Social changes in america since the civil war,the secret of hildegards game walkthrough level,weight loss meditation podcast itunes - For Begninners

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The Latin America Since 1900 chapter of this High School World History Tutoring Solution is a flexible and affordable path to learning about Latin America. This chapter of our world history tutoring solution will benefit any student who is trying to learn about Latin America since 1900 and earn better grades.
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Describe the social and economic changes that took place in Latin America between 1900 and 1950. In this video, we examine the civil war that broke out in Mexico after Porfirio Diaz was removed from power as the various parties competed with each other for power. In this lesson, we will learn about the historical background of the Falkland Islands War, the timeline of events of the war, and the consequences of the war for Argentina.
In this video, we learn about the circumstances under which Salvador Allende, South America's first democratically elected president, was removed from power in a military coup d'etat. In this video, we learn about Juan Peron, the President of Argentina from 1946-1955, and from 1973-1974. Add important lessons to your Custom Course, track your progress, and achieve your study goals faster.
IN 1930, when the world was “suffering…from a bad attack of economic pessimism”, John Maynard Keynes wrote a broadly optimistic essay, “Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren”. For much of the 20th century, those arguing that technology brought ever more jobs and prosperity looked to have the better of the debate.
Yet some now fear that a new era of automation enabled by ever more powerful and capable computers could work out differently. At the same time, even in relatively egalitarian places like Sweden, inequality among the employed has risen sharply, with the share going to the highest earners soaring.
This is one indication, Mr Summers says, that technical change is increasingly taking the form of “capital that effectively substitutes for labour”. Answering the question of whether such automation could lead to prolonged pain for workers means taking a close look at past experience, theory and technological trends. Economists take the relationship between innovation and higher living standards for granted in part because they believe history justifies such a view. With the low-skilled workers far more numerous, at least to begin with, the lot of the average worker during the early part of this great industrial and social upheaval was not a happy one.
Along with social reforms and new political movements that gave voice to the workers, this faster wage growth helped spread the benefits of industrialisation across wider segments of the population. Claudia Goldin, an economist at Harvard University, and Mr Katz have written that workers were in a “race between education and technology” during this period, and for the most part they won.
For a task to be replaced by a machine, it helps a great deal if, like the work of human computers, it is already highly routine. But the “race” aspect of technological change means that such workers cannot rest on their pay packets. Even when machine capabilities are rapidly improving, it can make sense instead to seek out ever cheaper supplies of increasingly skilled labour. Such processes have steadily and relentlessly squeezed labour out of the manufacturing sector in most rich economies. A new wave of technological progress may dramatically accelerate this automation of brain-work. The case for a highly disruptive period of economic growth is made by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, professors at MIT, in “The Second Machine Age”, a book to be published later this month. Even after computers beat grandmasters at chess (once thought highly unlikely), nobody thought they could take on people at free-form games played in natural language. Being newly able to do brain work will not stop computers from doing ever more formerly manual labour; it will make them better at it.
And although Mr Brynjolfsson and Mr McAfee rightly point out that developing the business models which make the best use of new technologies will involve trial and error and human flexibility, it is also the case that the second machine age will make such trial and error easier.
In a forthcoming book Thomas Piketty, an economist at the Paris School of Economics, argues along similar lines that America may be pioneering a hyper-unequal economic model in which a top 1% of capital-owners and “supermanagers” grab a growing share of national income and accumulate an increasing concentration of national wealth.
The productivity gains from future automation will be real, even if they mostly accrue to the owners of the machines.
Such emotional and relational work could be as critical to the future as metal-bashing was in the past, even if it gets little respect at first.
But though growth in areas of the economy that are not easily automated provides jobs, it does not necessarily help real wages.
So technological progress squeezes some incomes in the short term before making everyone richer in the long term, and can drive up the costs of some things even more than it eventually increases earnings.
Even if the long-term outlook is rosy, with the potential for greater wealth and lots of new jobs, it does not mean that policymakers should simply sit on their hands in the mean time. Boosting the skills and earning power of the children of 19th-century farmers and labourers took little more than offering schools where they could learn to read, write and do algebra. Another way in which previous adaptation is not necessarily a good guide to future employment is the existence of welfare. Everyone should be able to benefit from productivity gains—in that, Keynes was united with his successors.
By 1800, the Industrial Revolution began in Europe and its share of global population increased. By 1900, Asia's share of the world population declined to 57 percent of the global total, as Europe, North America, and Latin America grew rapidly.
Since rates of population growth are currently highest in the less developed regions, their share of world population will increase. If current trends continue, Asia’s population will decrease slightly to 57 percent of the world total in 2050, Africa's share of the world's population will rise to about 20 percent, and Europe's share will drop below Latin America's. Over time, the distribution of population changes because of variations in the rate of natural increase and net migration. Rural-to-urban migration, combined with natural increase, is leading to a disproportionate increase in urban population, especially in less developed countries. Source: United Nations Population Division, World Urbanization Prospects, The 2007 Revision. Less developed countries: Less developed countries include all countries in Africa, Asia (excluding Japan), and Latin America and the Caribbean, and the regions of Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. More developed countries: More developed countries include all countries in Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan.
Net migration: The net effect of immigration and emigration on an area's population in a given time period, expressed as an increase or decrease. Rate of natural increase: The birth rate minus the death rate, implying the annual rate of population growth without regard for migration. G+ #Read of the Day: The Daguerreotype - The daguerreotype, an early form of photograph, was invented by Louis Daguerre in the early 19th c. The first photograph (1826) - Joseph Niepce, a French inventor and pioneer in photography, is generally credited with producing the first photograph.
Easy Peasy Fact:Following Niepcea€™s experiments, in 1829 Louis Daguerre stepped up to make some improvements on a novel idea. Adafruit: The oldest street scene photos of New York City - Check out these incredible (and incredibly old) photos of NYC, via Ephemeral New York.
The oldest street scene photos of New York CityCheck out these incredible (and incredibly old) photos of NYC, via Ephemeral New York. I still remember reading about Louis Daguerre's invention, the daguerreotype, in high school. The Making of the American Museum of Natural Historya€™s Wildlife DioramasFossil shark-jaw restoration, 1909. Very old portrait of three men identified as (from left to right) Henry, George, and Stephen Childs, November 25, 1842. In 1840, Hippolyte Bayard, a pioneer of early photography, created an image called Self-Portrait as a Drowned Man. 10 Times History Was Captured in Living ColorColor photographs go back to before you might think.
These simple and fun video lessons are each about five minutes long and they teach all of the topics involving 20th- and 21st-century Latin America required in a typical high school world history course.
In this video, we look at the causes of the Revolution, and then explore the initial events that led to the removal of Diaz. In doing so, it will highlight its dominance, the presidency of Cardenas, and the political corruption under Portillo. We also learn about the role of the United States in the removal of Allende and the rise of a military dictator Augusto Pinochet in Chile. In doing this, it will highlight the Mayan population as well as the many military figures that ruled Guatemala during this 36-year conflict. We learn about his rise and fall from power and about his vague political ideology, which he called Justicialism. In doing so, it will highlight US involvement as well as the brutality and violence of the Somoza regime and the Sandinista rebels. In doing this it will define tariffs, while also discussing the arguments for and against this famous agreement.
It will focus on the conflict between reform and military rule, while also defining the Abertura Process. In particular, we look at 5 theories of Latin American migration and highlight them with examples of different kinds of Latin American migration.
The lesson will highlight the OAS's ties to the Cold War, as well as its pursuit of economic prosperity for those living in the Western Hemisphere. It imagined a middle way between revolution and stagnation that would leave the said grandchildren a great deal richer than their grandparents. They start from the observation that, across the rich world, all is far from well in the world of work.
For those not in the elite, argues David Graeber, an anthropologist at the London School of Economics, much of modern labour consists of stultifying “bullshit jobs”—low- and mid-level screen-sitting that serves simply to occupy workers for whom the economy no longer has much use. There is already a long-term trend towards lower levels of employment in some rich countries. Industrialisation clearly led to enormous rises in incomes and living standards over the long run. To maximise the output of that costly machinery, factory owners reorganised the processes of production.


Joel Mokyr, an economic historian at Northwestern University in Illinois, argues that the more intricate machines, techniques and supply chains of the period all required careful tending. As Mr Mokyr notes, “life did not improve all that much between 1750 and 1850.” For 60 years, from 1770 to 1830, growth in British wages, adjusted for inflation, was imperceptible because productivity growth was restricted to a few industries. New investments in education provided a supply of workers for the more skilled jobs that were by then being created in ever greater numbers. Even so, it was not until the “golden age” after the second world war that workers in the rich world secured real prosperity, and a large, property-owning middle class came to dominate politics. In the early 20th century a “computer” was a worker, or a room of workers, doing mathematical calculations by hand, often with the end point of one person’s work the starting point for the next. New machinery displaced handicraft producers across numerous industries, from textiles to metalworking.
Hence the demise of production-line jobs and some sorts of book-keeping, lost to the robot and the spreadsheet. As David Autor, an economist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), points out in a 2013 paper, the mere fact that a job can be automated does not mean that it will be; relative costs also matter. Thus since the 1980s (a time when, in America, the trend towards post-secondary education levelled off) workers there and elsewhere have found themselves facing increased competition from both machines and cheap emerging-market workers. The share of American employment in manufacturing has declined sharply since the 1950s, from almost 30% to less than 10%. Evidence is mounting that rapid technological progress, which accounted for the long era of rapid productivity growth from the 19th century to the 1970s, is back. Like the first great era of industrialisation, they argue, it should deliver enormous benefits—but not without a period of disorienting and uncomfortable change. Ten years ago technologically minded economists pointed to driving cars in traffic as the sort of human accomplishment that computers were highly unlikely to master. Then Watson, a pattern-recognising supercomputer developed by IBM, bested the best human competitors in America’s popular and syntactically tricksy general-knowledge quiz show “Jeopardy!” Versions of Watson are being marketed to firms across a range of industries to help with all sorts of pattern-recognition problems.
The combination of big data and smart machines will take over some occupations wholesale; in others it will allow firms to do more with fewer workers.
New data-processing technology could break “cognitive” jobs down into smaller and smaller tasks. The designers of the latest generation of industrial robots talk about their creations as helping workers rather than replacing them; but there is little doubt that the technology will be able to do a bit of both—probably more than a bit.
Even Mr Frey and Mr Osborne, whose research speaks of 47% of job categories being open to automation within two decades, accept that some jobs—especially those currently associated with high levels of education and high wages—will survive (see table).
It will be shockingly easy to launch a startup, bring a new product to market and sell to billions of global consumers (see article). The rise of the middle-class—a 20th-century innovation—was a hugely important political and social development across the world.
Some will be spent on goods and services—golf instructors, household help and so on—and most of the rest invested in firms that are seeking to expand and presumably hire more labour. Just as past mechanisation freed, or forced, workers into jobs requiring more cognitive dexterity, leaps in machine intelligence could create space for people to specialise in more emotive occupations, as yet unsuited to machines: a world of artists and therapists, love counsellors and yoga instructors. Mr Summers points out that prices of things-made-of-widgets have fallen remarkably in past decades; America’s Bureau of Labour Statistics reckons that today you could get the equivalent of an early 1980s television for a twentieth of its then price, were it not that no televisions that poor are still made.
As innovation continues, automation may bring down costs in some of those stubborn areas as well, though those dominated by scarcity—such as houses in desirable places—are likely to resist the trend, as may those where the state keeps market forces at bay.
Pushing a large proportion of college graduates to complete graduate work successfully will be harder and more expensive. The alternative to joining the 19th-century industrial proletariat was malnourished deprivation. His worry about technological unemployment was mainly a worry about a “temporary phase of maladjustment” as society and the economy adjusted to ever greater levels of productivity. During the last two centuries most of the world's people lived in Asia, while relatively few lived in Latin America, North America, and Oceania.
Europe and Africa fluctuated, each usually holding between 15 percent and 20 percent of the world population. In 2000, Asia's population rose again to account for 60 percent of the world total; Africa's share increased to exceed Europe's portion. In the United States between 60 percent and 70 percent of annual population growth is from natural increase and the rest is driven by international migration.
Typically, the population living in towns of 2,000 or more or in national and provincial capitals is classified as urban. Talbot was active from the mid-1830s, and sits alongside Louis Daguerre as one of the fathers of the medium.
Niepcea€™s photograph shows a view from the Window at Le Gras, and it only took eight hours of exposure time!The history of photography has roots in remote antiquity with the discovery of the principle of the camera obscura and the observation that some substances are visibly altered by exposure to light.
Again employing the use of solvents and metal plates as a canvas, Daguerre utilized a combination of silver and iodine to make a surface more sensitive to light, thereby taking less time to develop. Half of the Limburg province of Belgium is added to the Netherlands, giving rise to a Belgian Limburg and Dutch Limburg (the latter being from September 5 joined to the German Confederation).June 3 a€“ Destruction of opium at Humen begins, casus belli for Britain to open the 3-year First Opium War against Qing dynasty China. Bayard had just perfected the process of printing on to paper, which would come to define photography in the following century, but the French government had decided to invest instead in the daguerrotype, a process invented by his rival, Louis Daguerre. By raising productivity, they argue, any automation which economises on the use of labour will increase incomes. The essence of what they see as a work crisis is that in rich countries the wages of the typical worker, adjusted for cost of living, are stagnant. Keeping them employed, Mr Graeber argues, is not an economic choice; it is something the ruling class does to keep control over the lives of others. The proportion of American adults participating in the labour force recently hit its lowest level since 1978, and although some of that is due to the effects of ageing, some is not.
A 2013 paper by Carl Benedikt Frey and Michael Osborne, of the University of Oxford, argued that jobs are at high risk of being automated in 47% of the occupational categories into which work is customarily sorted. When the shift to manufacturing got under way during the 18th century it was overwhelmingly done at small scale, either within the home or in a small workshop; employment in a large factory was a rarity. Workers were given one or a few repetitive tasks, often making components of finished products rather than whole pieces.
Not until the late 19th century, when the gains had spread across the whole economy, did wages at last perform in line with productivity (see chart 1). This shift continued into the 20th century as post-secondary education became increasingly common. At the same time communism, a legacy of industrialisation’s harsh early era, kept hundreds of millions of people around the world in poverty, and the effects of the imperialism driven by European industrialisation continued to be felt by billions. Although in many simple economic models technology pairs neatly with capital and labour to produce output, in practice technological changes do not affect all workers the same way.
The development of mechanical and electronic computing rendered these arrangements obsolete. At the same time it enabled vastly more output per person than craft producers could ever manage.
Meanwhile work less easily broken down into a series of stereotyped tasks—whether rewarding, as the management of other workers and the teaching of toddlers can be, or more of a grind, like tidying and cleaning messy work places—has grown as a share of total employment. Experimentation with different techniques and business models requires flexibility, which is one critical advantage of a human worker.
At the same time, jobs in services soared, from less than 50% of employment to almost 70% (see chart 2). The sort of advances that allow people to put in their pocket a computer that is not only more powerful than any in the world 20 years ago, but also has far better software and far greater access to useful data, as well as to other people and machines, have implications for all sorts of work.
Their argument rests on an underappreciated aspect of the exponential growth in chip processing speed, memory capacity and other computer metrics: that the amount of progress computers will make in the next few years is always equal to the progress they have made since the very beginning. Now Google cars are rolling round California driver-free no one doubts such mastery is possible, though the speed at which fully self-driving cars will come to market remains hard to guess. As well as opening the way to eventual automation this could reduce the satisfaction from such work, just as the satisfaction of making things was reduced by deskilling and interchangeable parts in the 19th century. Tyler Cowen, an economist at George Mason University and a much-read blogger, writes in his most recent book, “Average is Over”, that rich economies seem to be bifurcating into a small group of workers with skills highly complementary with machine intelligence, for whom he has high hopes, and the rest, for whom not so much. Those who create or invest in blockbuster ideas may earn unprecedented returns as a result. The squeezing out of that class could generate a more antagonistic, unstable and potentially dangerous politics.
Every great period of innovation has produced its share of labour-market doomsayers, but technological progress has never previously failed to generate new employment opportunities.
Manufacturing jobs are still often treated as “better”—in some vague, non-pecuniary way—than paper-pushing is. However, prices of things not made of widgets, most notably college education and health care, have shot up. But if innovation does make health care or higher education cheaper, it will probably be at the cost of more jobs, and give rise to yet more concentration of income. The most obvious are the massive improvements in educational attainment brought on first by the institution of universal secondary education and then by the rise of university attendance. Today, because of measures introduced in response to, and to some extent on the proceeds of, industrialisation, people in the developed world are provided with unemployment benefits, disability allowances and other forms of welfare. Europe ranks second to Asia, but its share is decreasing while Africa's share is increasing. The remaining few people were scattered in Latin America, North America, and Oceania, with Latin America having the largest number. Less than 5 percent resided in the Americas and Oceania combined (see "World Population Distribution by Region, 1800-2050"). Though he is most famous for his contributions to photography, he was also an accomplished painter and a developer of the diorama theatre.
As far as is known, nobody thought of bringing these two phenomena together to capture camera images in permanent form until around 1800, when Thomas Wedgwood made the first reliably documented although unsuccessful attempt. It didna€™t take long for others to seize the new technology and create daguerreotypes of New York City street scenes. Daguerreotypes are sharply defined, highly reflective, one-of-a-kind photographs on silver-coated copper plates, usually packaged behind glass and kept in protective cases.
That will generate demand for new products and services, which will in turn create new jobs for displaced workers. In a recent speech that was modelled in part on Keynes’s “Possibilities”, Larry Summers, a former American treasury secretary, looked at employment trends among American men between 25 and 54. That includes accountancy, legal work, technical writing and a lot of other white-collar occupations.


Bosses imposed a tight schedule and strict worker discipline to keep up the productive pace. As research by Lawrence Katz, of Harvard University, and Robert Margo, of Boston University, shows, employment in manufacturing “hollowed out”. But in time it greatly increased the productivity of those who used the new computers in their work. Yet over time, as best practices are worked out and then codified, it becomes easier to break production down into routine components, then automate those components as technology allows. It was inevitable, therefore, that firms would start to apply the same experimentation and reorganisation to service industries. Mr Brynjolfsson and Mr McAfee reckon that the main bottleneck on innovation is the time it takes society to sort through the many combinations and permutations of new technologies and business models. Biopsies will be analysed more efficiently by image-processing software than lab technicians. That sounds like bad news for journalists who rely on that most reliable source of local knowledge and prejudice—but will there be many journalists left to care?
The current doldrum in wages may, like that of the early industrial era, be a temporary matter, with the good times about to roll (see chart 3).
To some 18th-century observers, working in the fields was inherently more noble than making gewgaws.
If people lived on widgets alone— goods whose costs have fallen because of both globalisation and technology—there would have been no pause in the increase of real wages. But as Mr Cowen notes, such programmes may tend to deliver big gains only for the most conscientious students. However, society may find itself sorely tested if, as seems possible, growth and innovation deliver handsome gains to the skilled, while the rest cling to dwindling employment opportunities at stagnant wages. By the year 2030, 60 percent of the world's population is projected to live in urban areas, ranging from market towns to megacities. A daguerreotype, produced on a silver-plated copper sheet, produces a mirror image photograph of the exposed scene. The Government, which has been only too generous to Monsieur Daguerre, has said it can do nothing for Monsieur Bayard, and the poor wretch has drowned himself. To think otherwise has meant being tarred a Luddite—the name taken by 19th-century textile workers who smashed the machines taking their jobs. Even in places like Britain and Germany, where employment is touching new highs, wages have been flat for a decade. The Industrial Revolution was not simply a matter of replacing muscle with steam; it was a matter of reshaping jobs themselves into the sort of precisely defined components that steam-driven machinery needed—cogs in a factory system.
As employment grew for highly skilled workers and unskilled workers, craft workers lost out. Accountants may follow travel agents and tellers into the unemployment line as tax software improves. It is the increase in the prices of stuff that isn’t mechanised (whose supply is often under the control of the state and perhaps subject to fundamental scarcity) that means a pay packet goes no further than it used to. But as Mr Cowen has pointed out, the gains of the 19th and 20th centuries will be hard to duplicate.
This means that the “reservation wage”—the wage below which a worker will not accept a job—is now high in historical terms. Chemistry student Robert Cornelius was so fascinated by the chemical process involved in Daguerrea€™s work that he sought to make some improvements himself.
On the contrary, it created employment opportunities sufficient to soak up the 20th century’s exploding population.
Recent research suggests that this is because substituting capital for labour through automation is increasingly attractive; as a result owners of capital have captured ever more of the world’s income since the 1980s, while the share going to labour has fallen.
This was the loss to which the Luddites, understandably if not effectively, took exception. Machines are already turning basic sports results and financial data into good-enough news stories.
If governments refuse to allow jobless workers to fall too far below the average standard of living, then this reservation wage will rise steadily, and ever more workers may find work unattractive.
It was commercially introduced in 1839, a date generally accepted as the birth year of practical photography.The metal-based daguerreotype process soon had some competition from the paper-based calotype negative and salt print processes invented by Henry Fox Talbot. And in 1839 Cornelius shot a self-portrait daguerrotype that some historians believe was the first modern photograph of a man ever produced.
For over two weeks in the summer of 2002, scientists and conservators at this prestigious facility subjected the artifact, its frame, and support materials to extensive and rigorous non-destructive testing.
And the higher it rises, the greater the incentive to invest in capital that replaces labour. The result was a very complete scientific and technical analysis of the object, which in turn provided better criteria for its secure and permanent case design and presentation in the lobby of the newly-renovated Harry Ransom Center.The plate also received extensive attention from the photographic technicians at the Institute, who spent a day and a half with the original heliograph in their photographic studios in order to record photographically and digitally all aspects of the plate. The object was documented under all manner of scientific lights, including infrared and ultraviolet spectra.
Only two of the 10 largest urban areas projected for 2025 are expected to be in the more developed countries (see table, "Population of Cities With 10 Million Inhabitants or More, 1950, 2007, and 2025"). Long before the first photographs were made, Chinese philosopher Mo Ti and Greek mathematicians Aristotle and Euclid described a pinhole camera in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE.
In the 6th century CE, Byzantine mathematician Anthemius of Tralles used a type of camera obscura in his experimentsIbn al-Haytham (Alhazen) (965 in Basra a€“ c. Wilhelm Homberg described how light darkened some chemicals (photochemical effect) in 1694. The novel Giphantie (by the French Tiphaigne de la Roche, 1729a€“74) described what could be interpreted as photography.Around the year 1800, Thomas Wedgwood made the first known attempt to capture the image in a camera obscura by means of a light-sensitive substance. As with the bitumen process, the result appeared as a positive when it was suitably lit and viewed.
A strong hot solution of common salt served to stabilize or fix the image by removing the remaining silver iodide. On 7 January 1839, this first complete practical photographic process was announced at a meeting of the French Academy of Sciences, and the news quickly spread.
At first, all details of the process were withheld and specimens were shown only at Daguerre's studio, under his close supervision, to Academy members and other distinguished guests. Paper with a coating of silver iodide was exposed in the camera and developed into a translucent negative image. Unlike a daguerreotype, which could only be copied by rephotographing it with a camera, a calotype negative could be used to make a large number of positive prints by simple contact printing. The calotype had yet another distinction compared to other early photographic processes, in that the finished product lacked fine clarity due to its translucent paper negative. This was seen as a positive attribute for portraits because it softened the appearance of the human face. Talbot patented this process,[20] which greatly limited its adoption, and spent many years pressing lawsuits against alleged infringers. He attempted to enforce a very broad interpretation of his patent, earning himself the ill will of photographers who were using the related glass-based processes later introduced by other inventors, but he was eventually defeated.
Nonetheless, Talbot's developed-out silver halide negative process is the basic technology used by chemical film cameras today. Hippolyte Bayard had also developed a method of photography but delayed announcing it, and so was not recognized as its inventor.In 1839, John Herschel made the first glass negative, but his process was difficult to reproduce. The new formula was sold by the Platinotype Company in London as Sulpho-Pyrogallol Developer.Nineteenth-century experimentation with photographic processes frequently became proprietary. This adaptation influenced the design of cameras for decades and is still found in use today in some professional cameras. Petersburg, Russia studio Levitsky would first propose the idea to artificially light subjects in a studio setting using electric lighting along with daylight.
In 1884 George Eastman, of Rochester, New York, developed dry gel on paper, or film, to replace the photographic plate so that a photographer no longer needed to carry boxes of plates and toxic chemicals around. Now anyone could take a photograph and leave the complex parts of the process to others, and photography became available for the mass-market in 1901 with the introduction of the Kodak Brownie.A practical means of color photography was sought from the very beginning. Results were demonstrated by Edmond Becquerel as early as 1848, but exposures lasting for hours or days were required and the captured colors were so light-sensitive they would only bear very brief inspection in dim light.The first durable color photograph was a set of three black-and-white photographs taken through red, green and blue color filters and shown superimposed by using three projectors with similar filters. It was taken by Thomas Sutton in 1861 for use in a lecture by the Scottish physicist James Clerk Maxwell, who had proposed the method in 1855.[27] The photographic emulsions then in use were insensitive to most of the spectrum, so the result was very imperfect and the demonstration was soon forgotten.
Maxwell's method is now most widely known through the early 20th century work of Sergei Prokudin-Gorskii. Included were methods for viewing a set of three color-filtered black-and-white photographs in color without having to project them, and for using them to make full-color prints on paper.[28]The first widely used method of color photography was the Autochrome plate, commercially introduced in 1907.
If the individual filter elements were small enough, the three primary colors would blend together in the eye and produce the same additive color synthesis as the filtered projection of three separate photographs.
Autochrome plates had an integral mosaic filter layer composed of millions of dyed potato starch grains. Reversal processing was used to develop each plate into a transparent positive that could be viewed directly or projected with an ordinary projector.
The mosaic filter layer absorbed about 90 percent of the light passing through, so a long exposure was required and a bright projection or viewing light was desirable.
Competing screen plate products soon appeared and film-based versions were eventually made. A complex processing operation produced complementary cyan, magenta and yellow dye images in those layers, resulting in a subtractive color image. Kirsch at the National Institute of Standards and Technology developed a binary digital version of an existing technology, the wirephoto drum scanner, so that alphanumeric characters, diagrams, photographs and other graphics could be transferred into digital computer memory.
The lab was working on the Picturephone and on the development of semiconductor bubble memory. The essence of the design was the ability to transfer charge along the surface of a semiconductor.
Michael Tompsett from Bell Labs however, who discovered that the CCD could be used as an imaging sensor.



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