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DESCRIPTION: This is the largest map of its kind to have survived in tact and in good condition from such an early period of cartography. These place names are in Lincolnshire (Holdingham and Sleaford are the modern forms), and this Richard has been identified as one Richard de Bello, prebend of Lafford in Lincoln Cathedral about the year 1283, who later became an official of the Bishop of Hereford, and in 1305 was appointed prebend of Norton in Hereford Cathedral.
While the map was compiled in England, names and descriptions were written in Latin, with the Norman dialect of old French used for special entries. Here, my dear Son, my bosom is whence you took flesh Here are my breasts from which you sought a Virgina€™s milk. The other three figures consist of a woman placing a crown on the Virgin Mary and two angels on their knees in supplication. Still within this decorative border, in the left-hand bottom corner, the Roman Emperor Caesar Augustus is enthroned and crowned with a papal triple tiara and delivers a mandate with his seal attached, to three named commissioners. In the right-hand bottom corner an unidentified rider parades with a following forester holding a pair of greyhounds on a leash.
The geographical form and content of the Hereford map is derived from the writings of Pliny, Solinus, Augustine, Strabo, Jerome, the Antonine Itinerary, St. As is traditional with the T-O design, there is the tripartite division of the known world into three continents: Europe, Asia, and Africa.
EUROPE: When we turn to this area of the Hereford map we would expect to find some evidence of more contemporary 13th century knowledge and geographic accuracy than was seen in Africa or Asia, and, to some limited extent, this theory is true. France, with the bordering regions of Holland and Belgium is called Gallia, and includes all of the land between the Rhine and the Pyrenees.
Norway and Sweden are shown as a peninsula, divided by an arm of the sea, though their size and position are misrepresented.
On the other side of Europe, Iceland, the Faeroes, and Ultima Tile are shown grouped together north of Norway, perhaps because the restricting circular limits of the map did not permit them to be shown at a more correct distance. The British Isles are drawn on a larger scale than the neighboring parts of the continent, and this representation is of special interest on account of its early date. On the Hereford map, the areas retain their Latin names, Britannia insula and Hibernia, Scotia, Wallia, and Cornubia, and are neatly divided, usually by rivers, into compartments, North and South Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, England, and Scotland.
THE MEDITERRANEAN: The Mediterranean, conveniently separating the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe, teems with islands associated with legends of Greece and Rome.
Mythical fire-breathing creature with wings, scales and claws; malevolent in west, benevolent in east. 4.A A  For bibliographical information on these and other (including lost) cartographical exemplars, see Westrem, The Hereford Map, p. 10.A A  For bibliographical information for editions and translations of the source texts, see Westrem, The Hereford Map, p. 11.A A  More detailed analysis of these data can be found in my a€?Lessons from Legends on the Hereford Mappa Mundi,a€? Hereford Mappa Mundi Conference proceedings volume being edited by Barber and Harvey (see n. 16.A A  Danubius oritur ab orientali parte Reni fluminis sub quadam ecclesia, et progressus ad orientem, . 23.A A  The a€?standarda€? Latin forms of these place-names and the modern English equivalents are those recorded in the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, ed.
From the time when it was first mentioned as being in Hereford Cathedral in 1682, until a relatively short time ago, the Hereford Mappamundi was almost entirely the preserve of antiquaries, clergymen with an interest in the middle ages and some historians of cartography. FROM THE TIME when it was first mentioned as being in Hereford Cathedral in 1682, until a relatively short time ago, the Hereford Mappamundi was almost entirely the preserve of antiquaries, clergymen with an interest in the middle ages and some historians of cartography. Details from the Hereford map of the Blemyae and the Psilli.a€? Typical of the strange creatures or 'Wonders of the East' derived by Richard of Haldingham from classical sources and placed in Ethiopia. Equally important work was also being done on medieval and Renaissance world maps as a genre, particularly by medievalists such as Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken and Jorg-Geerd Arentzen in Germany and by Juergen Schulz, primarily an art historian, and David Woodward, a leading historian of cartography, in the United States. The Hereford World Map is the only complete surviving English example of a type of map which was primarily a visualization of all branches of knowledge in a Christian framework and only secondly a geographical object.
After the fall of the Roman empire in the 5th century, monks and scholars struggled desperately to preserve from destruction by pagan barbarians the flotsam and jetsam of classical history and learning; to consolidate them and to reconcile them with Christian teaching and biblical history. There would have been several models to choose from, corresponding to the widely differing cartographic traditions inside the Roman Empire, but it seems that the commonest image descended from a large map of the known world that was created for a portico lining the Via Flaminia near the Capitol in Rome during Christ's lifetime. Recent writers such as Arentzen have suggested that, simply because of their sheer availability, from an early date different versions of this map may have been used to illustrate texts by scholars such as St. Eventually some of the information from the texts became incorporated into the maps themselves, though only sparingly at first. A broad similarity in coastlines with the Hereford map is clear in the Anglo-Saxon [Cottonian] World Map, c.1000 (#210), but there are no illustrations of animals other than the lion (top left). The resulting maps ranged widely in shape and appearance, some being circular, others square. A few maps of the inhabited world were much more detailed, though keeping to the same broad structure and symbolism. Most of these earlier maps were book illustrations, none were particularly big and the maps were always considered to need textual amplification.
From about 1100, however, we know from contemporary descriptions in chronicles and from the few surviving inventories that larger world maps were produced on parchment, cloth and as wall paintings for the adornment of audience chambers in palaces and castles as well as, probably, of altars in the side chapels of religious buildings. A separate written text of an encyclopedic nature, probably written by the map's intellectual creator, however, was still intended to accompany many if not all these large maps and one may originally have accompanied the Hereford world map. These maps seem largely to have been inspired by English scholars working at home or in Europe. The most striking novelty, however, was the vastly increased number of depictions of peoples, animals, and plants of the world copied from illustrations in contemporary handbooks on wildlife, commonly called bestiaries and herbals. Mentions in contemporary records and chronicles, such as those of Matthew Paris, make it plain that these large world maps were once relatively common. At about the same time that this map was being created, Henry III, perhaps after consultation with Gervase, who had visited him in 1229, commissioned wall maps to hang in the audience chambers of his palaces in Winchester and Westminster. The Hereford Mappamundi is the only full size survivor of these magnificent, encyclopedic English-inspired maps. An inscription in Norman-French at the bottom left attributes the map to Richard of Haldingham and Sleaford.
The principal types of regional and local maps in the Middle Ages were itinerary maps, maps of regions like England or Palestine, city plans, and, especially from the very late Middle Ages, maps of disputed lands or boundaries of properties. Written itineraries were well known in the Middle Ages and were apparently used both as travelersa€™ aids and for armchair travel, often for the purpose of either actual or mental pilgrimage. The other significant extant example of an itinerary map is the one that appears in various redactions in manuscripts of Parisa€™s Chronica majora. In addition to these surviving examples of itinerary maps, the significance of the itinerary a€” especially the written or narrated itinerarya€”is demonstrated by the frequency with which itineraries served as at least one source for other types of maps. Paris created a number of regional maps of England and Palestine, as well as two historical maps representing features of early Britain. Matthewa€™s so-called Itinerary from London to the Holy Land, which has been reckoned with his map of Palestine, is not really a connected whole; it is the result of combining two different works, a pictorial representation of the route between London and Apulia (in southern Italy), and a sketch of the Holy Land. Matthew Parisa€™s maps of Palestine are best described as maps not so much of the Holy Land as of the Crusader kingdom, especially since a plan of the city of Acre, the principal port of the kingdom, dominates the coastline.
The Itinerary to Apulia is not, therefore, part of a pilgrima€™s guide to the Holy Land; but rather appears to be a political sketch, with the following history (from Beazley). The text of this map of Palestine is, in fact, closely related to various Intineraries of the period of Latin domination in Syria, such as Les pelerinages pour aller en Jerusalem, Les chemins et les pelerinages de la Terre Sainte, or La deuice des chemins de Babiloine (viz.
Itinerary Map from London to Bouveis, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Library, MS 26,
Matthewa€™s little red lines become roads, inches become miles, vignettes become cities to be traversed by the viewers of his manuscripts. With the actual city lost to travelers, labyrinths created a space for virtual travel, much in the same way as Matthewa€™s maps do. The maps Matthewa€™s manuscripts contain, even the a€?lineara€? itinerary pages like the one that opens CCCC 26, are not as straightforward as they at first appear. These labyrinthine maps of Matthew Paris are quite different from those of his contemporaries in important respects. On the Psalter Map, beginning at the top and proceeding clockwise, we encounter the Garden of Eden, the Red Sea, a band of monstrous peoples, Britain, and the gates in the Caucus Mountains, retaining the hordes of Gog and Magog. Matthew was not immune to the common medieval interest a€“ monastic and secular a€“ in marvels like the monstrous peoples of Africa and Asia, reflected not only by their presence on the Psalter, Hereford and Ebstorf maps, but also by their near ubiquity in texts and images of all types. Just as audiences flocked to see Henry IIIa€™s elephant, they may also flocked to see some of the world maps, such as the Hereford Map, likely displayed in Hereford Cathedral as part of a pilgrimage route dedicated to Bishop Thomas Cantilupe, who died in 1283.
Matthew also chooses not to dwell in his maps on the horrifying hordes of Gog and Magog, lurking behind the Caspian Mountains, which is surprising, given his millennialism. Matthewa€™s maps a€“ from the first legs of the itinerary, branching out from London along two paths, to the (nearly) pathless tracts of the Holy Land a€“ present a range of spatial options to the ocular traveler moving through them. But again, this invites a question: If these maps, which were likely made just after 1250, are millennial, why not populate them with prodigies, with monstrous births heralding doom, with monsters of the sorts found on the Psalter Map, or with images of the people of Gog and Magog, who appear three times on the Hereford Map, once behind their wall and twice already outside of it, released into and upon the world?
Not only is the Holy Land to be inexorably lost, despite the valiant efforts of these last Crusaders, but the invasion of Europe itself is threatened by the apocalyptic Mongol hordes, believed to be Gog and Magog unleashed beyond the frontiers of civilization as harbingers of the end of the world. This is, indeed, the moment of production for the maps, but this is not the moment (or moments) depicted on the maps, themselves. Connolly translates jurnee, the repeated inscription on the paths throughout the itineraries, as a€?one day,a€? rather than the customary a€?daya€™s journey,a€? perhaps unintentionally conjuring a sense of longing for travel by a cloistered monk a€“ one day, one day a€“ but also for the reclamation of the Holy Land a€“ one day, one day a€“ and, of course, ultimately, the return of Jesus, the end of time, the Last Judgment, and the creation of the Heavenly Jerusalem a€“ one day, one day. Connolly characterizes the performative experience of walking a labyrinth as a€?a prolonged, sometimes frustrating process,a€? but, after all its disorienting divagations, a€?[a]t the very end of the labyrinth, a straight line appears to lead you directly to the center, to arrive, metaphorically, at the holy city of Jerusalem.a€? Returning to Matthewa€™s map of the Holy Land, (CCCC 16) we find that there is a pathway charted on its largely pathless surface, a road marked out like those of the itinerary pages that precede it.
Matthewa€™s maps seem to present a maze of pathways, but like the labyrinths, present a unitary destination. Itinerary from London to Jerusalem with a description in French, similar to one in the Royal MS. Matthew Parisa€™ Itinerary from Pontremoli to Rome with images of towns, their names, and descriptions of places, with attached pieces, including the city of Rome to the right; from Matthew Parisa€™ a€?Historia Anglorum, Chronica majoraa€?, Royal 14 C.
Mascun to the Alps in Matthew Parisa€™ a€?Chronica Maioraa€?, a€?Corpus Christi College, MS 26, fol. A A A  The principal types of regional and local maps in the Middle Ages were itinerary maps, maps of regions like England or Palestine, city plans, and, especially from the very late Middle Ages, maps of disputed lands or boundaries of properties. While monsters and marvels played an important role on mappaemundi like the Psalter, Hereford and Ebstorf, their role on Matthewa€™s maps is strongly curtailed.
Do you remember the story in the Bible about the businessman who went searching for the most priceless gem in the world?
Nevertheless, we still tend to sympathize with Lot in his frustrated attempts to hold the reins on his unregenerate wife and children. Nowhere in the Bible does God give the slightest tolerance for men to modify His revealed will. Nadab and Abihu were not guilty of any rebellious defiance of their faith in other areas of their religious office. How can people become so blind and deceived that they feel securely saved while willfully breaking God's commandments?
Have you noticed that in the stories of Nadab, Abihu, and Uzzah the seemingly slight offense had to do with things God had set apart for sacred use? The tithe is something else which has been separated by the Word of God for a special, sacred purpose. Some people are horrified to read about the judgments which fell upon Uzzah when he touched the ark of God and upon Lot's wife when she simply turned her head. No wonder, then, that Lot's wife suffered the same terrible consequences as all others who trifled with the word of a holy God. The same issues which precipitated the dramatic showdown in Sodom are leavening the Christian churches at almost every level. The story of Lot and his family proves that God will not long tolerate a double lifestyle on the part of His professed people. The circle of the world is set in a somewhat rectangular frame background with a pointed top, and an ornamented border of a zig-zag pattern often found in psalter-maps of the period (#223). Show pity, as you said you would, on all Who their devotion paid to me for you made me Savioress. Olympus and such cities as Athens and Corinth; the Delphic oracle, misnamed Delos, is represented by a hideous head.
James (Roxburghe Club) 1929, with representations from manuscripts in the British Library and the Bodleian Library, and a€?Marvels of the Easta€?, by R. The upper-left corner of the Hereford Map, showing north and east Asia (compare to the contents on Chart 3).
1), however, call attention to a remarkable degree of accuracy in the relationship of toponymsa€”for cities, rivers, and mountainsa€”both in EMM and in Hereford Map legends.A  On the Asia Minor littoral, for example, one passage in EMM links 39 place-names in a running series, 23 of which are found in Chart 4 (and visible, in almost exactly parallel order, on Fig.
5, above).A  Treating islands separately from the eartha€™s three a€?partsa€? follows the organizational style adopted by Isidore of Seville, Honorius Augustodunensis, and other medieval geographical authorities.
Note Lincoln on its hill and Snowdon ('Snawdon'), Caernarvon and Conway in Wales, referring to the castles Edward I was building there when the map was being created. In England, a detailed study of its less obvious features, such as the sequences of its place names and some of its coastal outlines by G.
The Psilli reputedly tested the virtue of their wives by exposing their children to serpents. The cumulative effect has been to enable us at last to evaluate the map in terms of its actual (largely non-geographical and not exclusively religious) purpose, the age in which it was created and in the context of the general development of European cartography.
The Old and New Testaments contained few doctrinal implications for geography, other than a bias in favor of an inhabited world consisting of three interlinked continents containing descendants of Noah's three sons.
This now-lost map was referred to in some detail by a number of classical writers and it seems to have been created under the direction of Emperor Augustus's son-in-law, Vipsanius Agrippa (63-12 BC) for official purposes. As the centuries went by, more and more was included with references to places associated with events in classical history and legend (particularly fictionalized tales about Alexander the Great) and from biblical history with brief notes on and the very occasional illustration of natural history.
Note also the Roman provincial boundaries, the relative accuracy of the British coastlines (lower left) and the attention paid to the Balkans and Denmark, with which Saxon England had close contacts.
Some, often oriented to the north, attempted to show the whole world in zones, with the inhabited earth occupying the zone between the equator and the frozen north. They were never intended to convey purely geographical information or to stand alone without explanatory text. Often a 'context' for them would have been provided by the other secular as well as religious surrounding decorations. For many maps continued to be used primarily for educational, including theological, purposes. They reached their fullest development in the thirteenth century when Englishmen like Roger Bacon, John of Holywood (Sacrobosco), Robert Grosseteste and Matthew Paris were playing an inordinately large part in creative geographical thinking in Europe. In most, if not all of these maps, the strange peoples or 'Marvels of the East' are shown occupying Ethiopia on the right (southern) edge, as on the Hereford map.
Exposure to light, fire, water, and religious bigotry or indifference over the centuries has, however, led to the destruction of most of them. Both are now lost but it seems quite likely that the so-called 'Psalter Map', produced in London in the early 1260s and now owned by the British Library, is a much reduced copy of the map that hung in Westminster Palace.
Despite some broad similarities in arrangement and content, however, there are very considerable differences from the Ebstorf and the 'Westminster Palace' maps in details - like the precise location of wildlife, the portrayal of some coastlines and islands, or in the recent information incorporated. Albans in England possessed what may be called an historical school, or institute, which was then the chief center of English narrative history or chronicle, and with a different environment might have become the nucleus of a great university. Most of these maps appear to have belonged to separate traditions, although the extensive corpus of maps in Matthew Parisa€™s chronicles, combining as it does multiple map types, suggests the degree to which a graphically inclined author might be familiar with and able to deploy images from all the known categories of maps, in addition to other types of drawings and diagrams. Only two maps structured as itineraries survive, the more elaborate of which is the Peutinger map (Book I, #120). The map shows the route from England to Apulia, marking each daya€™s journey and prominent topographic features like mountains and rivers. For example, some of the information on the Hereford world map (#226) was based on an itinerary that may show a route familiar to English traders in France. In many ways they continue the itinerary from England to Sicily (Otranto in Apulia was a common point of embarkation for Acre). CCCC 26 contains the annals from creation to 1188, CCCC 16 from 1189 to 1253, and Royal 14 C.viii from 1254 to 1259, when Matthew died. These contain images of cities, connected by clearly marked roads inscribed journee [a daya€™s journey]. This mode of associating travela€™s a€?microa€? with its a€?macro,a€? as it were, was of increasing significance in the 13th century, when pavement labyrinths were either first used in European churches or were newly popular. And by presenting its audiences with a richly meaningful image of the city of Jerusalem a€“ one whose centrality in the nave mimicked that citya€™s centrality in the world and whose fundamental geometry signaled a cosmic architecture a€“ this pavement triggered associations with the city, both in its earthly and historic instance and with its future, heavenly instantiation, and it did so as it invited its audiences to perform an imagined pilgrimage to this sacred center.
Labyrinths allowed church visitors to travel short distances in the densely confined knots of their paths, while simultaneously travelling to the very a€?centera€? of the world, emphatically emphasized by their symmetrical forms.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, they are filled with problems, and become a€?very muddled and confusing,a€? with cities that are a€?misplaceda€? or appear twice. The well-known Psalter Map, for example, is a typical mappamundi, displaying the entire ecumene, that is, the inhabitable world, as known to 13th century English cartographers (#223). Wonders of this sort are not incidental to the function of medieval maps like the Psalter; rather, they are essential components thereof, supplying a necessary antipode to a central Jerusalem, rooted in biblical and patristic texts. Matthew represented marvels known from monster cycles like the Marvels of the East and the Liber monstrorum, and from contemporary narratives about cultural others like the a€?Tartarsa€? a€“ a medieval Christian term for the Mongols a€“ but also from personal observation, such as the elephant given by Louis IX to Henry III, which appears as one of the prefatory images appended to CCCC 16. As Dan Terkla writes in a€?The Original Placement of the Hereford Mappa Mundi,a€? Imago Mundi, vol. They are wholly absent from the itinerary maps, and appear in a limited scope on the Holy Land maps a€“ CCCC 16). Roughly centered, on either side of the gutter and just above the wall of Acre, are two large blocks of text. These are not, to my observation, a common feature of the maps, and of course I cannot speculate on the date of this erasure. In contrast, the Ebstorf map, for example, gives us a gory presentation of these cannibal hordes. For Matthew and his contemporaries, there existed only one future, and its expected arrival was nearly coincident with his creation of the maps. One response might be that the sorts of monsters found on the Psalter Map and other mappaemundi were seen as normal elements of creation, rather than as portents of the apocalypse. Returning to Matthewa€™s off-center image of Jerusalem, we find that the three structures it contains are not as they were at the time of the mapa€™s creation. The journey may be long a€“ at least 46 days in Lewisa€™s reckoning a€“ and the path may not be singular or even, further out on the journey, marked at all, but one day, one day, one day, for Matthew anda€?his monastic audience, one day the reader would at last arrive.

Their path from town to town has the appearance of being perpetually straight and direct, but in fact would twist and turn. Just beneath Jerusalem, inscribed in red and oriented ninety degrees counter-clockwise to the rest of the map, again following our orientation from our bodies, forward, we read le chemin de Iafes a Ierusalem [a€?the road from Jaffa to Jerusalema€?].
Here we seem to see movements in space as we traverse the paths a€“ initially forking for Matthew, but ultimately as singular on his maps as on the labyrinths.
This is surely the case, more often than not, but medieval maps are frequently anagogic, pointed a spiritual meaning only to be realized in a heavenly future. The extension of its city walls to the left show the fortifications constructed by St Louis during his crusade in 1252-4. Babylon of Egypt).A  The first of these is of 1231, the second of 1265, the third of 1289-1291, but it is probable that earlier redactions of the last two already existed in Matthewa€™s time, and were used by him. The journey may be long a€“ at least 46 days in Lewisa€™s reckoning a€“ and the path may not be singular or even, further out on the journey, marked at all, but one day, one day, one day, for Matthew andhis monastic audience, one day the reader would at last arrive. What does that woman of long ago have to do with people who are watching the closeout of history? Perhaps a newly baptized family in the church is bubbling with that wonderful first-love experience. Their vast combined flocks and herds didn't have enough room to graze in such a restricted area, and they had to separate. Quite obviously he did not actually plan to take his family into the urban environment of sinful Sodom. Outside of the home, united with the enemies of God, they lost all faith in the ancestral religion of their childhood and youth. He had much against him, but most of it had been created by his own weakness and indecision.
She was so reluctant to leave the fine appointments of her affluent Sodom home that she lingered. God says what He means to say, and He accepts nothing less than full compliance with His commandments. Often it is asked, "What is the difference between worshiping on the Sabbath and worshiping on Sunday? They never considered refusing to carry out the proper type of offering in the manner prescribed by the Levitical statutes. In their vain worship, they bowed regularly in prayer, sang songs of praise, and probably never missed a church service.
As you see them hurrying about their regular work program, pursuing their own pleasure on the seventh day, there seems to be no remorse for violating the clear command of God.
To appropriate that one-tenth for ourselves is actually to steal from the very coffers of God. You know the story of how those angels visited Abraham and then Lot, telling him that God had tolerated their fence-straddling long enough.
Materialism and lukewarmness have placed a mold upon the lifestyle of millions who profess to be followers of truth today.
As the True Witness of the Laodicean church, He calls upon this lasta€“day religious remnant to repent. They would linger, and then look back with longing heart upon those things which are forbidden.
The book of Revelation foresaw the unholy mixture of Laodicean Christianity which would make God sick on the stomach. The Bible makes it very clear that willful transgression is the antithesis of spiritual security. Any effort to reconcile God's love, character, or righteousness with a tolerance for sin must end with miserable failure. In this final fragment of probationary time, have you renounced every competitor of Christ for first place in your heart?
We might abhor the evil and desire deliverance, but there is only one source of strength to break the pattern of sin.
Are they merely delivered from the guilt of sin, or do they also receive deliverance from the sin itself? No one has been delivered from sins of the flesh without receiving that deliverance as a gift through the merits of Christ's suffering and death.
In Phrygia there is born an animal called bonnacon; it has a bulla€™s head, horsea€™s mane and curling horns, when chased it discharges dung over an extent of three acres which burns whatever it touches. India also has the largest elephants, whose teeth are supposed to be of ivory; the Indians use them in war with turrets (howdahs) set on them. The linx sees through walls and produces a black stonea€” a valuable carbuncle in its secret parts. A tiger when it sees its cub has been stolen chases the thief at full speed; the thief in full flight on a fast horse drops a mirror in the track of the tiger and so escapes unharmed. Agriophani Ethiopes eat only the flesh of panthers and lions they have a king with only one eye in his forehead.
Men with doga€™s heads in Norway; perhaps heads protected with furs made them resemble dogs. Essendones live in Scythia it is their custom to carry out the funeral of their parents with singing and collecting a company of friends to devour the actual corpses with their teeth and make a banquet mingled with the flesh of animals counting it more glorious to be consumed by them than by worms.
Solinus: they occupy the source of the Ganges and live only on the scent of apples of the forest if they should perceive any smell they die instantly. Himantopodes; they creep with crawling legs rather than walk they try to proceed by sliding rather than by taking steps. The Monocoli in India are one-legged and swift when they want to be protected from the heat of the sun they are shaded by the size of their foot. Flint, a€?The Hereford Map:A  Its Author(s), Two Scenes and a Border,a€? Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser. Nevertheless, it placed a somewhat misleading emphasis on the map's geographical 'inaccuracies', its depiction of fabulous creatures and supposedly religious purpose, all clothed in what for the layman must have seemed an air of wildly esoteric learning and near-impenetrable medieval mystery.
Recent research suggests this is a reference to African traders in medicinal drugs who visited ancient Rome. Today, with the map in the headlines of the popular press, it may be time to give a brief resume of what is currently known about it and to attempt to explain some of its more important features in the light of recent research.
In the eyes of some (but by no means all) theologians, a fourth inhabited continent, the Antipodes, would implicitly have denied the descent of mankind from Noah, and the depiction of such a continent was deemed to be heretical by them.
It was based on survey and on military itineraries and reflected the political and administrative realities of the time. Where space allowed, reference was also made to important contemporary towns, regions, and geographical features such as freshly-opened mountain passes.
Most of the maps, however, like the Hereford Mappamundi, depicted only that part of the world that was known in classical times to be inhabited and they were oriented with east at the top.
Traces of the maps' classical origins could regularly be seen in, for instance, the continued depiction of the provincial boundaries of the Roman Empire (which are partly visible on the Hereford map) and for many centuries by the island of Delos which had been sacred to the early Greeks being the centre of the inhabited world. They and the texts that they adorned continued to be copied by hand until late in the 15th century and are to be found in early printed books. God dominates the world and the 'Marvels of the East' occupy the lower right edge of the map, as they do on the Hereford map.
Together they would have provided a propaganda backdrop for the public appearances of the ruler, ruling body, noble or cleric who had commissioned them, and some may have been able to stand alone as visual histories. The Hereford map, as an inscription at the lower left corner tells us, was certainly intended for use as a visual encyclopedia, to be 'heard, read and seen' by onlookers. Because of the maps' size, they were able to include far more information and illustration than their predecessors.
More space was also found for current political references and information derived from contemporary military, religious and commercial itineraries. Today, the earliest survivor, dating from the beginning of the thirteenth century, is a badly damaged example now in Vercelli Cathedral, probably having been brought to Italy in about 1219 by a papal legate returning from England. We know from Matthew Paris that the Westminster map was copied by others, and it is likely to have had a lasting influence even though the original was destroyed in 1265. A Latin legend in the bottom right corner of the Hereford map refers to the 5th century Christian propagandist Orosius as the main source for the map, but as we have already seen, it incorporates information from numerous ancient and thirteenth century sources and adds its own interpretations of them. The map is an outstanding example of a map type that had evolved over the preceding eight centuries.
A 12th or early 13th century copy of a Late Antique original, the map has usually been studied for what it can tell us of ancient cartography or of the interest in the ancient world on the part of the 15th century German humanists who rediscovered it. Suited to its location in a chronicle, the map serves a historical purpose in demonstrating the route of a well-known contemporary diplomatic expedition, Richard of Cornwalla€™s expedition to Sicily in 1253 as the claimant to the crown, although the map contains information drawn from multiple journeys and routes.
For example, the Hereford map incorporates an itinerary through France and possibly one in Germany. Of the historical maps, one is a sketch showing the location of four pre-Roman roads in Britain. I will concentrate on the maps appended to the beginning of the first volume, though similar maps appear at the start of all three volumes, suggesting their great importance to Matthewa€™s conception of the Chronica, his major work.
Each column, then, represents a segment of the voyage from London, at the base of the first column of folio i r, through Sienna, at the top of the final column of the itinerary on f. It is worth mentioning that the Psalter Map is only a few inches tall, and that the whole codex fits comfortably in the hand, unlike Matthewa€™s larger, more cumbersome (and ever-expanding) volume.
In essence, the center is presented as sacred and the margins as problematic, potent, and potentially monstrous, but also thereby seductive and attractive. This may result from the shift from counterpunctual arrangement of sacred center and monstrous margins on the Psalter, Ebstorf and Hereford maps, among others, to the less clearly structured arrangement of Matthewa€™s maps. Both are of a somewhat marvelous vein: to the left of the gutter, we read of Bedouins, whose description is reminiscent of wonders texts like the Marvels of the East.
In the Chronica and contemporary accounts, Gog and Magog are conflated with the two most prominent cultural Others perceived as threats to 13th century a€?Christendoma€™: Jews and Mongols.
Second, and more importantly, the choice to include or exclude such images might have been predicated on chronology.
If those mental wanderings took them to the right destination, they would realize the function of the labyrinths rather than contradict them. Very quickly however, the labyrinth focuses your concentration on the path, else you are likely to stray from it. In walking a labyrinth, virtual pilgrims orient themselves to its shifting orientation; in traversing the itinerary, the world is bent, reorienting itself constantly to our perspective, making the shift to the trackless conclusion, the map of the Holy Land, all the more powerful. However, since the endpoints on Matthewa€™s maps and at the centers of the labyrinths are the Heavenly Jerusalem, the motion is as chronological as it is geographical. That is, while medieval maps are organized spatially, they are in a sense oriented temporally.
The de-centered maps of Matthew, unlike the labyrinths or the Psalter Map and its cognates, do not announce their radial orientation toward Jerusalem. At the upper left is the enclosure in which Alexander confined Gog and Magog, but Matthew notes that they have now emerged in the form of Tartars. Albans, a portion of the supposed Pilgrim-road, as far as southern Italy, is given in another shape, together with the Schema Britanniae.
As the nephew of Abraham, Lot shared the tremendous faith of his uncle and prayed at Abraham's altar.
He would only live in the vicinity, where he could take advantage of the economic opportunities of such a bustling trade capital.
They began to look upon Lot as narrow and bigoted and soon expressed their extreme loathing of his half-hearted appeals to establish true worship in their homes. One compromise led to another, until finally he must have become totally demoralized over the rebellion of his worldly family. Her heart and life had been so bound to material things that she could hardly pull away from the accumulated treasures of those finely furnished rooms. The record describes how angels had to take hold of their hands to hurry them out of the doomed city.
Some dramatic experiences are recorded in the Scriptures which emphasize this urgent truth.
The small matter of the fire was the only command which struck them as frivolous and arbitrary.
Yet tomorrow many of them will be in church, praying, singing, and talking about how much they love Jesus. It also revealed the fact that her heart was still bound up with the affairs of a corrupt, condemned social order. They had reached the limits of their double life, so God faced them with an ultimatum: get out or get in! While the winds of destruction are slowly slipping through the fingers of the four apocalyptic angels who have been holding them back, the professed people of God relax in a carnally secure dreamworld. Just as those heavenly messengers laid down the ultimatum so long ago, we are also being called to leave it all or perish. Multitudes linger in the twilight zone of indecision while the fires of destruction are poised for the annihilation of this world. Christ's substitutionary death at Calvary satisfied the penalty which transgression had placed against every living soul in the world. We are made dead to the world's appeal by looking into the face of our Substitute and Saviour.
From its literal meaning in Greek it also signifies the plant ox-tongue, so called from its shape and roughness of its leaves. Conventionally holds a mirror in one hand, combing lovely hair with the other According to myth created by Ea, Babylonian water god. The large city at the top edge is Babylon (its description is the map's longest legend [A§181).
12-30.A  The conservator Christopher Clarkson drew my attention to the gouge in the Mapa€™s former frame.
Talbert (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), which I employ throughout my book, but with the caution that in dealing with the manuscript culture of medieval Europe, it is misleading and anachronistic to speak of a€?standarda€? or a€?correcta€? spellings, especially of geographical words. Casual visitors to the dark aisle where it hung could see only a dark, dirty image which they were encouraged to view in a pious, but also rather condescending manner. Crone of the Royal Geographical Society, revealed that despite the antiquity of many of the map's sources much was almost contemporary with the map's creation and was secular.
Much of the text that follows is an amplification of information panels and leaflets prepared for the British Library's current display of the map. Most medieval mapmakers seem to have accepted this constraint, but world maps showing four continents are not uncommon: notably the world maps created by Beatus of Liebana (#207) in the late 8th century to illustrate his Commentary on the Apocalypse of St. It may have incorporated information from an earlier survey commissioned by Julius Caesar and, to judge from some early references, it may originally have shown four continents. These texts owed much to classical writers, particularly Pliny the Elder (23-79), who himself derived much of his information from still earlier writers such as the fifth century BC Greek historian Herodotus. As befitted the encyclopedic texts that they illustrated, the maps became visual encyclopedias of human and divine knowledge and not mere geographical maps. Many were purely schematic and symbolic, showing a T, representing the Mediterranean, the Don and the Nile, surrounded by an 0, for the great ocean encircling the world, sometimes with a fourth continent being added. It was only from about 1120 that Jerusalem took Oclos' place as the focal point of the map, as it does on the Hereford Mappamundi. They retained and expanded the geographical and historical elements of the older maps - coastlines, layout and place names on the maps frequently reveal their ancestry - but to them they added several novel features.
Inscriptions of varying lengths amplified the pictures and sometimes contained references to their sources.
Much better preserved, until its destruction in 1943, was the famous Ebstorf world map of about 1235.
It is difficult to account otherwise for the striking similarities in detailed arrangement and content between the Psalter world map, the recently discovered 'Duchy of Cornwall' fragment (probably commissioned in about 1285 by a cousin of Edward I for his foundation, Ashridge College in Hertfordshire) and the Aslake world map fragments of about 1360. In many of its details it particularly resembles the Anglo-Saxon World Map of about 1000 and the twelfth century Henry of Mainz world map in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. It is, however, extremely important to remember the commitment of time and resources involved in producing the medieval copy: the question then arises of what this map meant to the society that found the human and financial resources to copy it. Parisa€™ map of Palestine draws on the kind of information about the length of the journey from city to city that would normally be found in an itinerary as an indication of scale for the map. Harvey has suggested that the maps of England and the Holy Land might be seen as enlargements of the end points of the itinerary. Daniel Connolly in his book The Maps of Matthew Paris: Medieval Journeys through Space, Time and Liturgy writes that Matthew began the Chronica majora a€?as a fairly strict copy up to about 1235, of Roger Wendovera€™s Flores historiarum [Flowers of History]. There is, though, a more substantive manner in which the itineraries break down their apparent linearity: they a€?forka€? from the very start, with two paths diverging from London.
Still, the Psalter Map remains a strong point of comparison for two reasons: first, it was made within perhaps a dozen years of Matthewa€™s maps. While Iain Macleod Higgins (Defining the Eartha€™s Center) is correct that a€?the viewer of a circular map can never quite lose sight of a well-marked center, since the very shape of the map keeps onea€™s gaze circling around it,a€? by the same logic, we cannot lose sight of the periphery for long, and the visual attention given to the monstrous peoples of the South, as well as the other peripheral points of interest, keep pulling the gaze back. Matthew managed through his texts, marginal illustrations and maps, to bring the whole of the world and its history, from Creation to the present, from sacred Jerusalem to the monstrous elephant, to himself and his monastic brethren. In contrast, a€?[t]he main audience for [Matthewa€™s] maps doubtless was the brethren at St. Unlike these other maps, Matthewa€™s maps of the Holy Land de-center Jerusalem and, since it is not replaced with anything else, they do not have a clearly defined umbilicus. To the right, more promisingly, we find a passage that begins, in Lewisa€™s translation, a€?There are many marvels in the Holy Land, of which [only a few] shall be mentioned.a€? However, these marvels are, in comparison to the Wonders of the East and other such texts, somewhat anemic. Indeed, these beasts a€“ fairly ordinary to modern eyes a€“ do appear just above the two- faced people in the Beowulf manuscripta€™s version of the Wonders of the East. Muslims occupied the Holy Sepulcher, as well as the Temple of Solomon a€“ home of the Knights Templar a€“ and the Temple of the Lord by 1250.
By tracing their routes on foot or on their knees, virtual pilgrims would hope to reap spiritual rewards akin to those gained on pilgrimage, effecting peregrinatio in stabilitate a€“ that is, pilgrimage without moving. There is a second pathway, also rubricated and turned ninety degrees, at the right edge of the map. Yes, they are oriented toward the east, but on several mappaemundi, beyond the east, it is Jesus who rises. Instead, they challenge the viewer to work though them slowly, meditatively, to explore and wander as we do in life.

As pressures of conformity and compromise crowd in, the faith gradually erodes and disappears.
Those who enter God's kingdom will be there because they wanted eternal life more than anything else in the whole world.
In order to buy that pearl he would have to sell his home, his business, and use every penny of his lifelong savings. When God's call came to get out of Mesopotamia, Lot went right along with Abraham, not knowing where the call might lead. On one side lay the verdant hills with their lofty trees; the other led down into the crowded centers of commerce and trade. Very likely he made special mental reservations about letting his family mingle with the degraded inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah.
He moved closer and closer to the cities until finally he actually moved in to dwell with the Sodomites. Then he had to watch with alarm the growing fascination of his family for the perverted lifestyle of their friends and associates. Two sons of the high priest offered strange fire before the Lord, and they died on the spot.
In that area alone, they felt justified in making a tiny change that would more easily and smoothly fit into their idea of functional worship.
Common hands were not to be laid on the ark and common fire was not to replace the holy fire. That one-seventh of time has been signally blessed and commanded by God for rest and worship. If Eve's simple act of biting the fruit could precipitate six millenniums of planetary suffering and death, surely we dare not measure disobedience in terms of size or appearance. Like Lot's family, they have become comfortable in the society of money markets and a compromised faith.
Some, with senses dulled by worldly compromise, will not even discern the final departure of God's messenger of salvation.
The broken law demanded death, and when Jesus suffered that penalty for every man on the cross, a glorious transaction was made.
He almost made it difficult to be lost by declaring an emancipation from the slavery of sin for every person who would receive it. His agape love, revealed at the cross, melts the stubborn will and weans the heart away from every attraction the world can devise. Crone points out that this reference has special significance because Augustus had also entrusted his son-in-law, M.
Sometimes identified with Sirens, the mythical enchantresses along coasts of the Mediterranean, who lured sailors to destruction by their singing.
Amazon means a€?without a breast,a€? according to tradition these women removed the right breast to use the bow.
At the right edge, a looping line shows the route of the wandering Israelites in their Exodus from Egypt; it crosses the Jordan to the left of a naked woman who looks over her shoulder at the sinking cities of Sodom and Gomorrah in the Dead Sea (she is Lot's wife, turned into a pillar of salt [A§254].
400), a text that was often attended during the Middle Ages by diagrammatic a€?mapsa€? illustrating the concept.A  See also David Woodward. Others delved into the question of its authorship, which had previously been assumed to be obvious from the wording on the map itself. The medievalized depiction on the bottom left corner of the Hereford world map of 'Caesar Augustus' commissioning a survey of the world from three surveyors representing the three corners of the world may be based on a muddled - and religiously acceptable - memory of these classical events.
Even though the inscriptions on the maps gradually became more and more garbled and the information more and more embellished, distorted, and misunderstood, they nevertheless retained their tenuous links with ancient learning. More than simple geographical shorthand, such maps were also meant to symbolize the crucifixion, the descent of man from Noah's three sons and the ultimate triumph of Christianity. Palestine itself was usually enlarged far beyond what, on a modern map, would have been its actual proportions. A note on one of the most famous of them, the Ebstorf, says that it could be used for route planning. Although the maps were still dominated by biblical and classical history and legend, most other information seems to have been acceptable and was accommodated within the traditional framework. Far larger than the Hereford Word Map and much more colorful, it was probably created under the guidance of the itinerant English lawyer, teacher and diplomat, Gervase of Tilbury. In transmission some facts and text became garbled and some inscriptions are gobbled gook or wrong. It has been plausibly explained in the context of the strong interest in the classical world that we have already seen influencing the toponyms of later medieval world maps; however, more research should be done to elucidate the importance and the influence of this map.
In 1240, or soon after, Matthew started writing, covering the material from 1235 and continuing to the middle of 1258, at which time another hand takes over.a€? These maps, along with the marginal images throughout the Chronica, have been securely attributed to Matthew himself and, according to Suzanne Lewis in her The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora a€?may be regarded in large part as original conceptions and inventions,a€? rather than derivatives of traditional models. Second, unlike some mappaemundi, including Hereford (#226) and Ebstorf (#224), the Psalter Map was not freestanding. Indeed, two of the three sites were originally Muslim structures a€“ the Temple of Solomon was a mosque and the Temple of the Lord was the Dome of the Rock a€“ and they had reverted to Muslim control by the time the maps were made. The labyrinth is at first a challenge of some dexterity, and so it also foregrounds your sense of balance and of bodily position relative to it.
The maps echo and invoke the actual experience of pilgrimage, which a€“ like modern travel a€“ was surely bewildering, disorienting, but also amazing.
The Hereford, Ebstorf, and the Psalter maps are all oriented not only toward Earthly Paradise at their eastern extreme, but beyond it to the creator of that paradise. They become all the more powerful, therefore, when their off-center, deemphasized Jerusalem turns out to be the only and inevitable end. But soon the pastor notices that the ardor is beginning to wane a little bit, and the family is no longer excited about their faith. Little by little they lower the standards and compromise the faith, until nothing remains except a dead, empty formalism. The Lord Jesus used Lot's wife as an example of those in the last days who will not be single-minded for the truth; who will love material things more than the things of God.
But mark this: The man's desire for that pearl was so deep and compelling that he did not argue about the cost. Together they brought their families to the entering place of the Promised Land and offered their sacrifices of thanksgiving.
She was the type who loved fine things, and the mad whirl of social activities fascinated her from the beginning. Abraham was pre- senting his prayers and sacrifices night and morning for his nephew's family. God had required that they use only the sacred fire in the sanctuary during their priestly ministry. They reasoned that such a minor deviation in the interests of such a sanctified program could not bring any serious consequences. No one has ever read the slightest inspired intimation that sin should be reduced or diminished.
The circle one-third of the way from the bottom is Jerusalem, the Map's central point, with a crucifixion scene above it ([A§387-89]). Its images and decoration have been examined from a stylistic standpoint by Nigel Morgan and put into the context of their time, while the late Wilma George examined the animals in the light of her own zoological knowledge [2] The chance discoveries of fragments of other English medieval world maps in recent years [3] have expanded the context within which the Hereford World Map can be examined, and the Royal Academy exhibition, 'The Age of Chivalry' of 1987 enabled the map to be displayed in the company of other non-cartographic artifacts of its own time. Generally, though, it was not difficult to adapt surviving copies of existing, secular world maps to suit the purposes of Christian writers from the 5th century onwards. This was in order to match its historical importance and to accommodate all the information that had to be conveyed.
Christ would, for instance, be shown dominating the world, or the world might even be depicted as the actual body of Christ. The world was shown as the body of Christ and much space was devoted to the political situation in northern Germany: an area of particular concern to the Duke who may have commissioned it. These interconnections are especially striking in the rich cartographic production of Matthew Paris. On the peripheries of both maps, we see the Garden of Eden, the Red Sea, a plethora of monstrous peoples, and the hordes of Gog and Magog (feasting in bloody cannibalism, on the Ebstorf and also, perhaps, on the Hereford).
In CCCC 26, the center would be just east of (that is, above) the crenellated wall of Acre. In a sense, this follows the logic of the mappaemundi discussed above; we appear to have zoomed in on the center of these maps, to focus on the area around Jerusalem, which would necessitate cropping the worlda€™s monstrous fringe. Like medieval labyrinths, Matthew Parisa€™s maps were not mazes per se, in that there are not alternate routes leading to dead ends: both contain singular paths. At the same time, there is a loss of your sense of a€?placea€? in the church as orientations are constantly shifting and revolving.
So, too, while these maps are centered on Jerusalem, this umbilical point presses the viewer to consider the future. The first columns contain cities connected by clearly marked paths; these are followed by columns with cities still arranged in clearly linear fashion, but without the marked paths. The predictable pattern of future tragedy was settled by that early decision to move near those wicked cities. His move was prompted by selfish concern over temporal advantages, and he had no intention of losing anything.
All his rationalization about counteracting the wickedness with stricter prayer schedules and family-altar religion just didn't seem to work out as planned. She was soon caught up in the excitement of party rounds of pleasure, and the evidence seems to indicate that she eventually shared much of the materialistic mind-set of the Sodomites.
To them it seemed unreasonable that one fire could not burn sacrifices as well as another fire. He disobeyed in taking the animals and then tried to justify the disobedience by using the stolen animals in worshiping God.
Indeed, the language of the Master seems to indicate that the whole sordid picture of a dying world was before Him. Similar strong language was used by Jesus in describing the same condition among the religious leaders of His day. The same perverse practices have become more commonplace and popular than they ever were in the doomed city of the plains.
A corporate justification actually was made effective for the entire world, both good and evil. Carte marine et portulan au XIIe siA?cle:A  Le Liber de existencia riveriarum et forma maris nostri Mediterranei.
The amount of space dedicated to the other parts of the world varied according to their traditional historical or biblical importance and the preoccupations of the author of the text that the map illustrated. CCCC 26 opens, following the flyleaves reused from a manuscript of canon law, with a series of linked maps running from folio i recto through iv recto (the lowercase Roman numerals indicate the status of these folios as prefatory). The Psalter Map is one of two that form a sort of series, like Matthewa€™s maps, with one more geographical and one more linear, text replacing itinerary but no less clearly directional and effacing of actual geographic arrangement. Jerusalem a€“ so ardently central on the Psalter Map a€“ is shunted off to the right by Matthew. However, if we assume some consistency of geographical space from map to map, Matthewa€™s expansive map, filling the complete manuscript opening and extending out onto added flaps of vellum, does reach to the margins of the world. Matthewa€™s paths seem to fork out from London, but ultimately all converge at one geo-chronological endpoint, at a place that is also a time: the Heavenly Jerusalem, at the center of the physical world and simultaneously the end of human history.
Its movements to and fro, back and forth create a regular and somewhat wearying effect that combines with the hypnotic vision of the pavement receding beneath your alternating steps.
Then, the linearity ends, and we are left with images that are more conventionally a€?map-likea€? in their appearance. Finally the judgments of God fell upon her, and she became a pillar of salt on the plains of Sodom. He gradually compromised with the environment and watched his children slowly assimilate the ways of their heathen neighbors. We cannot believe that those angel messengers left them without full information concerning the snares of Sodom. Using such human judgment, Nadab and Abihu disobeyed the direct command of the Lord and died. In the same way, modern church members disobey God by taking the Sabbath for their own use. Lot, many read magazines more than the Bible, and thus they have only a superficial form of religion.
As in the days of Sodom, men would have just one last opportunity to say Yes or No; then it would be over. That is why He demanded that choices be made; but take note that only two alternatives were ever available. The corporate guilt of Adam's descendants was canceled by the corporate justification accorded through the death of Jesus.
Through that universal justification the curse of universal condemnation was erased, and Adam's children could be born without bearing the guilt of their father's sin. Behind the blue band of the river is a grim array of grotesque figures to indicate the existence of primitive peoples. There may be significance in the soulless mermaid placed in the map close to the unattainable Holy Land, or she may be a possible temptation to sea-faring pilgrims.
Phillott, wrote that it shows a a€?rejection of all that savoured of scientific geography, . Because of this, space devoted to the author or patron's homeland was often much exaggerated when judged by modern standards, as in the case of England, Wales and Ireland on the Hereford Mappa Mundi.
Crone demonstrated, the Hereford also contains sequences of the more important place names along some major thirteenth century commercial and pilgrimage routes.
We are able to choose our path to the Holy Land a€“ should we, leaving London, travel via the main route, Le Chemin a Rouescestre [the Road to Rochester] or the side route, le chemin ver la costere et la mer [the road toward the coast and the sea]? Indeed, before the late-13th century insertion of additional prefatory miniatures, it was positioned before its text as a sort of frontispiece, as are Matthewa€™s, and was also one of a series of maps.
He adds an inscription referring to Jerusalem as a€?the midpoint of the world,a€? which seems visually contradicted by his map, whereas such an inscription would have been redundant on the Psalter Map. At the upper left corner of the foldout flap along the folioa€™s left edge, as if to ensure the clarity of their separation from the Holy Land, are the peoples of Gog and Magog, visually implied by the wall of the Caspian Mountains, held there until the end of time, when they are to be released to rampage across the face of the earth.
Instead, it presents the period before, but also simultaneously, the period after, the transient, lost glory of the Crusader Kingdom and the immutable glory of the Heavenly Kingdom to come. Like the labyrinthsa€™ single paths, Matthewa€™s many roads can only guide the viewer toward one destination. Most images function spatially, not linearly, but the itinerary pages present a line or course of travel; a route, much as a text would.
To his surprise, he discovers that they still believe as much as ever, but they have lost their love for the truth. Immediately and eagerly he hurried away, sold everything he had, and brought the money back to buy the gem from the owners. They did not understand the seriousness of violating the sanctity of that which God had set apart for a holy use. Then they do like Saul and try to justify their disobedience by worshiping God in the name of what they have stolen. On a world map, though, as opposed to the strip itinerary maps produced by Matthew Paris in about 1250, the route planning could only have been very approximate and very much incidental to the main purposes. Once in the Holy Land (CCCC 16), we are free to choose any routes we desire, as the roads themselves disappear (up until the very end, as will be discussed below). The Psalter Map, like medieval labyrinths, is emphatically centered on Jerusalem a€“ following a new 13th century trend a€“ and around its circumference, we find points of great interest. The Caspian Mountains, restraining the hordes of Gog and Magog, actually touch the very margins of the world on the Psalter and Ebstorf Maps, and nearly do so on the Hereford Map. They prepare and condition the viewer, raising an expectation that the maps will function in a linear fashion, and thereby convey motion in time as well as space. The pearl, of course, represents eternal life, and those who desire it must be prepared to invest everything they have in order to obtain it.
They linger until the world holds them with bands of steel and the voice of God dimly fades away. Lot, they linger around the edges of sina€“make no strong decision to go all the way in obedience to God.
There must be a willingness to deny self and cut away from the abominations of the flesh in every form. Upon hearing that the Mongols a€“ feared by Christians to be the apocalyptic hordes a€“ are making progress toward Europe, he imagines that continental Jews a€?assembled on a general summons in a secret place, where one of their number who seemed to be the wisest and most influential amongst thema€? instructs them to undertake a complex plot to smuggle arms to the Mongols, so that they can defeat the Christians. The final segment of the path a€“ le chemin de Iafes a Ierusalem [the road from Jaffa to Jerusalea€?] a€“ realizes this expectation. Our only hope is to move quickly in separating from the evil attachments of a corrupt society.
14), which may have resulted from the survey of the provinces ascribed by tradition to Julius Caesar. In the Hereford map they could revel in this pictorial description of the outside world, which taught natural history, classical legends, explained the winds and reinforced their religious beliefs. Matthewa€™s fantasy is not merely xenophobic, but outright eschatological, a vital distinction in the context of the maps of CCCC 26.
She disobeyed the commandment of the Lord, and her judgment underlines the urgency of obedience. If the Mongols (or the Jews, or for that matter, the Mongols and Jews, or even the Jewish Mongols) are the hordes of Gog and Magog, then they have already broken out of the gate prophesied to contain them until the apocalypse.
It reads, Le chemin de laphes a Alisandre.a€? This seems to be a vestige, a latent echo of the itinerarya€™s multiple paths. Observing a counterfeit day derived from the pagan worship of the sun is no more acceptable to God than Saul's prize-winning sheep and cattle.
The two upright fingers branching up from the Mediterranean are the Aegean and the Black Sea with the Golden Fleece at its extremity. He is not honored by disobedience, and He is especially offended by the breaking of His commandments in the name of worship.

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