Universal law writings of meredith quinn,numerologist report,iq test free iq test - Reviews

10.01.2016
ABSTRACT: The newly- discovered Evesham world map, a map that was almost certainly commissioned for Evesham Abbey in about 1390, was added to and amended some 20 years later, and was then reused by 1452.
The College of Arms in London is England's most important heraldic institution, where coats of arms are officially devised and registered.
The Evesham Abbey map tells us much about the context of English map making at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries and about some English perceptions of their country and the world at that time.
To understand the map now in the College of Arms, it is essential to go back to Ranulf Higden (#232) and to his use of maps in his best-known work, the Polychronicon.
Higden began work on the Polychronicon early in the 1320s and regularly updated it until his death in 1363. There is no evidence that Higden himself, unlike his famous predecessor, the chronicler Matthew Paris, was particularly cartographically literate. The map that Higden finally selected for what is now the Huntington Library manuscript was probably an already rather ancient model.
There is no pictorial illustration on the Huntington map apart from the depiction of Adam and Eve in Paradise and two dogsa€™ heads outside the map.
The absence of any explicit connection between illustration and text brings to mind the acute observation made by Rudolf Wittkower in relation to the divergence between the illustrations and the text in 15th century copies of Marco Poloa€™s travels: a€?No medieval artist aimed at a descriptive illustration of a text. In the course of the 1340s - possibly before Higden had selected a map to fill the space left in the text for it - a copyist, perhaps working for Ramsey Abbey, Huntingdonshire, created a larger, more detailed and better-executed world map, which illustrates the text much more fully. If evidence is needed of the decline of cartographic consciousness in England in the second half of the 14th century - perhaps as a consequence of the Black Death pandemic of 1348 a€“ one needs also to bear in mind that only twenty of the surviving 120 or so complete Polychronicon texts in Latin (and only those of the intermediate text and its continuations) contain maps.
The map now at the College of Arms can only be understood in the general context of these Higden maps. In the second half of the 14th century, Evesham Abbey was the centre of considerable intellectual activity, typified by the production of works such as the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi, a chronicle of events in England during the reign of Richard II, which is usually found as a continuation of the Polychronicon. This brief excursion into English chronicle writing is relevant to the Evesham world map for two reasons. Thus we can summarize the main lines of descent of the various Higden maps (see time diagram below). Possible relationships of maps associated with surviving manuscripts of Ranulf Higdena€™ Polychronicon, c. It is highly probable that the map now owned by the College of Arms is the map referred to in the Herford inventory. The most striking features of the Evesham map are its size and its extremely good state of preservation. As in the case of the Huntington Library map and its successors, the Evesham map neither depicts nor refers to any of the fabulous creatures or Marvels of the East that make a regular appearance on so many of the more elaborate mappaemundi such as the Ebstorf, Psalter, Hereford, Duchy of Cornwall and the Aslake maps.
Despite the relative absence of biblical references on the Evesham map, the mapmaker's profoundpiety is obvious and not surprising.
Unique to the Evesham map, and not seen on any other map associated with the Polychronicon, is the land of the Huns.
The prominence given to the Huns - the only place or territorial name apart from Jerusalem to place have its name picked out in red - is difficult to explain. Furthermore, the position of Hungri on the Evesham map corresponds approximately to that of the land of Gog and Magog on the Anglo-Saxon, Psalter and other world maps.
On the Evesham map, Europe is divided into its medieval provinces, though Mount Olympus, a reference from classical antiquity, is shown.
For the significance of this manner of portraying France, reference should be made to the representation of Britain and France on the Hereford world map about a century earlier.
In the case of additions to the map, the new draughtsman was much less skilled than his predecessor and much less geographically aware. The evidence of erasures on the mapa€™s surface shows unmistakably that the original map was later revised.
The principal towns and ports of the south coast of Devon and Cornwall - Exeter [exeter], Totnes [Tottenis], Dartmouth [dertemowth], Plymouth [plinmowth], Liskeard [leskyrt], Fowey [Fowey] and Penryn [peryn] - are shown more or less in their correct sequence, with only Totnes and Exeter somewhat misplaced.
Taddiport is not mentioned in the cartularies of Evesham Abbey, making its inclusion on the map very strange.
It is more likely that Taddiport owes its presence on the map to a family connection, possibly with the unknown scribe or with Abbot Yatton, the likely patron of these later additions to the map. Another peculiar feature of the Evesham map, however, can be more firmly explained in terms of Boteler family links. The Evesham mapa€™s close similarity to mapsfound with some of the continuations to Higden's Polychronicon could lead to the reasonable assumption that, despite its size, it had a particular association with Evesham Abbeya€™s own continuation (the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi). Another equally strong argument against an intellectual link between the Evesham map and either the Polychronicon or the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi is The mapa€™s simplicity.
The likelihood must be that its very simplicity means the Evesham map was intended as an aide-memoire about the nature of the world and that its function was to illuminate in a limited way all the traditional scholastic texts rather than one in particular, just as the T-O diagram (#205) was so often appended to geographical sections of medieval encyclopedic text.
In their essentials - and despite the modernisms and innovations that most contained - world maps had become standardized in their contents, and their general image was conventionalized by the 14th century. The Evesham map thus provides further circumstantial evidence of the premise with which we started: that the map Higden initially used to illustrate his text would have been no more than the standard, basic image of the world of a design which had long been thought suitable for any didactic geographical purpose regardless of author and which could be elaborated to illustrate any text.
In size and complexity these signs vary according to the relative importance of the settlements as perceived by the mapmaker. If the work of the first scribe suggests that evenaway from the main centers of teaming there were those who had some grasp, albeit imperfect, of the nature and role of cartographic signs, the work of the second serves to remind us that such a consciousness was by no means universal.
There is no evidence as to why the verse of the leaf containing the world map was re-used for an illustrated genealogy in 1450, barely sixty years after its creation, and probably less than fifty after the most recent changes had been made. By the time the Evesham map was being created, however, maps of the world produced in the Mediterranean countries and influenced by the more accurate coastal profiles of portolan charts had already begun to reach England.
The map of the world now owned by the College of Arms is striking because of the topicality of its perspectives and allusions.
Despite its close resemblance to the maps most commonly found in surviving copies of the Polychronicon, we have concluded that the Evesham map was above all a wall map for general instruction and edification. DESCRIPTION: More or less elaborate diagram-maps, in the tradition of the early medieval world maps, were still being produced in the 14th and 15th centuries. This manuscript has the ownership inscription of John Wardeboys, who was abbot of Ramsey at the time of its dissolution in 1539. The world map of Higden, derived as usual from a variety of Roman sources, is found in the first book, and some 21 extant examples can be traced to the 1342 London manuscript of the Polychronicon for which stemmata have been developed by Konrad Miller, with modifications by R.A. There is no evidence that Higden himself, unlike his famous predecessor, the chronicler Matthew Paris (Book II, #225), was particularly cartographically literate. The map that Higden finally selected for what is now the Huntington Library manuscript HM 132 was probably an already rather ancient model.
Detail of Mesopotamia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, from Ranulph Higdena€™s Polychronicon, England, c.
See also monograph #236.2, the Evesham world map, for additional information on Ranulf Higden.
Detail of Noah in the ark with a ram, lion, and a stag, from Ranulph Higdena€™s Polychronicon, England, c. An example of Higdena€™s mandorla or almond-shaped maps is shown here, perhaps representing a common Christian symbol of the aureole surrounding Christ. English manuscript map centered around Jerusalem and to be read from the north-west, in Ranulf Higden, Polychronicon, late 14th century, Oxford University MS.
1906: Availability of panchromatic black and white film and therefore high quality color separation color photography. PAINTING OF THE WEEK - Ruins of the Holyrood Chapel by Moonlight, oil on canvas, 1824, Louis Daguerre.
G+ #Read of the Day: The Daguerreotype - The daguerreotype, an early form of photograph, was invented by Louis Daguerre in the early 19th c. The first photograph (1826) - Joseph Niepce, a French inventor and pioneer in photography, is generally credited with producing the first photograph.
Easy Peasy Fact:Following Niepcea€™s experiments, in 1829 Louis Daguerre stepped up to make some improvements on a novel idea.
The question is where is this supposedly larger body of evidence than what you have seen that a peaceful tolerant school of Islam has ever existed? That's why I call on peaceful Muslims to confront these aspects of Islam, and formulate new ways to understand these texts, so as to blunt the force of the jihadist recruitment. If you think a Peaceful Toleranta„? orthodox school of Islam ever existed in the past, or exists today someplace, then you probably underestimate the magnitude of what it would take to reform it, which is theoretically possible.
But in almost every case, the Islamic scholars were building on what had been established by Jews, Christians, or others. The reason none of the following examples are on the Tiny Minority of Extremists page is because what they said about IS&J was never accepted by any of the 5 schools.
Ibn Sina (Avicenna) (980-1037) - His book The Canon of Medicine was preeminent among European doctors until the 1600s.
Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) - Indian jurist for the British East India Company and reformer, eldest of the five modernists whose influence on Islamic thought was to shape and define Muslim responses to modernism in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Adama Dieng (1950- ) - Senegalese, International Law degree from the Hague Academy, was registrar of Supreme Court of Senegal, Secretary-General for the International Commission of Jurists. The leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ma'mun al-Hudaybi, was among the first to welcome and justify the assassination and, and during the trial of the murderers, Azhari scholar and former Muslim Brother Muhammad al-Ghazali testified that when the state fails to punish apostates somebody else has to do it. Mahmoud Muhammad Taha (1909-- 1985) - Sudanese scholar, Reformera„?, often hailed as a Moderatea„? because he was executed for heresy in Sudan in 1985 for proposing a reversal of the rule of abrogation that would make the a€?gentlera€? Meccan verses prevail over the later Medinan. Now he advocates a peaceful understanding of Islam that is compatible with universal human rights and intellectual freedom. Moreover, there is no single approved Islamic textbook that contradicts or provides an alternative to the passages I have cited [advocating jihad violence, misogyny, Jew-hated, enslavement and rape of female war prisoners and the beating of women]. However, despite these positive developments, said Dr Sookhdeo, a€?the essential ideological problems still remained unsolved. Robert Reilly in this interview discusses Mua€™tazilite school and other reformers and efforts, and the debate in Islam on whether the Koran is created or not, and the death of rationalism. In 2007 and 2008 those 3 discussed the weakness of their efforts with Robert Spencer and Bill Warner.
In January 2015 Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi gave a remarkable speech to religious leaders in Egypt accusing Islamic thinking of being the scourge of humanitya€”in words that no Western leader would dare utter.
Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector. Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations.
The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones. As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared). Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales. The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts. The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found. Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) .
In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes.
Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path. Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator.
Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity.
In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side.
Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere. We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust. The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions.
The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions.
Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands. European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions. At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness.
These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world.
But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib.
Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came. From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk.
It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth. Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts.
There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece.
In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date. The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge. Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established.
In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography. The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied. Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess.
Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire. When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence.
In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life. Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity. Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking. The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world.
It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone. China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994.
Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters. Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost. As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
It derives from what was probably a standard world map copied for Ranulf Higden for his Polychronicon.
Over many centuries it has accumulated an unrivalled collection of heraldic and genealogical manuscripts. An exhibition catalogue of 1936 concentrated mainly on the pedigree, and the map was simply reported as a€?a fourteenth century map of the world, with Adam and Eve, the tree and serpent at the heada€™. It also raises questions about the relationship between medieval authors and the maps illustrating their works. It depends largely on classical writings such as Pliny's Etymologia (especially as transmitted by earlier medieval writers and encyclopaedists, notably Isidore of Seville, #205), on medieval chronicles, on travel accounts such as those of Vincent of Beauvais, Giraldus Cambrensis and Marco Polo, on the Alexander legends and, above all, on the Bible. Other chroniclers contributed their own a€?continuationsa€™ to Higdena€™s text until after 1400.
Their occurrence or non-occurrence, however, is so apparently arbitrary and the design of most of them so unrelated to the text as to prompt questions about Higden's attitude towards maps and about the nature and purpose of these so-called Higden maps.
Almost certainly the now-lost original short version of the Polychronicon did not contain a map.
It presented the essentials of his world-view without the frills (such as the texts and illustrations relating to the Marvels of the East and to the Bible) found on the great 13th century world maps. Only the principal cities, rivers, seas and provinces of the classical world are named, except in western Europe where some medieval place-names appear.
In some ways this work resembles the great maps of the previous century with their descriptive texts. Even if a few of the other hundred mapless texts may originally have been accompanied by larger, separate maps - in the way that a copy of Gervase of Tilburya€™s Otia Imperialia may once have accompanied, explained and elucidated the Ebstorf world map (#224) -the likelihood must be that most had none.
However, its particular context was that of the prosperous wool country of the Cotswolds rather than Higdena€™s hometown of Chester or the fens and marsh and water then surrounding Ramsey Abbey. First, the tone of the Evesham chronicle and of its principal sources, unlike the internationalism of Higden, is distinctly local and patriotic - a characteristic that is also a notable feature of the Evesham map. Both the Oxford and the Paris maps may have been indirectly derived from a circular map in a text of the Polychronicon, dated 1367 by its scribe, one Walter of Donyngton, and now in Cambridge University Library. Herford was a man of some learning who has been suggested as the author or patron of the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi. In addition to a Polychronicon (Polichronica) and another chronicle (a chronicae abbreviatae), the list details a Descriptio orbis cum chronicis abbreviatis, a Quaternus de Peregrinatione Terrae Sanctae, an Imago de Mounde, a treatise on making astrolabes, an Albumasar (perhaps an Arabic astronomical treatise), an unbound volume on the division of historical time (Quaternus Divisione Temporum), the writings of the English medieval cosmographer John of Holywood (Johannes de Sacro Bosco) and a Quaternus de Mirabilibus mundi et Astronomiae. At 940 X 460 mm, on a skin measuring 990 X 550 mm, it is far smaller than the Ebstorf (#224) and Hereford (#226) world maps but is of comparable dimensions to the Vercelli (#220.2) world map (840 X 720 mm). The known, inhabited world or oikumene is divided into three continents, subdivided into provinces and surrounded by an Ocean Sea dotted with islands including (as in all other Higden maps) Wyndlond which has traditionally been associated with Finland, Denmark-Jutland or, less probably, the land of the Wends and Sorbs (now in eastern Germany), but which might also be an echo of Vinland. Given the detailed attention paid to the Marvels in the text of the first book of the Polychronicon, their omission from the map is unlikely to be due to a more rigorous intellectual analysis or to a narrower focus on Higdena€™s part, though these factors may have been relevant to the map that Higden seems to have copied from. In an age troubled by foreign wars, civil unrest (for example, the Peasantsa€™ Revolt), religious dissent (Lollards and Hussites) and fresh memories of the Black Death, the reality of human mortality and the evidence for divine wrath were ever-present. This is shown as a castellated tower labeled Hungri placed between Gothia, Scandinavia and the province of the Amazons, which is shown as close to Asia Minor. It is unlikely to be a reflection of the power achieved by Louis I of Hungary, whose domains in the 14th century stretched from the Baltic to the Balkans, but it could well reflect a confusion in the mind of the Cartographer between the Huns and the equally fierce Mongols.
Since Gog and Magog were to sweep through the world on the Day of Judgment, it was perhaps feared that the Mongols would act in a similarly apocalyptic fashion. Europe, too, that the differences between the Evesham map and the other oval Higden maps are most apparent. Exceptionally, Artois (Artyes) is indicated on the map (there appears to be no sign of it on other Higden world maps) in order to make possible the depiction of Calais, which had come into English hands in 1347. There, England is far smaller than it is on the Evesham map while France is far bigger, and more French towns are marked than English towns. There is clear evidence, however, that the map was further embellished at some unknown date. The original intention would seem to have been to depict England on a north-south alignment consistent with the rest of the map. The scribe responsible for these revisions evidently failed to understand the alignment of England.
The ports may have been included on the map primarily because of their trade with the foreign ports of Bruges, Rouen and, especially, Bordeaux. The place-names start with the tiny settlement of Taddiport [tadiport], which at that time would have possessed little more than a chantry chapel, a leper hospital and a bridge across the Torridge. Small settlements with bridges such as Taddiport do indeed feature prominently on the Gough map because of their importance as intermediate points along the routes that constituted the mapa€™s internal structure. Abbot Yatton is known to have been related to the Boteler family - probably the Botelers, or Butlers, of Droitwich, Worcestershire - who were also associated with the village of Yatton, now known as Eaton Bray, in Bedfordshire. For example, Carlisle [carlyl] is placed in Scotland even though it had been finally ceded to England a century and a half earlier, in 1157. Scholars have increasingly emphasized the vital importance of the interplay between text and image to the intended didactic purpose of medieval maps. The first must surely be that had the map been intended to be associated with the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi, or with the Polychronicon, or had it been so regarded by contemporaries, the monk who compiled the inventory following Nicholas Herforda€™s death would have linked them in some way. Despite its size and the opportunities this could have given for textual and visual elaboration, the map lacks the traditional imagery and explanatory texts found on the great 13th century world maps and the miniature Psalter map, or even on maps from the previous generation, such as the more elaborate Ramsey Abbey Higden map and the fragmentary Aslake map.
Of course the Evesham map is cartographically much more complex than a T-O diagram and reflects its creators' mentality and their immediate concerns, which are also evident in the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi on which they were probably working simultaneously.
Such an argument accords with the lack of intellectual originality that is so characteristic of Higdena€™s writings. In this respect the Evesham map represents an advance from the Gough map of the Previous generation (itself possibly derived from an earlier prototype). He continued to mark settlements outside the British Isles with roughly sketched towers of different designs, but he used no sign for Bordeaux or for most of the named towns in England, Scotland and Ireland.
It brings to mind the inconsistent use of signs by the creator of the Aslake map a generation earlier. Copies of Higdena€™s Polychronicon, sometimes accompanied by a map, were still being produced elsewhere in England in the mid-15th century and Caxton printed John Trevisaa€™s English-language translation as late as 1482. While maybe not immediately appreciated by native mapmakers, evidence shows that by 1450 merchants and mariners in certain ports, notably Bristol, were beginning to take these modem maps seriously. It was not specifically intended as an accompaniment to the Polychronicon or any other written text. The relative lack of intellectual freshness of all the Higden maps contrasts as much with the great world maps of the 13th century as with the portolan charts of the 14th and the newly circulating Ptolemaic maps of the 15th century. One of them, in various versions, appears in copies of a compendious and immensely popular universal Latin history book, the Polychronicon, written in the mid-14th century by Ranulf Higden, a Benedictine monk at Chester (ca. It is oriented with East at the top, Jerusalem near its center and the heads around the map represent the twelve winds. It depends largely on classical writings such as Plinya€™s Etymologia (especially as transmitted by earlier medieval writers and encyclopaedists, notably Isidore of Seville (Book II, #205), on medieval chronicles, on travel accounts such as those of Vincent of Beauvais, Giraldus Cambrensis and Marco Polo, on the Alexander legends and, above all, on the Bible. Their occurrence or non-occurrence, however, is so apparently arbitrary and the design of most of them so unrelated to the text as to prompt questions about Higdena€™s attitude towards maps and about the nature and purpose of these so-called Higden maps. It presented the essentials of his worldview without the frills (such as the texts and illustrations relating to the Marvels of the East and to the Bible) found on the great 13th century world maps. Only the principal cities, rivers, seas and provinces of the classical world are named, except in Western Europe where some medieval place-names appear.
Even if a few of the other hundred mapless texts may originally have been accompanied by larger, separate maps - in the way that a copy of Gervase of Tilburya€™s Otia Imperialia may once have accompanied, explained and elucidated the Ebstorf world map (Book II, #224) a€“ the likelihood must be that most had none. Talbot was active from the mid-1830s, and sits alongside Louis Daguerre as one of the fathers of the medium. Niepcea€™s photograph shows a view from the Window at Le Gras, and it only took eight hours of exposure time!The history of photography has roots in remote antiquity with the discovery of the principle of the camera obscura and the observation that some substances are visibly altered by exposure to light.
Again employing the use of solvents and metal plates as a canvas, Daguerre utilized a combination of silver and iodine to make a surface more sensitive to light, thereby taking less time to develop.
There is little support behind him, much less an overwhelming majority, and his statement does not even oppose the idea of Islamic supremacism, only violence to achieve it. But this cannot be done without actually examining what the texts actually say -- which very thing you claim will make Muslims who abhor jihad violence decide that jihad violence is a-ok. But in reality, it was founded on pre-IslamicA Greek and Eastern acquisitions in knowledge and innovations.a€? (The Real Islamic Golden Age) You can see evidence of the Andalusian Myth of Islamic Tolerancea„? in the opinions of famous jurists from there.
Civilized people owe a debt to Muslim believers like Abu Jaa€™far Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, whose pioneering seventh-century treatise on algebra, Al-Jabr wa-al-Muqabilah, gave algebra its name and enjoyed wide influence in Europe. But he was one of the main targets of al-Ghazalia€™s attack on philosophical influences in Islam. He rejected the Cairo Declaration, arguing that the declaration gravely threatens the inter-cultural consensus on which the international human rights instruments are based; that it introduces intolerable discrimination against non-Muslims and women.
He criticized the viability of the Islamist project and urged Muslims to reconsider their picture of the past. But he still believed in IS&J, as Andrew Bostom and Fjordman both explained what Taha said in his book. When he started to preach that in mosques, he became a target of Islamic supremacists who had been his friends, forcing him and his family to flee Egypt, eventually to the West.
Most counter-Islamist policies are carried out by conservatives who are not prepared to tackle the deeper theological legitimacy which terrorism derives from Classical Islam and the sources. We must avoid wishful thinking, and acknowledge the role of Islam, and Islamic theology in inspiring the Islamists. But he is a military man, and his speech was met with great resistance among theologians as well as the mainstream media.
More recently, last week another massively publicized rally of Muslims in support of NYPD anti-terror measures drew 36. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history.
Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps.
In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store.
When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time. Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art. It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch. It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic.


In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C. In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India. Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C.
Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther. We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological.
It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period. Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers.
The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era.
Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.
This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one.
A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained. The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years.
There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole.
Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre. These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207). The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance.
This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps. The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest.
In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328).
The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense. We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ. That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii. That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c.
That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents.
The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps. To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought. In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice. Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth.
With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge. In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed.
While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves. Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge. Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions.
By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean.
While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries.
A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them. Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era. Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works. It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™.
However, there is no evidence that the Evesham map was ever intended to illustrate any particular text. More specifically, it questions the validity of referring, as has hitherto been the case, to a Higden group of world maps. Although Higden occasionally interjected stories and observations of his own, and sometimes criticized earlier authors, he was generally satisfied with their information. After a few years, however, Higden evidently concluded that a Map would be appropriate, and the intermediate and final versions of the text specifically refer the reader to a map.
Furthermore, the one copyist of the 1340s who was sufficiently enthusiastic to create the more elaborate of the Ramsey Abbey maps, which closely corresponds to Higdena€™s text, was an isolated figure. There can be little doubt that the map it the College of Arms was made in, or commissioned for, Evesham Abbey, Gloucestershire.
Second, the two Higden maps that most closely resemble the Evesham map, though probably created a few years later, are both to be found in continuations of the Polychronicon that are directly or indirectly linked to Walsinghama€™s Chronicon Angliae.
Albans in or soon after 1388, is textually the closest to the Walsingham source for the Evesham Historia. Most significant of all, however, the Cambridge, Oxford, Paris and Evesham maps all name Aragon twice. On Herforda€™s death a list, with valuations, was made of the vestments, chalices and books that he had bought or commissioned for Evesham. Also included is a text of the Alexander legends (Vita Alexandri), an important medieval source for the Marvels of the East and other Asian and African features depicted on the larger world maps, and the writings of Hugo of St. The word factura rather than scriptura would imply a map of some considerable size, possibly of the kind often appended to the fabric of the monastery, and almost certainly not a map for use as a book illustration (as was, probably, the a€?Descriptio orbis cum chronicis abbreviatisa€™). On the Evesham map, the Holy Land and Jerusalem are represented by pictorial signs that are disproportionately large even in comparison with the Huntington Library map and its progeny. It is quite distinct from Hungaria, located in approximately the correct position on the Danube near Bohemia.
Memories of the Mongol invasions of Europe in the twelfth century were still vivid even in the late fourteenth century.
These could be explained by reference to contemporary English national loyal ties as well as to their commercial interests, reflecting the increasing patriotism that accompanied the Hundred Years' War and that is also seen in Polychronicon. In accordance with the subsequent claims Of English king to be also kings of France, the royal Abbey of St. On the Hereford map, Paris is indicated by a particularly large sign (exceeding even that for Rome), while nearby St. On paleographical grounds, it is unlikely to have been much later; it could have been in the first decades of the 15th century when the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi was also being added to and completed by a distinctly Anglo-centered and chauvinistic monk at Evesham. For instance, Mons Dotayin has been scribbled in, together with a hill sign, to the southeast of the Red Sea crossing. English-controlled Rouen (rona) is givenits own sign, and the capital of the English-ruled province of Gascony, Bordeaux an important entry point into southern Europe for English wool as well as an export center for claret, is named.
Viewed from this perspective, and given the constraints imposed by the need to accommodate the island on the outer extremity of the ocean sea, on the edge of the map, there is some resemblance to geographical reality.The River Severn has become a sea separating England from Wales and the Devon-Cornwall peninsula a hump resembling East Anglia. He mistook the cast coast of the island for the south coast and transformed the interior into an image of England as viewed from Evesham. It is also not inconceivablethat either the abbot or the scribe had personal links with merchants or mariners in the area. This is not the case with Taddiporta€™s presence on the Evesham map, however, since it features at the start and not in the middle of an itinerary. Moreover, one of the monks who voted for Yatton's successor in 1418, at about or shortly after the time the later additions were made to the map, was a Richard Boteler.
All these place, except Worcester and Chester, lie on the modern A49 road, yet neither Warrington nor Wigan is mentioned in cartularies of Evesham Abbey. It looks very much as though the scribe and his patron were personally familiar with the places between Fvesham and Taddiport and with the ports of the southwest of England. Instead, the reference to the map in the inventory (always, assuming, of course, that it refers to the map under discussion) stands alone. Apart from a mention of the Hebrewsa€™ crossing of the Red Sea, the depiction of Adam andEve, and some mountains and towns, the Eveshammap shows little more than coastlines, boundaries and the names of towns and provinces.
The Evesham map, too, is so highly traditional in its essentials that most minimally educated viewers would have needed no special elucidation from Higden or any other writer to have understood its basic points. Indeed, one might question the extent to which the various simple maps traditionally associated with particular authors such as Isidore of Seville and Paulus Orosius or with subjects such as the Apocalypse had been specifically created to illustrate their texts or were simply selected from a stock of traditional images of the world. Brian Hindle has commented that, contrary to theopinion of earlier writers, the creator of the Gough map used signs, such as those for towns, arbitrarilyand inconsistently.
As on other Higden maps, such as thosein the Huntington Library and the National Library of Scotland, mountains on the Evesham map are indicated by greenish blots except for the Caucasus (shown in blue) and the Alps, which seem to have been mistaken for a settlement and are shown as a half-finished tower, as though the scribe had realized his mistake early enough to leave the tower incomplete but too late to substitute the proper sign. It could be, then, that by 1450 the authorities in Evesham, a relatively short distance from Bristol, had recognized their map as being unacceptably out-dated and inadequate in its form and conception. In fact, such modernisms were normal on the larger world maps and even, where space allowed, on some of the smaller ones.
This suggests that the tradition of classifying a certain group of maps as Higden maps simply on the basis of the context in which they are most commonly found today is misleading.
Despite the enhanced interest in the contemporary world which it displays, the Evesham map reinforces the evidence of the Aslake map: that English cartography, until so recently in the vanguard in western Europe, had taken an abrupt downturn after about 1350.
Not too surprising, in Britain (shown in the color red, lower left) there are more town symbols than are shown for all the rest of Europe. Fourteen cities are represented and identified, including London, Winchester, Lincoln, Oxford, Worcester, Gloucester, Norwich, Northampton, York, and Exeter. Commonly styled the Polychronicon which comes from the booka€™s longer title Ranulphi Castrensis, cognomine Higden, Polychronicon (sive Historia Polycratica) ab initio mundi usque ad mortem regis Edwardi III in septem libros dispositum, Higdena€™s Polychronicon became the most popular history book in medieval England and, as mentioned above, more than 120 manuscript copies survive today. After a few years, however, Higden evidently concluded that a map would be appropriate, and the intermediate and final versions of the text specifically refer the reader to a map. That the Caspian is not an inland sea but open to the ocean signals this depictiona€™s conservatism. Below them to the right is the Red Sea (colored red), interrupted by a label marking where Moses led the Hebrews to safely from Herod. Porta (1541-1615), a wise Neapolitan, was able to get the image of well-lighted objects through a small hole in one of the faces of a dark chamber; with a convergent lens over the enlarged hole, he noticed that the images got even clearer and sharper. Though he is most famous for his contributions to photography, he was also an accomplished painter and a developer of the diorama theatre. As far as is known, nobody thought of bringing these two phenomena together to capture camera images in permanent form until around 1800, when Thomas Wedgwood made the first reliably documented although unsuccessful attempt. He is not an example of the contributions to philosophy Islam made, he is an example of what Islam rejected.
In his attempts to re-interpret Islam to accommodate modern Western science, Khan exposed his weaknesses in both domains of knowledge. And that the CDHR uses the cover of the Islamic Shari'a to justify the legitimacy of practices, such as corporal punishment, which attack the integrity and dignity of the human being.
Unwilling to argue that: [a] Aggressive texts in the sources should be contextualized, and [b] Sources and models are not applicable to the modern worlda€?. The enthusiasm greeting both of these sparsely attended rallies was out of all proportion to their actual significance. They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment.
Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?.
In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals.
Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse. The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist. A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes.
Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period. Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms.
The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties. We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work.
But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven.
On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan. Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors.
Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated. Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions. In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged. Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella.
Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world. Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena.
On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places.
To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance.
Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions. When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans.
Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society. Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map. Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map. Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. Within the traditional geographical and spiritual framework, the pre-occupation with the universal, ancient, and mythical-typical of earlier large world maps-has yielded primacy to the depiction of contemporary England and the territorial, dynastic, and commercial aspects of English patriotism. However, the map belongs to a well-established group of English maps, the so-called a€?Higdena€™ world maps. His Polychronicon became the most popular history book in medieval England and even today more than 120 manuscript copies survive. The original manuscript of the earliest version is lost, but the Huntington Library possesses whit is now generally accepted as Higden's working copy for the intermediate version, which contains the text tip to c.1327 with continuations recording events tip to 1352. Unlike Paris, however, Higden was either unable or unwilling to create a map specifically for his description of the world. Its basic structure is to be found also on the Beatus (#207) and the Anglo-Saxon world maps (#210) of several centuries earlier, two map types probably deriving from a now-lost later Roman prototype and possibly thus going back to the administrative world map known to have been made for a portico on the Via Flaminia, Rome, under the direction of Augustus's son-in-law, Vipsanius Agrippa (63-12 BC). The map omits all legends, notably those referring to the Marvels of the East or to the Bible (with the exception of an indication of the passage of the Hebrews across the Red Sea) even though these are dealt with in detail in the text. The other copyists became, if anything, less cartographically concerned than Higden and their maps even more conventionalized.
Evesham is the only place in England, apart from Canterbury, to be highlighted on the map by the depiction of a church instead of a tower (like those used for the cities of London, Dover, Bristol and Exeter) or a place-name alone.
One was the continuation of the Polychronicon for the years 1348 to 1381, composed in the 1380s by John of Malvern, prior of nearby Worcester from 1395.
It can therefore be suggested that the immediate source for the Evesham map was probably a now-lost map in the early version of Walsinghama€™s chronicles utilised by the Evesham chronicler in about 1390-92, which gives us a likely date for the Evesham mapa€™s creation. In terms of descent, the Oxford, Paris and Cambridge maps strongly resemble the Evesham map in both nature and disposition of content.
This duplication is found neither on the Huntington Library map nor on either of the Ramsey Abbey maps. The Abbeya€™s cartulary, now among the Harleian manuscripts in the British Library, contains a copy of the valuation.
Victor, one of the few scholars who in the 12th century had described and theorized about the construction and nature of world maps. The price of 6 Marks, or A?3 13s 4d (A?3.66p), was roughly equivalent to the annual earnings of an agricultural laborer or to the cost of an agricultural cart and horse.
Such charts were generally kept rolled and the unfaded state of the Evesham map suggests it too may have been stored in this way. Apart from the passage of the Hebrews across the Red Sea (indicated by parallel lines at the crossing point and the words Transitus Ebreorum), and depictions of Adam, Eve and the Serpent and of the Tower of Babel, no biblical events are referred to, although Bethlehem is dignified by a squat tower with a spire. It suggests a shift in the mapmaker's interest away from traditional learning towards contemporary reality.
Jerusalem is shown as grandiose walled Gothic cathedral city dominating the upper part of the map. The position of Hungri, which is found in the correct place on the Hereford world map (on which, however, Hungary is not shown), should correspond roughly with that described as the home of the Huns in the text of the Polychronicon. In the early thirteenth century, the Christian rulers of Europe had repeatedly attempted to ally with the Mongols of Iran against the Muslim Turks who were occupying the Holy Land.
The most likely patron for these textual additions would have been Roger Yatton, Abbot at Evesham from 1379 to 1418. Mount Lebanon is now identified, and Acre appears to be labeled as the gateway (Jaunensis) to the Holy Land.
Bruges, another major entry point for English wool within tile dominions of England's ally the Duke of Burgundy, is also named and graced by a large tower. East Anglia itself is left with no room for expression because of the lack of space between it and a circular Europe. Withmore than fifty place-names, England is toponymically richer on the Evesham map than on any other surviving medieval map of Britain apart from these by Matthew Paris and the Gough map and its derivatives. From Bath, a variety of routes would have taken the traveler through Gloucester to Evesham.
The heads of another branch of the Botelers - albeit of unproven relationship with the Yatton Botelers - were lords of the manor of Littleham, which lies mid-way between Bideford and Great Torrington, and tenants in chief of Hole (of the eponymous parish). However, another branch of the Boteler family were at one time lords of the manor of Warrington.
In contrast, the other place-names - either well-known monastic and religious centers or important market towns - may only have been known to them indirectly from family links or from travelers who visited Evesham. The map in the inventory is no more connected with the Higden text or its continuation than with any other entry, such as the Abbeya€™s Imago de Mounde. Unlike the other great maps, it could have only marginally enhanced a readera€™s understanding of the Polychronicon or the Historia.
Contemporaries, sharing the patron or the scribea€™s prejudices, would have easily comprehended its peculiarities, such as the derogatory depiction of the city of Paris. Chroniclers, encyclopedists and their copyists do not, after all, have to be graphically or geographically conscious.
In contrast, on the Evesham map, seas are consistently shown in green-blue except for the Red Sea which, as is usual with these early maps, is painted red, and the Dead Sea which, more unusually, is also shown in red. Again in keeping with many, but not all, Higden maps, rivers are uncolored and are shown as broad blank spaces indistinguishable from provinces. It is in the portrayal of mountains, however, that the second scribe shows the greatest deviation from his predecessor.
Its excellent state of conservation suggests that it was never much used, and the step from redundancy and neglect to re-use and renewed relevance as a pedigree of an influentialfamily must have seemed a small one. Studies of the Vercelli, Ebstorf, Hereford and Psalter world maps have demonstrated such updating.
The most likely patron for these textual additions would have been Roger Yatton, Abbot at Evesham from 1379 to 1418.A  It was Yatton who had the frater and the south cloister walk paved and some time before 1395 had a new detached bell tower built, the ancestor of the present bell tower that dates from the 1530s. That he was English may be significant given the English associations of the group of world maps that include the Ebstorf and Hereford maps (Book II, #224 and #226).
In fact, there are some 39 castellated towns throughout the entire world map, 14 of which are in England alone, while there are only four throughout all the continent of Africa. The original manuscript of the earliest version is lost, but the copy that the Huntington Library possesses is now generally accepted as Higdena€™s working copy for the intermediate version, which contains the text up to 1327 with continuations recording events up to 1352. The text specifies that Gog and Magog will break out at the end of the world and do great damage, and that they were enclosed by Alexander.
The small square islands near the middle of the page, set against a green sea, include Crete, Cyprus, Rhodes, and Sicily. As with illustrations, so with maps, Higden may have realized that the map he selected was not ideal, but he was not sufficiently cartographically sophisticated to be bothered by it.
Schulze mixes chalk, nitric acid, and silver in a flask; notices darkening on side of flask exposed to sunlight. A daguerreotype, produced on a silver-plated copper sheet, produces a mirror image photograph of the exposed scene.
The caliph Harun al-Rashida€™s son Abu Jafar al-Maa€™mun, who became caliph in 813, established professional standards for physicians and pharmacists. He was severely criticized by the Ulama for the lack of qualifications to interpret the Qura€™A?n and HadA®th. He has no degree in Islamic jurisprudence, is not recognized as an Ulama scholar by any of the 5 schools. I believe, and I must emphasize that I, Ibn Warraq, alone am responsible for the following observations, that we cannot hope to reform Islam without attacking the fundamental tenets of Islam adhered to by Muslims of all colors and stripes, not just Islamists.
This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time.
The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction. After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text.
Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on.
The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy.
The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art.
Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period. They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope. The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes.
We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science.
With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period. Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret. The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire. What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. Although he was evidently proud of Chester and of the English language, the tone of his text is not at all nationalist. In this case, Higden himself is likely to have been responsible for the additions as well as the core text, and the Huntington Library manuscript, therefore, should be regarded as the most authoritative expression of Higden's own intentions. Skelton and David Woodward have all followed Konrad Miller (who, however, did not know of the Huntington Library map) in focusing their attention on this map from Ramsey Abbey. By the 1370s they were creating circular maps (or maps shaped like the aureoles often shown surrounding Christ in medieval art), which mostly lacked even the rudimentary coastlines and decoration shown on the Huntington Library Map.
The church symbol presumably refers to Evesham Abbey rather than to the secular town of Evesham, and the use of such a symbol must indicate the importance that the maker of the map attached to Evesham Abbey over all other English religious foundations - despite their greater contemporary importance - apart from St.
In particular, the Paris and Oxford maps share with their Huntington Library predecessor the same striking oval shape of the Evesham map, a shape which Woodward has convincingly argued stems less from the form of the codex leaf on which they were drawn than from Hugo of St.Victora€™s comparison of the shape of the world to that of Noah's Ark.


Most significant of all, however, is a note at the end of the document recording the price (pretium) of six Marks (vj.
Although, therefore, not in the same league as luxuriously produced illuminated manuscripts such as the grander books of hours, the Evesham map cost a considerable sum. The thickness of the skin and the size of the lettering, which would have been legible from a considerable distance, suggest that the mapa€™s creator may have intended it for display - for temporary consultation or for longer-term edification -somewhere in the monastery or even within the church itself. Paradise, personified by a roughly sketched depiction of Adam, Eve and the Serpent, is depicted in its traditional place at the top of the map, in the East immediately above India. For instance, like the majority of Higden maps, the Evesham map depicts England as an island separated by the sea from Scotland and Wales, both shown as islands as are Ireland and the isle of Man. In light of the changing English attitude France reflected by these on the two maps, it is likely that the marks of scouring that disfigure France - and only France a€“ on the Hereford map point to vandalism by a later English viewer enraged at such apparent favoritism towards the national enemy.
The important trading city of Cologne [Colonia] is shown in Germany with a curious Gothic tower that may perhaps refer to its famous Gothic cathedral, then under construction.Yet another testimony of the influence of commercial interests on the map is the insertion of the Alps and between Catalonia, Provence and the Roman Campagna - of the Gotthard (Mons Godardi) the alpine pass which had been steadily gaining in importance as one of the main conduits for trade between northern and southern Europe since about 1220. Northern Englanda€™s curve to the right, reminiscent of the Ptolemaic maps of Britain, is almost certainly accidental and the result, once again, of the overall shape of the map. A handful of place-names, including Minehead, Torrington, Penryn and Winchcombe, are shown on a map for the first time. David's (S[aicitu]S David) in Wales is marked by a tower as large as the place sign for London whereas towns in Scotland and Ireland are named but given no sign at all. The Littleham Botelers may have had links with the chantry chapel and leper hospital at nearby Taddiport. At the same time, these texts would have provided much more information than a reader could readily have visualized in cartographic terms. Still less do they have to be active artists and cartographers, even if some, most notably Matthew Paris, Hugo of St, Victor and Paul Minoritas, possessed all or most of these attributes. A tower or group of towers with spires of varying designs and splendor represents all the settlements (except for Acre and Sidon, which are only named) in a tradition that can also be found on some other Higden maps and that can be traced back to the Vercelli, Ebstorf (#224), Matthew Paris (#225), and Hereford (#226) maps and in some senses To ancient Rome.
They are generally not even labeled fluvius, though the Nile, serpentine in its course as on the Paris, Oxford and Cambridge maps, is depicted in red as though it were a continuation of the Red Sea.
Higden may have realized that the map he selected was not ideal, but he was not sufficiently cartographically sophisticated to be bothered by, it. As a testimony to its popularity, some 150 manuscript copies of the Polychronicon have survived and are illustrated by a world map, all having similar geographical content, although their individual form and shape vary considerably. Not all of these town symbols are the same, for instance Jerusalem, Rome, Babylon, and Santiago de Compostella (Spain) are quite unique, large cathedral-like drawings with considerable more detail than the other identified towns. Higdena€™s work seems to have been very popular: around 185 Latin manuscripts traceable to Higdena€™s design.
In this case, Higden himself is likely to have been responsible for the additions as well as the core text, and the Huntington Library manuscript, therefore, should be regarded as the most authoritative expression of Higdena€™s own intentions.
Almost certainly his chosen map was a familiar image that, because of its very familiarity, would have been as acceptable to his readers as to himself in providing an illustration of the world.
The alchemist Fabricio, more or less at the same period of time, observed that silver chloride was darkened by the action of light. Chemistry student Robert Cornelius was so fascinated by the chemical process involved in Daguerrea€™s work that he sought to make some improvements himself.
Abu Bakr al-Razi, or Rhazes, wrote lengthy treatises on medicine and alchemy that influenced the development of medical science and chemistry in medieval Europe. What makes change in the beliefs of individuals from the Muslim world difficult is the fact that there is no culture of dissent or free thought, or a tradition of uninhibited exchange of ideas as in the West.
We shall never make progress until we subject the Koran to the kind of analysis and criticism that was applied to the Bible by Spinoza in the 17th Century, and the great German scholars of the Nineteenth Century, such as Julius Wellhausen and Albert Schweitzer. He is an example of a Muslim who learned what his family taught him from Islam Three, and admits he doesna€™t know as much as Spencer about Islamic theology (Islam Two), and doesna€™t know anyone who wants their kids to become imams. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times.
He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing.
Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents.
Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca. From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II. There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe.
Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed. Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od.
Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on.
The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e.
At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive.
Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres]. And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world.
It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands. On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes.
This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. 90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography.
Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history.
However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century.
The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C. It is surely significant, as John Taylor has pointed out in his The Universal Chronicle of Ranulf Higden (1966), that several of the later copies of the earliest version have a blank folio-or a completely unrelated piece of text-at the end of the prologue to the first book-exactly where the map is to be found in the Huntington Library manuscript.
Undoubtedly it is relatively more informative than the Huntington Library map, but there are major problems in terming it the Higden map, as has been the practice. The relatively high level of map consciousness and cartographical skill that had distinguished England and the English in 13th century Europe had sunk low.
Albans by the monk Thomas of Walsingham, consisting of the shorter Chronicon Angliae (1328-1388), the more detailed Historia Anglicana (1372-1392) and the Annales Ricardi II et Henrici IV (1392-1406). The second map, now in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris but formerly owned by Norwich Cathedral, accompanies a Polychronicon continuation to the year 1377. On the Oxford map, however, the copyist seems to have realized the duplication too late and deleted one of the Aragons, replacing it with another name, now illegible. Yet the scene is significantly different from the depictions of Adam and Eve found at the top of other Higden world maps by being set into the back of en elaborately carved throne.
Almost all the place-names are given in English, a distinct change from the practice of a century earlier and evidence of the growing importance of the vernacular language. In this connection, it is worth remembering that the Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi was partly, derived from the chronicles of John of Malvern, a monk in Worcester, while information about events of the year 1400 were probably supplied by an informant in the Augustinian house at Cirencester. The naming of the hamlet of Taddiport on the Evesbam map may even have been a way of commemorating the foundation of the leper hospital there, which we hear of for the first time in 1418. With its large lettering, it would have been easily seen from a distance: a conventional image conveying an essentially conventional message. Possibly the scribe, who may not have known Latin, was confusing the Tree of Melopos on his exemplar with nearby Mons Garthabathmon. On some the map is circular, on some a pointed oval (vesica piscis [fish bladder] or mandorla type), and on some it is a rounded oval.
Book I is devoted to a geographical description of the world, while Books 2 through Book 5 encompass the history of the world.
It is surely significant, as John Taylor has pointed out in his The Universal Chronicle of Ranulf Higden (1966), that several of the later copies of the earliest version have a blank folio - or a completely unrelated piece of text - at the end of the prologue to the first book - exactly where the map is to be found in the Huntington Library manuscript. Undoubtedly it is relatively more informative than the Huntington Library map, i??but there are major problems in terming it the Higden map, as has been the practice. The oval shape of Higdena€™s maps and its simplification, the vesica piscis, is a particular characteristic of his, but not original.
It was only two hundred years later that the physicist Charles made the first photographic impression, by projecting the outlines of one of his pupils on a white paper sheet impregnated with silver chloride.
It was commercially introduced in 1839, a date generally accepted as the birth year of practical photography.The metal-based daguerreotype process soon had some competition from the paper-based calotype negative and salt print processes invented by Henry Fox Talbot.
And in 1839 Cornelius shot a self-portrait daguerrotype that some historians believe was the first modern photograph of a man ever produced.
The famous Muslim philosopher Avicenna (Ibn Sina) wrote a medical textbook that was preeminent among European doctors for five centuriesa€”until the 1600s. These two aspects alone place Hamid in a privileged position to comment on radical Islama€?. Individuals remain firmly wedded to their ideologies - abandonment of their beliefs is a far more traumatic affair in the Islamic world - apart from being dangerous. We must embark on a series of translations into Arabic of works of Koranic criticism, of skepticism, of the great books of Western civilization. He opposes the Muslim Brotherhood and what he calls a€?political Islama€?, and is in favor of separation of mosque and State. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made.
It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem. I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia.
This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era. The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making. See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes. Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands.
Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research.
Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic.
Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction.
The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps. There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice.
With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century. It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration.
Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere. But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer.
Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today. Book I is devoted to a geographical description of the world, while Books 2 to 5 encompass the history of the world.
In demonstrating how the Evesham chronicle repeats long passages verbatim from the Chronicon Angliae and the Historia Anglicana, Stow has deduced that the Evesham compiler must have had early versions or drafts of both works available to him.
The text of this exemplar is in a similar hand to that of yet another text, namely Bodley MS 316, which is a copy of the Polychronicon with a continuation in the form of Walsinghama€™s Chronicon Angliae that was probably also originally owned by Norwich Cathedral.
On the Evesham map, the process seems to have been taken a step further, with a distinction made between Aragonia and a fictional Haragama. In its general form, the throne on the map broadly resembles the abbatial Great Chair of Evesham Abbey, now in the Almonry Museum at the Abbeya€™s former Almonry in the town of Evesham. It extends from near Flanders and Zeeland, past the northern shores of Spain, which frequently adjoin the southern shores of England on other medieval world maps (for example the Anglo-Saxon, Henry of Mainz and Hereford maps)-to reach the north coast of Africa and the Fortunate islands! Close examination also suggests that the scribe enhanced the predominance Of Jerusalem by over painting the two rows of small squat pinnacles (not unlike those to be found as town symbols on the more elaborate Ramsey Abbey map) in the place sign, and replacing them with a profusion of crenellations, spires and a central tower surmounted by what look's like a weather vane in the shape of a bird top an orb. In contrast, only a handful of place-names fall beyond a line running southwest to northeast from St.
TheEvesham scribe, however, did not have Parisa€™ skill in placing hearsay evidence within at least an approximately correct spatial frame.
The circular Higden maps are thought to be simplifications of the earlier oval maps, and they certainly appear in later manuscripts. Unfortunately, however, they were never formally rejected, and are being reasserted today by jihad recruiters who quote Qur'an, Sunnah, and fiqh in order to support their positions. We must support the separation of religion and state, and secularists in the Islamic world. That is of course great to hear from a Muslim but remember - he is not allowed to speak in any American Mosque, his views are not seriously debated, and he has little popular support. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings.
Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities.
Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense.
The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society.
In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds. Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts. Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond. Second, the inclusion in the same manuscript of another simpler map that is closely related to the Huntington Library map (and may, therefore, be a slightly later addition to the Ramsey Abbey copy of the Polychronicon, suggests a loss of confidence on the part of the copyist - a feeling, perhaps, that with the fuller map he was unacceptably stepping out of line. The Abbey's throne or Great Chair dates from the fourteenth century and could thus have been well known to the creator of the map, Interpretation of the allegorical role of the ensemble has to be tentative, but it could be that here as in the moral frames of the Hereford and the Duchy of Cornwall world maps we again see the symbolic representation, on the one hand, of divine authority over the world and, on the other, of the passage of human time.
The cities of Rome and Jerusalem are always prominent, but are rarely placed in the center of the map.
Second, the inclusion in the same manuscript of another simpler map that is closely related to the Huntington Library map and may, therefore, be a slightly later addition to the Ramsey Abbey copy of the Polychronicon, suggests a loss of confidence on the part of the copyist - a feeling, perhaps, that with the fuller map he was unacceptably stepping out of line. Skelton implies that a lost prototype (which may have been a large world map such as that referred to by Matthew Paris a century earlier) was probably circular and that the oval shape was an adaptation to the shape of the codex leaf. The photos were turned into lantern slides and projected in registration with the same color filters. Then there is whole culture of honor and shame: a change in beliefs would bring shame on their family, tribe, and religion. The very idea would go against over 1300 years of scholarly consensus, so how easy do you think it would really be to separate Mosque from State? The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C.
The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas.
It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks.
Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction. Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world.
If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries]. Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example. Third, it is worth recalling that the fuller Ramsey Abbey map produced no cartographic progeny, whereas the Huntington Library map is related to, and is probably the ancestor of, no fewer than ten oval or circular maps, including the Evesham world map, which were being created up to and into the 1460s. As well as representing Paradise, Adam and Eve could also be personifications of the beginning of human time, while the throne would symbolize both divine authority over the world and the seat of judgment at the Last Judgment-the end of human time.
Third, it is worth recalling that the fuller Ramsey Abbey map produced no cartographic progeny, whereas the Huntington Library map is related to, and is probably the ancestor of, no fewer than ten oval or circular maps, including the Evesham world map (#236.2), which were being created up to and into the 1460s. It is more likely, however, that the oval shape was derived from the practice described by Hugh of Saint Victor of drawing maps in the supposed shape of Noaha€™s Ark (which, by the way, is actually pictured at center-left on the map displayed below).
In 1802, Wedgwood reproduced transparent drawings on a surface sensitized by silver nitrate and exposed to light. Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias.
The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar.
The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface.
Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India.
The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries.
But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. On the Evesham map, therefore the throne takes the place of the representation of Christ on the better of the known of the two Psalter maps and of the Last Judgment on the Hereford world map. In contrast but as on the other oval Higden maps, the rest of France on the Evesham map his been reduced to the size of an insignificant province, with the sign for Paris so small that it can easily be overlooked. Nicephore Niepce (1765-1833) had the idea of using as sensitive material the bitumen, which is altered and made insoluble by light, thus keeping the images obtained unaltered. Long before the first photographs were made, Chinese philosopher Mo Ti and Greek mathematicians Aristotle and Euclid described a pinhole camera in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?.
What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate.
Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date. Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night.
There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society. It was, after all, a commonplace in late medieval art to depict the sovereignty of Christ, the Virgin and the Trinity as enthroned, and most moderately cultured contemporary viewers would have understood the allegory without difficulty. He communicated his experiences to Daguerre (1787-1851) who noticed that a iodide-covered silver plate - thedaguerreotype -, by exposition to iodine fumes, was impressed by the action of light action, and that the almost invisible alteration could be developed with the exposition to mercury fumes. In the 6th century CE, Byzantine mathematician Anthemius of Tralles used a type of camera obscura in his experimentsIbn al-Haytham (Alhazen) (965 in Basra a€“ c.
Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter. The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface.
It was then fixed with a solution of potassium cyanide, which dissolves the unaltered iodine.The daguerreotype (1839) was the first practical solution for the problem of photography. It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities. At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu. However, as on other Higden maps, Scandinavia, a European region that was never a Roman province, is shown east of the River Don, bordering on Judea. In 1841, Claudet discovered quickening substances, thanks to which exposing times were shortened. Unlike maps that are closest in comparison with the Evesham map, the size of Asia Minor has been reduced, presumably in order to make more space for the Holy Land. More or less at the same time period, EnglishWilliam Henry Talbot substituted the steel daguerreotype with paper photographs (named calotype).
Wilhelm Homberg described how light darkened some chemicals (photochemical effect) in 1694. Niepce of Saint-Victor (1805-1870), Nicephorea€™s cousin, invented the photographic glass plate covered with a layer of albumin, sensitized by silver iodide. The novel Giphantie (by the French Tiphaigne de la Roche, 1729a€“74) described what could be interpreted as photography.Around the year 1800, Thomas Wedgwood made the first known attempt to capture the image in a camera obscura by means of a light-sensitive substance. The Marvels of the East, Ethiopia and the provinces of Trogodite and Garamante are all shown without comment.
Maddox and Benett, between 1871 and 1878, discovered the gelatine-bromide plate, as well as how to sensitize it. Acre, which had remained in crusader hands until 1291, is shown with the name Acon, as on the maps of Matthew Paris and several Higden Map, rather than with its classical name of Ptolemais.
The Prominence given to Tyre - misplaced, like Sidon, to the south of Jerusalem - may also reflect its importance during the period of the Crusades as well as in classical antiquity. As with the bitumen process, the result appeared as a positive when it was suitably lit and viewed. A strong hot solution of common salt served to stabilize or fix the image by removing the remaining silver iodide. On 7 January 1839, this first complete practical photographic process was announced at a meeting of the French Academy of Sciences, and the news quickly spread. At first, all details of the process were withheld and specimens were shown only at Daguerre's studio, under his close supervision, to Academy members and other distinguished guests. Paper with a coating of silver iodide was exposed in the camera and developed into a translucent negative image. Unlike a daguerreotype, which could only be copied by rephotographing it with a camera, a calotype negative could be used to make a large number of positive prints by simple contact printing. The calotype had yet another distinction compared to other early photographic processes, in that the finished product lacked fine clarity due to its translucent paper negative.
This was seen as a positive attribute for portraits because it softened the appearance of the human face. Talbot patented this process,[20] which greatly limited its adoption, and spent many years pressing lawsuits against alleged infringers.
He attempted to enforce a very broad interpretation of his patent, earning himself the ill will of photographers who were using the related glass-based processes later introduced by other inventors, but he was eventually defeated. Nonetheless, Talbot's developed-out silver halide negative process is the basic technology used by chemical film cameras today.
Hippolyte Bayard had also developed a method of photography but delayed announcing it, and so was not recognized as its inventor.In 1839, John Herschel made the first glass negative, but his process was difficult to reproduce.
The new formula was sold by the Platinotype Company in London as Sulpho-Pyrogallol Developer.Nineteenth-century experimentation with photographic processes frequently became proprietary.
This adaptation influenced the design of cameras for decades and is still found in use today in some professional cameras.
Petersburg, Russia studio Levitsky would first propose the idea to artificially light subjects in a studio setting using electric lighting along with daylight.
In 1884 George Eastman, of Rochester, New York, developed dry gel on paper, or film, to replace the photographic plate so that a photographer no longer needed to carry boxes of plates and toxic chemicals around. Now anyone could take a photograph and leave the complex parts of the process to others, and photography became available for the mass-market in 1901 with the introduction of the Kodak Brownie.A practical means of color photography was sought from the very beginning. Results were demonstrated by Edmond Becquerel as early as 1848, but exposures lasting for hours or days were required and the captured colors were so light-sensitive they would only bear very brief inspection in dim light.The first durable color photograph was a set of three black-and-white photographs taken through red, green and blue color filters and shown superimposed by using three projectors with similar filters. It was taken by Thomas Sutton in 1861 for use in a lecture by the Scottish physicist James Clerk Maxwell, who had proposed the method in 1855.[27] The photographic emulsions then in use were insensitive to most of the spectrum, so the result was very imperfect and the demonstration was soon forgotten.
Maxwell's method is now most widely known through the early 20th century work of Sergei Prokudin-Gorskii.
Included were methods for viewing a set of three color-filtered black-and-white photographs in color without having to project them, and for using them to make full-color prints on paper.[28]The first widely used method of color photography was the Autochrome plate, commercially introduced in 1907.
If the individual filter elements were small enough, the three primary colors would blend together in the eye and produce the same additive color synthesis as the filtered projection of three separate photographs.
Autochrome plates had an integral mosaic filter layer composed of millions of dyed potato starch grains.
Reversal processing was used to develop each plate into a transparent positive that could be viewed directly or projected with an ordinary projector. The mosaic filter layer absorbed about 90 percent of the light passing through, so a long exposure was required and a bright projection or viewing light was desirable.
Competing screen plate products soon appeared and film-based versions were eventually made. A complex processing operation produced complementary cyan, magenta and yellow dye images in those layers, resulting in a subtractive color image. Kirsch at the National Institute of Standards and Technology developed a binary digital version of an existing technology, the wirephoto drum scanner, so that alphanumeric characters, diagrams, photographs and other graphics could be transferred into digital computer memory.
The lab was working on the Picturephone and on the development of semiconductor bubble memory. The essence of the design was the ability to transfer charge along the surface of a semiconductor.
Michael Tompsett from Bell Labs however, who discovered that the CCD could be used as an imaging sensor.



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