the Eartha€™s principal features as understood at that time, including a continent inscribed AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA.
The Zeytung said that Malacca was only six hundred miles from the western point of this Brazil.
In 1802, Wedgwood reproduced transparent drawings on a surface sensitized by silver nitrate and exposed to light.
The offering of the globe as a gift was evidently timed with the completion of the construction of this mansion in 1870.
The scholar Henry Harrisse, in his Life of Fernand Colomb, also calls attention to the fact that the partisan Life of the Admiral, which has been attributed to his son, while exceedingly severe upon those who detracted from the fame of Columbus, does not mention either Hylacomilus or his book. It is the earliest surviving globe on which the name America appears, a name invented by Martin WaldseemA?ller and published in his Cosmographiae Introductio, St.
In SchA¶nera€™s 1520 globe, AMERICA had evolved into TERRA NOVA, AMERICA vel BRASILIA sive PAPAGALLI TERRA [Land of Parrots], while BRASILLIE REGIO had become BRASILIA INFERIOR (a translation of vndtere Presill). Nicephore Niepce (1765-1833) had the idea of using as sensitive material the bitumen, which is altered and made insoluble by light, thus keeping the images obtained unaltered. Long before the first photographs were made, Chinese philosopher Mo Ti and Greek mathematicians Aristotle and Euclid described a pinhole camera in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. Thus in 1508 there existed at Rome a general understanding of the coast to within about two degrees of the entrance to the Straits of Magellan. Major discusses four maps with similar characteristics, belonging to same period, in the Hakluyt Societya€™s work on Australia, and the matter is also touched upon in his Prince Henry. It would appear, therefore, that the indignation referred to is, upon the whole, a modern thing, of which the immediate friends of the famous Genoese had no experience. The Lenox Globe, though giving no lines of latitude, represents the coast as far south as about 55A° south latitude, the correct latitude of Cape Horn. SchA¶nera€™s 1533 globe showed the BRASILIAE REGIO as part of the TERRA AVSTRALIS, with an enormous peninsula, the REGIO PATALIS, attached to its southeastern part. He communicated his experiences to Daguerre (1787-1851) who noticed that a iodide-covered silver plate - thedaguerreotype -, by exposition to iodine fumes, was impressed by the action of light action, and that the almost invisible alteration could be developed with the exposition to mercury fumes. In the 6th century CE, Byzantine mathematician Anthemius of Tralles used a type of camera obscura in his experimentsIbn al-Haytham (Alhazen) (965 in Basra a€“ c. With such facts before him, Humboldt came to the conclusion that between the years 1500 and 1508 a succession of attempts were made by the Portuguese along the coast of South America, beginning at Porto Seguro in latitude 16A° S.
Some of the geographers endeavored to set off Java, reduced to proper proportions, SchA¶ner, 1520, being amongst the number; but in the attempt Australia in some cases disappeared altogether. Moreover, it places open water to the south of this new continent and thus suggests that the water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519.
Oronce Finea€™s 1531 map exhibits this cosmography, and the Dieppe maps show its further evolution, even though it was out of date by the time they were made in the 1540s and 1550s.
It was then fixed with a solution of potassium cyanide, which dissolves the unaltered iodine.The daguerreotype (1839) was the first practical solution for the problem of photography. Brazil appears on a map of the 15th century, but the Catalan map of 1375 (#235) also shows an island in the Atlantic bearing the name. The SchA¶ner globes of 1515 and 1520 (#328), on which South America is separated from an Antarctic continent by a strait connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, give further evidence of this fact. In 1841, Claudet discovered quickening substances, thanks to which exposing times were shortened.
Still the student is not justified, with such data, in declaring precisely how far the navigators knew the region by actual observation. Perhaps, therefore, the Lenox Globe may be regarded as showing one of the earliest attempts to correct a misunderstanding. More or less at the same time period, EnglishWilliam Henry Talbot substituted the steel daguerreotype with paper photographs (named calotype). Wilhelm Homberg described how light darkened some chemicals (photochemical effect) in 1694. The inference is that the navigators who passed along that region viewed the strait afterwards discovered by Magellan as an inlet, and that they learned from the natives the configuration of Terra del Fuego. It is reasonable, however, to conclude that the name was applied to South America, because the first navigator found there an abundance of desirable dye-wood.
Niepce of Saint-Victor (1805-1870), Nicephorea€™s cousin, invented the photographic glass plate covered with a layer of albumin, sensitized by silver iodide. The novel Giphantie (by the French Tiphaigne de la Roche, 1729a€“74) described what could be interpreted as photography.Around the year 1800, Thomas Wedgwood made the first known attempt to capture the image in a camera obscura by means of a light-sensitive substance. Maddox and Benett, between 1871 and 1878, discovered the gelatine-bromide plate, as well as how to sensitize it.
The Hudsona€™s Bay Company possess at their House important sketches made by the Indians; while Balboa, called the a€?Discoverer of the Pacifica€? had the Pacific discovered for him by the Cacique of Zumaco, who, upon the arrival of the Spaniard in the Bay of Panama, figured for him the coasts of Quito, and described the riches of Peru. As with the bitumen process, the result appeared as a positive when it was suitably lit and viewed. This was all that the Spanish and Portuguese navigators needed to have done for them by the natives of Terra del Fuego. A strong hot solution of common salt served to stabilize or fix the image by removing the remaining silver iodide. On 7 January 1839, this first complete practical photographic process was announced at a meeting of the French Academy of Sciences, and the news quickly spread. At first, all details of the process were withheld and specimens were shown only at Daguerre's studio, under his close supervision, to Academy members and other distinguished guests.
Paper with a coating of silver iodide was exposed in the camera and developed into a translucent negative image.
Unlike a daguerreotype, which could only be copied by rephotographing it with a camera, a calotype negative could be used to make a large number of positive prints by simple contact printing. The calotype had yet another distinction compared to other early photographic processes, in that the finished product lacked fine clarity due to its translucent paper negative.
This was seen as a positive attribute for portraits because it softened the appearance of the human face. Talbot patented this process,[20] which greatly limited its adoption, and spent many years pressing lawsuits against alleged infringers. He attempted to enforce a very broad interpretation of his patent, earning himself the ill will of photographers who were using the related glass-based processes later introduced by other inventors, but he was eventually defeated. Nonetheless, Talbot's developed-out silver halide negative process is the basic technology used by chemical film cameras today. Hippolyte Bayard had also developed a method of photography but delayed announcing it, and so was not recognized as its inventor.In 1839, John Herschel made the first glass negative, but his process was difficult to reproduce. The new formula was sold by the Platinotype Company in London as Sulpho-Pyrogallol Developer.Nineteenth-century experimentation with photographic processes frequently became proprietary. This adaptation influenced the design of cameras for decades and is still found in use today in some professional cameras. Petersburg, Russia studio Levitsky would first propose the idea to artificially light subjects in a studio setting using electric lighting along with daylight. In 1884 George Eastman, of Rochester, New York, developed dry gel on paper, or film, to replace the photographic plate so that a photographer no longer needed to carry boxes of plates and toxic chemicals around. Now anyone could take a photograph and leave the complex parts of the process to others, and photography became available for the mass-market in 1901 with the introduction of the Kodak Brownie.A practical means of color photography was sought from the very beginning. Results were demonstrated by Edmond Becquerel as early as 1848, but exposures lasting for hours or days were required and the captured colors were so light-sensitive they would only bear very brief inspection in dim light.The first durable color photograph was a set of three black-and-white photographs taken through red, green and blue color filters and shown superimposed by using three projectors with similar filters. It was taken by Thomas Sutton in 1861 for use in a lecture by the Scottish physicist James Clerk Maxwell, who had proposed the method in 1855.[27] The photographic emulsions then in use were insensitive to most of the spectrum, so the result was very imperfect and the demonstration was soon forgotten. Maxwell's method is now most widely known through the early 20th century work of Sergei Prokudin-Gorskii. Included were methods for viewing a set of three color-filtered black-and-white photographs in color without having to project them, and for using them to make full-color prints on paper.[28]The first widely used method of color photography was the Autochrome plate, commercially introduced in 1907.
If the individual filter elements were small enough, the three primary colors would blend together in the eye and produce the same additive color synthesis as the filtered projection of three separate photographs. Autochrome plates had an integral mosaic filter layer composed of millions of dyed potato starch grains. Reversal processing was used to develop each plate into a transparent positive that could be viewed directly or projected with an ordinary projector.
The mosaic filter layer absorbed about 90 percent of the light passing through, so a long exposure was required and a bright projection or viewing light was desirable.
Competing screen plate products soon appeared and film-based versions were eventually made.
A complex processing operation produced complementary cyan, magenta and yellow dye images in those layers, resulting in a subtractive color image. Kirsch at the National Institute of Standards and Technology developed a binary digital version of an existing technology, the wirephoto drum scanner, so that alphanumeric characters, diagrams, photographs and other graphics could be transferred into digital computer memory.
The lab was working on the Picturephone and on the development of semiconductor bubble memory. The essence of the design was the ability to transfer charge along the surface of a semiconductor. Michael Tompsett from Bell Labs however, who discovered that the CCD could be used as an imaging sensor.



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