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In the spring of 2009, New York Times reporter David Rohde was being held captive by Taliban gunmen in a house in Waziristan, a mountainous region on the Pakistan side of the border with Afghanistan. Rohde is one of the only Americans to see the drones up close: not, it turned out, as a reporter, but as a prisoner.
President Barack Obama has authorized 193 drone strikes in Pakistan since he took office in 2009, more than four times the number of attacks that President George W. Unmanned aircraft became part of the US arsenal in the 1990s, as reconnaissance drones recorded images of terrain in the Balkans.
In an interview with this author published by Newsweek earlier this year, former CIA acting general counsel John A. Despite Rizzo’s unusual candor in that interview, he and other officials have fought to keep most information about the Pakistan drone war out of the public eye.
At this point, so little has been written about the way the CIA chooses its targets and executes its missions that some legal scholars argue it is impossible to know whether the program is legal.
A spokesman for the White House National Security Council, who spoke only on condition he not be named, rebuffed questions about why the administration refuses to speak with reporters on the record about the program.
Ignatius, of the Post, explained that Obama administration officials are sometimes willing to discuss drone operations in an attempt to promote the White House’s counterterrorism strategy. Yet rather than demand more consistent transparency from officials or undertake investigations that delve into the program, journalists often have simply relied on what US and Pakistani officials have told them. The Pakistani media have covered civilian deaths from drone attacks more consistently than Western reporters. Pakistanis following news of the war get a completely different picture than those in the United States. Pakistani journalists who have worked in Waziristan describe it as one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a reporter.
Shah’s first bylined article, which appeared in Newsday in January 2006, was about a drone strike in Bajaur, in North Waziristan.
Shah, thirty-three, was taken captive by the Taliban in 2008 and released after the intervention of a local tribal leader. Three days after Obama was sworn in as president, his administration launched its first drone strike, according to numerous news reports.
News accounts of the incident had few, and conflicting, details, underscoring the difficulty of getting basic facts.
The news articles mentioned only briefly the most disturbing part of the story: the drone struck the wrong target.
Those details were not gathered by reporters, but rather by a human-rights investigator, Chris Rogers, who was working with the Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict. Journalists know that finding non-official sources is crucial in covering the drone war, especially under the tight-lipped Obama administration. Many of the articles that appeared in the US press had a celebratory tone and reflected the mood of American officials. This is selective secrecy, and it inhibits the kind of reporting that would help Americans answer a very basic question: Is the drone war working?
Some of the most resourceful reporters in the news business have pushed hard for more access to information about this remote-controlled battle and a few have made some progress. Tara McKelvey is the author of Monstering: Inside America's Policy of Secret Interrogations and Torture in the Terror War and is a 2011 Guggenheim Fellow. The publication of a massive 9062-page, 10-volume work, India-Pakistan Relations, 1947-2007: A Documentary Study by Avtar Singh Bhasin, who retired after a three-decade long career in the Indian External Ministry, is a work of outstanding merit produced with a passion and devotion that would elicit respect and admiration from anyone who has worked with the tiresome and frustrating task of sifting, selecting, categorisation and classification of documents. States enjoy almost a monopoly over the maintenance of the written record of events, past and present, and without such primary sources the study of politics and history is handicapped. However, since the leaders and civil servants on both sides had been part of the same colonial order, their personal contacts and friendships are also reflected in some communications. The last volume on politics, Volume V, also contains a section on the no-war and joint defence pact offers made by both sides.
Volume VIII includes sections on trade and commerce, India-East Pakistan border and India-West Pakistan border. The 10 volumes that Bhasin presents contain enough material for several books and research projects. In its scope and depth the compilation of official documents by A S Bhasin is comparable to the classic 12-volume The Transfer of Power, published by the British government.
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You're now following Lightening Creams in your eBay feed.You'll receive email alerts for new listings. These were put into medium-sized MAC compacts (like Cream Colour Bases), and they contain 0.08 fl. His first-hand perspective on the strike is rare, and the novelty of his reporting underscores the difficulties of covering this new kind of war, a remote-controlled campaign officially denied by the US government that is unfolding in a region where Pakistani officials have forbidden reporters to travel independently.
Even those reporting safely from afar have not succeeded in digging down to basic questions about drone attacks: How are targets chosen?

Because it is hard for journalists to bear witness, it is difficult for citizens to get a clear picture of what is being done in their name.
Bush authorized during his two terms, according to the New America Foundation, a Washington-based public-policy institute.
After the September 2001 terrorist attacks, President Bush signed a directive that authorized arming the drones, called Predators, with Hellfire missiles to try to take out terrorism suspects, according to military officials. The drone operations in Afghanistan are relatively straightforward and US officials routinely release information about the attacks. Rizzo pulled back the curtain a little and described the protocol set up to authorize a drone strike.
Journalists have been unable to get answers to legal questions such as on what basis the government decides to kill. In February 2010, for instance, Ignatius was able to write a detailed account of the escalation of drone strikes because officials were eager to demonstrate that Obama was more aggressive in his pursuit of al Qaeda than Bush was.
When reporters depend too heavily on government sources to report on a war, they end up following the narrative that White House officials have created, and in this way provide a one-sided view that obscures reality. Landay, senior national security and intelligence correspondent for McClatchy Newspapers, said that when reporting in Pakistan, he has been forced to rely on the few Waziristan journalists and local officials who are reachable by cell phone for accounts of strikes. In December, people took to the streets of Islamabad to protest the strikes and to show support for a Waziristan resident, Karim Khan, whose son and brother were killed in a 2009 strike and who has filed a lawsuit against the US, charging a CIA official for their deaths.
They have not forgotten what happened to Hayat Ullah Khan, a journalist who freelanced for PBS’s Frontline. Shah grew up in a roughshod region of South Waziristan, where his father sent him to school and also gave him a rifle, so that he would feel comfortable both among the educated and the tribal members of society. The CIA operatives who launched the strike had been trying to kill a man thought to be al Qaeda’s number-two leader, Ayman al Zawahiri, but he escaped. He spoke with people who lived in the area about the assault, and through his reporting on this and other strikes, American readers were able to get a rare glimpse of how the war was unfolding in Waziristan.
A missile reportedly hit a house in Koresh Kot, a village in South Waziristan that was believed to be a Taliban hideout. Rather than being a militant, the homeowner had been a tribal elder who had attempted to organize a peace movement and was just the kind of person that CIA operatives had been hoping to encourage in their efforts to fight extremism.
His report, released months after the attack, shone a spotlight on the fact that civilians were killed in the assault. But in the three-month period starting that summer, when a drone strike killed a Taliban commander, 136 stories appeared—68 percent more than in the earlier period (see graphic, page 45). One mission of the secretive Joint Special Operations Command became known during the Bush administration—when officials told journalists these soldiers helped track Saddam Hussein down to his hole in the ground in 2003.
Research assistance was provided by Jed Bickman of the Investigative Fund at The Nation Institute, which also provided financial support for preparation of this article.
The author has brought forward reports, including top secret intelligence ones, written by Indian high commissioners in Pakistan.
It is not surprising that strained relations devolved between the two states from the bloody partition in 1947, and both sides began to play the blame game from the outset.
Therefore, occasionally we catch glimpses of friendly exchanges, even admission of mistakes and wrong moves on their part. Not surprisingly, both sides express concern about their counterpart’s arms buildup and pursuit of nuclear capability but are self-righteous about their own contradictory moves on the same issue.
It sheds much-needed light on issues that have compounded the strained relations between the two major states of South Asia. The author has very wisely categorised these issues in one volume because they are organically connected. My contention is that the partition of India created a minority problem that benefitted majoritarian nationalism in both states and there is enough evidence of it in the documents.
Miscellaneous includes an assortment of documents related to the other volumes but also to the two states’ interaction internationally with other states but on issues related to the India-Pakistan situation and, therefore, are most relevant and interesting. In the long introduction at the beginning the author presents an Indian perspective on India-Pakistan relations.
It is a contribution of monumental significance indeed to understanding the India-Pakistan imbroglio.
As described by former US officials who participated, it is conducted not by military generals but by cia officers who are guiding drones from offices in Langley, Virginia, that kill people in a country with which the US is not at war. He later widened the directive to allow strikes against anyone working inside terrorist camps, not just individual suspects. In mid-April, Pakistani officials demanded that the CIA dramatically reduce its presence in Pakistan and that drone strikes cease, according to news reports, but, like so much of the US operations in Pakistan, it is unclear what is actually happening there. One of the approximately ten lawyers in the CIA’s counterterrorism unit would review intelligence information and draft a memo asserting that an individual posed a risk to the security of the United States. The aerial strikes in Pakistan have been underway for nearly a decade, and yet many questions surrounding their use remain unasked and unanswered.
The number of civilians and low-level militants who have been killed are sketchy and have thus far proved impossible for US journalists to verify.
Khan, thirty-two, reported for a Pakistani newspaper on the death of an al Qaeda leader, Abu Hamza Rabia, along with four others in December 2005. This allowed Shah to float between the world of intelligence agents and the one inhabited by Taliban fighters, and his reporting helped The New York Times win a 2009 Pulitzer for a package of stories depicting the deepening US military and political challenges in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Eighteen people were killed, and Shah took pictures of jagged, metal pieces from the missile that had exploded, as well as the fresh graves. A January 23 New York Times article reported that the missile strike killed seven, including three children, citing Pakistani news reports.
The supposed Taliban hideout was actually an eight-bedroom house that had cost $21,000 to build, a fortune in a country where the average annual income is roughly $500. Rogers explained in an interview in Washington that he got the information by traveling to Peshawar, where he met with members of the homeowner’s family. Because reporters could only get sketchy information about the early strikes, they received little coverage.
Obama administration officials broke their tradition of silence to describe the assault on Mehsud. The documentary study has been conducted in cooperation with the Public Diplomacy Division of the Indian External Ministry.
Pakistan accused the Indian leadership of trying to harm Pakistan while the Indian leaders rejected vociferously such accusations and instead blamed their Pakistani counterparts of negative politics. There is hardly any political topic that I consider important in regard to India-Pakistan relations that the author has ignored. According to Bhasin, the last one is a response of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto dated August 9, 1996 in which she rejected the idea as long as the Kashmir conflict was not resolved.
Considering that the Indus waters issue continues to be the source of tension and disagreement, the importance of this volume is considerable. If and when trade and commerce pick up momentum, movement of goods would be essentially along the land route.
This is especially true of the treatment of Hindus in Pakistan whose numbers have consistently been decreasing while those of Muslims in India increasing. He has tried to present Pakistani responses to communications between the governments on both sides, but this has not been done consistently.
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Like dozens of other stories about the killings in Waziristan, the article tells readers nothing about those who were killed, why they were killed, or whether killing them had an impact on the terrorist groups that were targeted. Student activists burned a US flag and an Obama effigy at one protest, saying the strikes were a violation of international human rights. They had been killed by Hellfire missiles in a strike orchestrated by Americans, and not, as the Pakistani government had declared, by an accident in their illegal bomb-making lab. The story added, “American officials in Washington said there were no immediate signs that the strikes on Friday had killed any senior Qaeda leaders. The deaths of the father and others, along with the property destruction, left the family, including an eighteen-year-old son, destitute. When states begin to make public classified documents, it is indicative of growing confidence and transparency. The letters between Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on this subject set the pattern and their successors continued to write in the same mould. I found the complete verbatim transcript of the Simla conference and the conferences held in Rawalpindi and then in Delhi, before the Pakistani prisoners of war were released, in Volume III, invaluable (pages 1707-1852). Therefore, documents from 1947 onwards on border disputes and tensions are most useful to develop appropriate policy.
Evacuee property litigation is still not over, most notably over the famous Jinnah House on Malabar Hill Road, Mumbai. Western reporters often learn of drone strikes from stories published in Pakistani media and, when they write their own stories, the reporters necessarily rely on local Pakistani stringers for details of the strikes beyond any scant Pakistani government information. Khan took photos, proving it was a drone strike, and the story prompted protests over the infringement of Pakistani territory. In this regard, both sides point out the negative role of their national media for aggravating relations. That the two states assumed patently contradictory positions on the basic question of accession of those two princely states is all too obvious, notwithstanding vain justifications of their own stands. However, for the scholarly community it is important that we know what Pakistan had to say about the same issues and those it gave importance to.
It is a smell of warm vanilla in the first spray and followed by the refreshing scent of snow lily.
Both perspectives are important to form a fair and objective opinion about their relationship.
I am a little surprised that it is not as warm as any other vanilla scent should be, but it was sweet and refreshing at the same time. One can only hope that someone from the Pakistani side would undertake a similar study of high standard so that comparable material is available to scholars. It is a kind of a vanilla fragrance mixed with the sweetness and refreshing feel of flowers.

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