The introduction of the Linnaean sexual system of plant classification in 1737 and its almost universal acceptance gave a tremendous impetus to the production of illustrated botanical books.
IN the art of botanical illustration, evolution was by no means a simple and straightforward process.
There are a number of other manuscript herbals in existence, illustrated with interesting figures. This work contains coloured drawings of exceptional beauty, which are smaller than those in the Vienna manuscript, but quite equally realistic.
It is however with the history of botanical figures since the invention of the printing press that we are here more especially concerned.
Botanical wood-engravings may be regarded as belonging to two schools, but it should be understood that the distinction between them is somewhat arbitrary and must not be pressed very far.
The first school, of which we may take the cuts in the Roman edition of the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius Platonicus (? The illustrations of the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius were copied from pre-existing manuscripts, and the age of the originals is no doubt much greater than that of the printed work. Colouring of the figures was characteristic of many of the earliest works in which wood-engraving was employed. The engravings in the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius are executed in black, in very crude outline.
The figures in the ` Herbarium' are characterised by an excellent trait, which is common to most of the older herbals, namely the habit of portraying the plant as a whole, including its roots. We now come to a series of illustrations, which may be regarded as occupying an intermediate position between the classical tradition of the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius, and the renaissance of botanical drawing, which took place early in the sixteenth century.
Das puch der natur' of Konrad von Megenberg occupies a unique position in the history of botany, for it is the first work in which a wood-cut representing plants was used with the definite intention of illustrating the text, and not merely for a decorative purpose.
A wood-cut, somewhat similar in style to that just described, but more primitive, occurs in Trevisa's version of the medi?val encyclop?dia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, which was printed by Wynkyn de Worde before the end of the fifteenth century.
The illustrations to the Latin 'Herbarius' or ` Herbarius Moguntinus,' published at Mainz in 1484 (Text-figs. A more interesting series of figures, also illustrating the text of the Latin ` Herbarius,' was published in Italy a little later. In 1485, the year following the first appearance of the Latin `Herbarius,' the very important work known as the German `Herbarius,' or ' Herbarius zu Teutsch,' made its appearance at Mainz.
A pirated second edition of the `Herbarius zu Teutsch' appeared at Augsburg only a few months after the publication of the first at Mainz.
In the `Ortus Sanitatis' of 1491, about two-thirds of the drawings of plants are copied from the ` Herbarius zu Teutsch.' They are often much spoiled in the process, and it is evident that the copyist frequently failed to grasp the intention of the original artist.
The use of a black background, against which the stalks and leaves form a contrast in white, which we noticed in the Book of Nature,' is carried further in the ` Ortus Sanitatis.' This is shown particularly well in the Tree of Paradise (Text-fig.
An edition of the `Ortus Sanitatis,' which was published in Venice in 151 I, is illustrated in great part with woodcuts based on the original figures. During the first three decades of the sixteenth century, the art of botanical illustration was practically in abeyance in Europe. Brunfels' illustrations represent a notable advance on any previous botanical wood-cuts, so much so, indeed, that the suddenness of the improvement seems to call for some special explanation.
The engravings in Brunfels' herbal and the fine books which succeeded it, should not be considered as if they were an isolated manifestation, but should be viewed in relation to other contemporary and even earlier plant drawings, which were not intended for book illustrations.
In Italy, Leonardo da Vinci's exquisite studies of plants, of which Plate XVI I I is an example, must also have pointed the way to a better era of herbal illustration.
We are thus led to the conclusion that, though the engravings in Brunfels' herbal are separated from previous botanical figures by an almost impassable gulf, they should not be regarded as a sudden and inexplicable develop-ment. The illustrations in Brunfels' herbal were engraved, and probably drawn also, by Hans Weiditz, or Guiditius, some of whose work has been ascribed to Albrecht Durer. The title ` Herbarum vivae eicones'—` Living Pictures of Plants '—indicates the most distinctive feature of the book, namely that the artist went direct to nature, instead of regarding the plant world through the eyes of previous draughtsmen.
In one respect the welcome reaction from the conventional and generalised early drawings went almost too far.
Our chronological survey of the chief botanical wood-cuts brings us next to those published by Egenolph in 1533, to illustrate Rhodion's ' Kreutterbuch.' These have sometimes been regarded as of considerable importance, almost comparable, in fact, with those of Brunfels. It is interesting to notice that, as the third part of Brunfels' great work had not appeared when Egenolph's book was published, the latter must have been at a loss for figures of the plants which Brunfels had reserved for his third volume.
In the third volume of Brunfels' herbal (which appeared after his death) there is a small figure, that of Auricula muris, which differs conspicuously in style from the other engravings, and which appears to represent a case in which the tables were turned, and a figure was borrowed from Egenolph. In his later books, Egenolph used wood-cuts pirated from those of Fuchs and Bock, which we must now consider.
In the work of Leonhard Fuchs (Frontispiece) plant drawing, as an art, may be said to have reached its culminating point.
Fuchs' figures are on so large a scale that the plant frequently had to be represented as curved, in order to fit it into the folio page.
Sometimes in Fuchs' figures a wonderfully decorative spirit is shown, as in the case of the Earth-nut Pea (Text-fig.
The figures here reproduced show how great a variety of subjects were successfully dealt with in Fuchs' work.
We have so far spoken, for the sake of brevity, as if Fuchs actually executed the figures himself.
The drawing and painting of flowers is sometimes dismissed almost contemptuously, as though it were a humble art in which an inferior artist, incapable of the more exacting work of drawing from the life, might be able to excel. As far as concerns the pictures themselves, each of which is positively delineated according to the features and likeness of the living plants, we have taken peculiar care that they should be most perfect, and, moreover, we have devoted the greatest diligence to secure that every plant should be depicted with its own roots, stalks, leaves, flowers, seeds and fruits. How dull and colourless the phrases of modern scientific writers appear, beside the hot-blooded, arrogant enthusiasm of the sixteenth century! Fuchs' wood-cuts were extensively pirated, especially those on a reduced scale, which were published in his edition of 1545. In general character, Bock's illustrations are neater and more conventional than those of Brunfels or Fuchs. In point of time, the illustrations to the early editions of Mattioli's Commentaries on the Six Books of Dioscorides follow fairly closely on those of Fuchs, but they are extremely different in style (Text-figs. Another remarkable group of wood-engravings consists of those published by Plantin in connection with the work of the three Low Country herbalists, Dodoens, de l'Ecluse and de l'Obel. There is little to be said about de l'Obel's figures, which partook of the character of the rest of the wood-cuts for which Plantin made himself responsible. The wood-cuts illustrating the comparatively small books of de l'Ecluse are perhaps the most interesting of the figures associated with this trio of botanists. The popularity of the large collection of blocks got together by the publishing house of Plantin is shown by the frequency with which they were copied.
Professor Treviranus, whose work on the use of wood-engravings as botanical illustrations is so well known, considered that some of the drawings published by Camerarius in connection with his last work (` Hortus medicus et philosophicus,' 1588) were among the best ever produced. A number of wood-blocks were cut at Lyons to illustrate d'Alechamps' great work, the ' Historia generalis plantarum,' 1586-7. Among less important botanical wood-engravings of the sixteenth century we may mention those in the works of Pierre Belon, such as `De arboribus' (1553).
Some specimens of the quaint little illustrations to Castor Durante's `Herbario Nuovo' of 1585 are shown in Text-figs. The engravings in Porta's 'Phytognomonica' (1588) and in Prospero Alpino's little book on Egyptian plants (1592) are of good quality. Passing on to the seventeenth century, we find that the ` Prodromos' of Gaspard Bauhin (162o) contains a number of original illustrations, but they are not very remarkable, and often have rather the appearance of having been drawn from pressed specimens.
Parkinson's ` Paradisus Terrestris' of 1629 contains a considerable proportion of original figures, besides others borrowed from previous writers. Among still later wood-engravings, we may mention the large, rather coarse cuts in Aldrovandi's `Dendrologia' of 1667, one of which, the figure of the Orange, or Mala Aurantia Chinensia, is reproduced in Text-fig. In the present chapter no attempt has been made to discuss the illustrations of those herbals (e.g.
This brief review of the history of botanical wood-cuts leads us to the conclusion that between 1530 and 1630, that is to say during the hundred years when the herbal was at its zenith, the number of sets of wood-engravings which were pre-eminent—either on account of their intrinsic qualities, or because they were repeatedly copied from book to book—was strictly limited. At the close of the sixteenth century, wood cutting on the Continent was distinctly on the wane, and had begun to be superseded by engraving on metal. In the seventeenth century, a large number of botanical books, illustrated by means of copper-plates, were produced.
In 1615 an English edition of Crispian de Passe's work was published at Utrecht, under the title of `A Garden of Flowers.' The plates are the same as those in the original work. The purchaser of ` The Garden of Flowers' receives detailed directions for the painting of the figures, which he is expected to carry out himself.
As we have already mentioned, it is not our intention to deal with the books published in the latter part of the seventeenth century. In the plates which illustrate Blankaart's herbal, a landscape and figures are often introduced to form a back-ground, and the low horizon, to which we referred in speaking of the ` Hortus Floridus,' is a very conspicuous feature. Etching and engraving on metal are well adapted to very delicate and detailed work, but from the point of view of book-illustration, wood-engraving is generally more effective. The History of Botanical Prints  What is a Botanical Print? The first school, of which we may take the cuts in the Roman edition of the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius Platonicus (? The illustrations of the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius were copied from pre-existing manuscripts, and the age of the originals is no doubt much greater than that of the printed work. The engravings in the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius are executed in black, in very crude outline.
The figures in the ` Herbarium’ are characterised by an excellent trait, which is common to most of the older herbals, namely the habit of portraying the plant as a whole, including its roots. We now come to a series of illustrations, which may be regarded as occupying an intermediate position between the classical tradition of the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius, and the renaissance of botanical drawing, which took place early in the sixteenth century. Das puch der natur’ of Konrad von Megenberg occupies a unique position in the history of botany, for it is the first work in which a wood-cut representing plants was used with the definite intention of illustrating the text, and not merely for a decorative purpose. A wood-cut, somewhat similar in style to that just described, but more primitive, occurs in Trevisa’s version of the medi?val encyclop?dia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, which was printed by Wynkyn de Worde before the end of the fifteenth century. A more interesting series of figures, also illustrating the text of the Latin ` Herbarius,’ was published in Italy a little later. A pirated second edition of the `Herbarius zu Teutsch’ appeared at Augsburg only a few months after the publication of the first at Mainz.
An edition of the `Ortus Sanitatis,’ which was published in Venice in 151 I, is illustrated in great part with woodcuts based on the original figures. Brunfels’ illustrations represent a notable advance on any previous botanical wood-cuts, so much so, indeed, that the suddenness of the improvement seems to call for some special explanation. The engravings in Brunfels’ herbal and the fine books which succeeded it, should not be considered as if they were an isolated manifestation, but should be viewed in relation to other contemporary and even earlier plant drawings, which were not intended for book illustrations. In Italy, Leonardo da Vinci’s exquisite studies of plants, of which Plate XVI I I is an example, must also have pointed the way to a better era of herbal illustration.
We are thus led to the conclusion that, though the engravings in Brunfels’ herbal are separated from previous botanical figures by an almost impassable gulf, they should not be regarded as a sudden and inexplicable develop-ment.
The illustrations in Brunfels’ herbal were engraved, and probably drawn also, by Hans Weiditz, or Guiditius, some of whose work has been ascribed to Albrecht Durer. Fuchs’ figures are on so large a scale that the plant frequently had to be represented as curved, in order to fit it into the folio page. Sometimes in Fuchs’ figures a wonderfully decorative spirit is shown, as in the case of the Earth-nut Pea (Text-fig.
The Walsh Family of Bantry Bay - Reese River  - Pioneer Families -    This section is devoted to a 1970 article that ran in the Sunday Supplement of a Las Vegas Newspaper.
Description: The Lenox Globe is often referred to as the oldest extant post-Columbian globe. What is known about the provenance and acquision of this special globe by the New York Public Library was assembled by Robert W.
Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. There was no good indication as to when the little globe was made, but three prominent scholars in the late 19th century - Benjamin De Costa, Henry Harrisse and Justin Winsor a€“ addressed this perplexing issue before Joseph Fisher made his discovery of the WaldseemA?ller map in July 1901. Harrisse in his landmark work The Discovery of North America (1892) concluded that the most likely date for the Lenox Globe was 1511.
Prior to Harrisse, Justin Winsor in the mid-1880s was equally perplexed concerning what to make of and how to date the Lenox Globe. The scholar who provided the first and to this day still the most in-depth analysis of the Lenox Globe was Benjamin De Costa (1831-1904). What makes De Costaa€™s scholarship in his 1879 essay so outstanding is that he is open and candid about the profound implications of dating any globe or map depicting the entire continent of South America so many years before Magellana€™s voyage of 1519-1522. This is an astonishing pattern of cartographical evidence concerning South America prior to Magellana€™s voyage in 1519. We should also observe that even before De Costa, the world famous scholar Alexander de Humboldt took seriously the proposition that there may have been more extensive exploration of South America (Portuguese in his and our view) than the conventional wisdom allowed due to the tradition, surrounding Magellana€™s famous voyage. For his part, De Costa was well aware of Cosmographiae Introductio and the small WaldseemA?ller globe gores (#310) found in the passage in the south. It is evident that the Lenox Globe must have been constructed subsequent to the discovery of the coast of South America, in 1500, by Cabral, who gave it the name Vera Cruz, which was soon changed to Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, as on this globe.
On the other hand, the almost complete lack of information betrayed by the maker of the globe concerning the east coast of North America, and the absence of the name America on South America would indicate that it antedates the map of Martin WaldseemA?ller of 1507 (#310). Because the date of this globe could be deduced mainly from its representations of America, let us give a brief resume of the condition of geographical knowledge respecting the New World for several years subsequent to 1510. In the year 1500, Juan de la Cosa, the Pilot of Columbus, drew a map of the New World (#305), but North America does not appear, Newfoundland being represented as a part of Asia.
What has been said thus far applies only to North America, but, upon turning to South America, the representation has the appearance of belonging to a period later than 1511. In order to present the subject with clearness, it will be useful to state first, that the La Cosa map of 1500 (#305) exhibited the northern coast of South America, together with the eastern coast down to about 25A° S.
On this point it may be observed that such a termination to South America was doubtless rendered probable by the argument from analogy. Sometimes the information thus derived was of great value, and it would appear that the maker of the Lenox Globe had received information of this kind. The uncertainty of the globe-maker respecting Madagascar may be explained by the fact that it was not until 1508 that Da€™Acuhna made his exploration of the island, though it was known to Marco Polo. The SchA¶ner Globe of 1520 (#328) has an island similar in form and situation to the nameless island of the Lenox Globe, but in a reversed position, and called Madagascar. In support of the suggestion that the Madagascar and Certina of the globe are simply Sumatra and Java misplaced, we may cite the fact that the well-known islands of Sumatra and Java do not appear in their places, while the Malayan peninsula, labeled on the globe as Loac, is extended so far south as to confuse the geography of the whole region. It is true that one of the first references to the southern coast of Australia in the 17th century was that of 1627, when a Dutch ship sailed along the shore for a distance of a thousand miles, while one of the earliest maps of that century which showed the outlines of Australia was the Montanus map of 1572. Attention has already been called to the fact that the great nameless island, with its attendant islands, is placed westward instead of southeast of the Malayan peninsula; but Sylvanus, in his Ptolemy map of 1511 (#318), moves the whole group into its proper position to the southeast, thus giving a somewhat correct view of the geography of that region. Thus far nothing has been said of the general appearance of the globe, though, if it were necessary, many details could be pointed out which indicate its ancient origin. In Asia the Himalayan range, anciently known as Imaus, had its influence upon the globe-maker's geography, who indicates Schite extraianivm for Scythia extra Imaum. Moabio appears to be the Maabar of Marco Polo, who says that in this entire Province there is never a Tailor to cut a coat or stitch it, for the very good reason that everybody goes naked. Beyond Newfoundland is a sinking ship, with the figure of a human being in the water, possibly an allusion to the loss of the Portuguese Cortereal.
When, however, the maker of the Lenox Globe looked away toward the region now occupied by North America, he saw only a watery waste, in the midst of which the island of Bacaleos or Newfoundland, rode like some ship at anchor.
In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], being close to Yucatan, whose well-known bay, first explored in 1518, has a conjectural coast line trending towards the south instead of the west. The name America does not appear upon the Lenox Globe, which fact, so far as it possesses any significance, favors the belief that the early date of 1504 assigned to the instrument is correct. Hylocomilus, while admitting the priority of the voyage of Columbus, felt no necessity for naming the New World after one who, in the most pronounced manner, declared that there was no New World to be named. Humboldt maintains that Vespucci, equally with Columbus, believed that the land discovered formed a part of Asia. The Viscount Santarem (Researches respecting Vespucci) has taken the ground, as well as some others, that the map of Hylocomilus, in the Ptolemy of 1513, was the work of Columbus. The southern coasts of Asia are drawn less correctly than on the map of Ruysch and on the TabulA¦ NovA¦ of Asia inserted into the Ptolemy edition of 1513. In the New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names: Mundus Novus, Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], and one in the far north, but unnamed, clearly resembles the Cortereal region, as it appears on the Cantino and Caveri maps (#306, #307). Most of the inscriptions on the globe reference back to the medieval picture of Asia, combining antique sources, travel accounts, and fabulous legends. From the standpoint of 2012, with our greater appreciation of the WaldseemA?ller world map, we can see how De Costaa€™s suspicions of a pre-Magellan discovery of the strait point to the broader cartographic issue. Either the Lenox Globe really was a post-1507 creation, which in view of its shortcomings oddly failed to take into account the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was reportedly issued in 1000 copies for sale, along with the essay Cosmographiae Introductio.
De Costa did not explicitly renege on his estimation of the 1510 date for the Lenox Globe as the most probable but he waffles. Given these facts, one has to give serious consideration to the possibility that the creator of the Lenox Globe made it before April 1507 or at least not to long after that date if one is to explain ignorance of this widely published essay.
De Costa originally prepared his analysis in 1879 without benefit of any knowledge of the large WaldseemA?ller world map discovered 22 years later. For his part, NordenskiA¶ld in his Facsimile Atlas (1889) cited De Costaa€™s a€?estimate of 1508-1511a€? and concluded that this a€?seemed to be about righta€?. In his later work entitled Periplus published in 1897, NordenskiA¶ld dramatically asserted that knowledge of the Pacific, the isthmus and a water passage to the south a€?must have reached Europe prior to Balboaa€™s journeya€?. Ultimately, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their 1926 work A Book of Old Maps argued that the Lenox Globe was made sometime in the 1503-1507 period.
One reason why they came to this conclusion was that the Lenox Globe lacks the sophistication of the Ruysch world map (1507-1508) with its more accurate depiction of features associated with the region of the Indian Ocean, something which troubled both De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld. The bottom line is that the maker of this globe seems to be unaware of not only the WaldseemA?ller 1507 map, the Ruysch map of 1508, but also ignorant of others such as the Juan de la Cosa, Cantino and Caveri maps from the 1500-1504 period which do show substantial parts of the North American mainland including Florida and the Gulf coastline and also in the Caveri map the Central American coastline from Mexico to roughly Honduras. This discontinuity in cartographical conception makes it hard to know where to place the Lenox Globe on the family tree of maps and globes made during the first decade of the 16th century. This analysis, if correct, would suggest that Lenox Globe was not likely to have been based on tightly held information in the possession of Spanish navigators.
Furthermore, given that Balboa did not cross the Isthmus of Panama to see the Pacific Ocean until 1513, it is extremely hard to imagine the maker of the Lenox Globe getting his a€?island-likea€? conception or vision of the new southern continent from Spanish sources.
There is other evidence that strongly points to the source of the Lenox Globe being Portuguese rather than Spanish.
This geographical distortion seems far too neat or convenient in political terms to have been a mere coincidence as we can see when we superimpose the Line of Demarcation established by this treaty onto the Lenox Globe. Despite this obvious manipulation of nautical data, Fite and Freeman, like De Costa before them, observed that the Lenox Globe still accurately places the southern edge of of this continent at 55 degrees south of the equator. What is amazing is that Fite and Freeman made such a bold statement based merely on their assessment of the Lenox Globe of uncertain date with no consideration of the WaldseemA?ller globe gores of 1507 which also clearly shows a southern water passage. We would argue further that if this analysis is correct, then the Lenox Globe would represent a stepping-stone or interim intellectual stage in the evolution of geographical knowledge that made possible the more impressive and comprehensive cartographic synthesis articulated by Mathias Ringmann in Cosmographiae Introductio and shown visually in the world map and globe made by Martin WaldseemA?ller at the Gymnasium at Saint-Die. Note the same land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere as in the Jagiellonian Globe, but unlike on that globe, unnamed. The Jagiellonian Globe, dating from around 1510, held by the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland, depicts a continent in the Indian Ocean to the east of Africa and south of India, but labeled America. The appearance in the mid-16th century of Jave la Grande in a series of mappemondes drawn by a school of cartographers centred on the French port of Dieppe, suggesting an early Portuguese or Spanish discovery of the eastern coast of Australia, has been called a€?one of the puzzles of European historya€?. An ancient Map of the World has been discovered in the British Museum, which lays down the coasts of New-Holland, as described by Cooke and Bougainville. In all the subsequent discussion of the Dieppe maps and Spanish or Portuguese discovery of the East coast of Australia in the early 16th century, it is noteworthy that there has been no consideration of the Jagiellonian Globe and the bearing it might have on the matter. The Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 1911 carried an article with the arresting title, a€?Australiaa€™s Discoverer: was it Amerigo Vespucci?a€?. Professor Estreicher drew attention to a globe of similar date held by the New York Public Library, known as the Lenox Globe. Ein solches Land is nur Sudamerica allein, und wir mussen annehmen, dass jene Insel Sudamerica vorstellen soll, freilich an einer ganz falschem Stelle. Estreicher proposed Louis Boulengier of Albi as having been the cartographer responsible for the Jagiellonian Globe, on the basis of similarity between it and the Tross Gores, dating from 1514-1518 (#324), of which Boulengier is known to have been the author. An armillary clock, similar to the Jagiellonian, made by Jean Naze of Lyons in 1560 is held at the Orangerie Planetarium of the Staatliche Museen Kassel (formerly the Hessisches Landesmuseum). But the most revealing feature of this globe is that its maker was aware of Cosmographiae Introductio, because he refers to America.
If it was impossible that the maker of the Jagellonian Globe with the benefit of access to Cosmographiae Introductio which invented the name America could have been that confused, why the gross mistake? Edward Stevenson, discussing Estreichera€™s work in 1921, commented that he seemed not to have noticed that the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA possibly indicated not only an acquaintance on the part of the Jagiellonian cartographer with WaldseemA?llera€™s suggestion as to the name America, but a belief that America was actually located in this particular region. In the sixth climate toward the Antarctic there are situated the farthest part of Africa, recently discovered, the islands Zanzibar, the lesser Java, and Seula [Ceylon], and the fourth part of the Earth, which, because Amerigo discovered it, we may call Amerige, the land of Amerigo, so to speak, or America. In his 1911 interview, Petherick pointed out that Thomas Morea€™s Utopia (published in Louvain in 1516) reflected this concept of the eartha€™s geography.
The representations of the east coast of a€?Jave Ie Granda€™ [sic] (Australia) delineated in those maps are, I assert, very rough representations and repetitions of the east coast of South America when that continent and our Australia were supposed to be one, before the Pacific Ocean was known.
From this perspective, one might speculate that the bizarre attachment of the name America to a mythical or hypothetical island in the southern Indian Ocean was an expression of strong contempt for the Florentine navigator and an attempt to delink his name from the South American continent, which had been made by WaldseemA?llera€™s team at Saint-Die in 1507. Catigara was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator. In claiming that Amerigo Vespucci discovered Australia Petherick may simply have been intending to make the point hyperbolically that the coastline of the Dieppe maps, taken by some to represent Australia, was the coast of the land discovered by Amerigo, misplaced into the Eastern Hemisphere. The Jagiellonian Globe demonstrates that it was possible for early 16th century geographers to depict the same coastline, that of eastern South America, in two different places on the same map. The Jagiellonian Globe reminds us that we must try to look at the early maps through the eyes and with the knowledge of their makers, free of the preconceptions arising from our current geographical knowledge.
Another four decades were to pass before another scholar addressed the question of the date for the creation of the Lenox Globe.
Why did Pohl see the creation of the Lenox Globe being linked so closely to the publication of Vespuccia€™s letters in Italy in 1505? Levilliera€™s analysis in an essay in Imago Mundi entitled a€?New Light on Vespuccia€™s third voyagea€? was stunning in this regard.
We should observe at this juncture that even prior to the so-called Italian-Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters, the famous Cantino map (#306), which is also of Portuguese-origin and which dates to no later than November 1502, also shows the eastern coastline bending abruptly (and falsely) to the southeast. Thus, in his essay for the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in 1963 Pohl was on solid ground when he pointed to the similar or parallel tampering with the text of Vespuccia€™s original letter for the Italian-Soderini edition as grounds for suspecting that the Lenox Globe dates to a period before the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507. Nevertheless, Pohl deliberately dodged the question of the uncanny depiction of the new southern continent in his 1963 essay.
Pohl went to considerable lengths in this long footnote in 1944 to dismiss any evidence -- the account in the Newen Zeytung journal, the SchA¶ner globes and Valentine Fernandesa€™ remarks in a deposition in a Portuguese court in 1503 -- that supports Magellana€™s assertion that Portuguese navigators had discovered the strait much earlier, and no later than 1506. Pohla€™s rigid position concerning the a€?accidentala€? or a€?imaginarya€? features of the Lenox and Jagellonian Globes remains baffling given that he was prone to accept highly dubious claims of evidence for the presence of Europeans and Asians in America -- such as the stone tower in Newport, Rhode Island which has been reliably dated to after 1492. In the more than forty years since Pohla€™s essay was published there has been little attention paid to the Lenox Globe. Meridians and parallels are engraved and numbered on its surface at intervals of ten degrees, the prime meridian passing through the island Ferro. We believe that when all the evidence and analysis of the historical context are taken into consideration, Fite, Freeman, and Pohl presented a compelling, convincing argument that places the creation of the Lenox Globe prior to the WaldseemA?ller map and globe gores. Furthermore, it seems more probable that the Lenox Globe was based on sensitive information that was improperly acquired directly from someone in Lisbon than it was based on information leaked from the Gymnasium at Saint-Die while the work on Cosmographiae Introductio, the world map and globe gores was still underway in 1505-1506.
Thus, there is some basis for concluding that the maker of the Lenox Globe had learned about a water passage and thus knew a lot more than Vespucci conveyed, at least more than the Florentine navigator revealed openly in Mundus Novus which entered into circulation in 1503-1504. In conclusion, we can summarize what appear to be five solid facts concerning the creation of the Lenox Globe. Second, the maker of this globe also knew from sensitive Portuguese sources a lot more about the overall shape of the entire southern continent than Vespucci conveyed (at least openly) in Mundus Novus that entered into widespread circulation beginning in 1503- 1504.
When one considers all this chronological evidence, analysis of the most probable historical context points to the creation of the Lenox Globe between the publication of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus in 1503-1504 and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the large world map were printed. Whatever the truth, the Lenox-Jagellonian Globes add to a large body of cartographic evidence that points to a Portuguese discovery of the strait before 1519 which is what Magellan had always insisted, and to a clandestine exploration of the west coast of this new fourth continent as far north as what we know as Acapulco no later than 1507.
Magellana€™s odd decision was illogical or counter-intuitive if he and his contemporaries believed that this new land mass was an extension of Asia. It is a reasonable conclusion that Magellan understood from extensive discussions with Spanish officials and navigators that this land mass was connected to the land region we know as Central America with which the Spanish were quite familiar by 1518- 1519. Chauncey, Henry, a letter written on January 21,1902 to Willberforce Eames, official at the Lenox Library. Lingren, Uta, a€?Trial and Error in the Mapping of America in the Early Modern Period,a€? in America: Early Maps of the New World, editor, Hans Wolff, New York, 1992, pp. Nordenskiold, Adolf, Periplus - An Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing-Directions, Stockholm, 1897, p. Pohl, Frederick, a€?The Fourth Continent on the Lenox Globea€?, Bulletin of The New York Public Library, Volume 67, Number 9 (September 1963), pp.
Stevenson, Edward Luther, a€?Martin WaldseemA?ller and Early Lusitano-Germanic Cartography of the New World,a€? Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Volume XXXVI, Number 4, 1904, pp. Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, Houghton-Mifflin & Company, 1884-1889, Volume III, pp.
Zakrzewska, Maria N., Catalogue of globes in the Jagellonian University Museum, translated by Franciszek Buhl, Kracow, 1965. A A A  Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions.
A A A  Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia.
Benefiting from improved printing techniques, botanical depiction in the latter half of the 18th century saw the marriage of beauty and scientific accuracy. This period saw the publication of many botanical magazines modeled on the success of William Curtis's Botanical Magazine. The transfer of the artist's image to the printing plate was now achieved by mechanical processes, rather than the plate being worked on directly by the artist or craftsman. The quality of the printmaking techniques used (now associated with fine art prints) and the quality of the papers will soon make apparent to the beginning collector the reason genuine antique prints (as opposed to modern reproductions) are sought after. We do not find, in Europe, a steady advance from early illustrations of poor quality to later ones of a finer character.
The Library of the University of Leyden possesses a particularly fine example', which is ascribed to the seventh century A.D.
From this epoch onwards, the history of botanical illustration is intimately bound up with the history of wood-engraving, until, at the extreme end of the sixteenth century, engraving on metal first came into use to illustrate herbals. One of these may perhaps be regarded as representing the last, decadent expression of that school of late classical art which, a thousand years earlier, had given rise to the drawings in the Vienna manuscript.
1484) as typical examples, has, as Dr Payne has pointed out, certain very well-marked characteristics. Those here reproduced are taken from a copy in the British Museum, in which the pictures were coloured, probably at the time when the book was published.
In cases where uncoloured copies of such books exist, there are often blank spaces in the wood-cuts, which were left in order that certain details might afterwards be added in colour. Figures of the animals whose bites or stings were supposed to be cured by the use of a particular herb, were often introduced into the drawing, as in the case of the Plantain (Text-fig. This came about naturally because the root was often of special value from the druggist's point of view.
These include the illustrations to the ` Book of Nature,' and to the Latin and German Herbarius,' the ` Ortus Sanitatis,' and their derivatives, which were discussed in Chapters II and III. It was first printed in Augsburg in 1475, and is thus several years older than the earliest printed edition of the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius Platonicus which we have just discussed.
57) there is an attempt to represent the tuberous roots, which are indicated in solid black.
As we pointed out in Chapter II, its illustrations, which are executed on a large scale, are often of remarkable beauty. The figures, which are roughly copied from those of the original edition, are very inferior to them. They have, however, a very different appearance, since a great deal of shading is introduced, and in some cases parallel lines are laid in with considerable dexterity. The oft-repeated set of wood-cuts, ultimately derived from the ` Herbarius zu Teutsch,' were also used to illustrate Hieronymus Braunschweig's Distillation Book (Liber de arte distillandi de Simplicibus, 1500). On taking a broader view of the subject, we find that, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was a marked advance in all the branches of book illustration, and not merely in the botanical side with which we are here concerned. Some of the most remarkable are those by Albrecht Durer, which were produced before the appearance of Brunfels' herbal, during the first thirty years of the sixteenth century. In his work, the artistic interest predominates over the botanical to a greater extent than is the case with D Durer's drawings.
The art of naturalistic plant drawing had arrived independently at what was perhaps its high-water mark of excellence, but it is in Brunfels' great work that we find it, for the first time, applied to the illustration of a botanical book. This characteristic is best appreciated on comparing Brunfels' figures with those of his predecessors. Many of Brunfels' wood-cuts were done from imperfect specimens, in which, for example, the leaves had withered or had been damaged by insects.
A careful examination of these wood-engravings leads, how-ever, to the conclusion that practically all the chief figures in Egenolph's book have been copied from those of Brunfels, but on a smaller scale, and reversed.
It is true that, at a later period, when the botanical importance of the detailed structure of the flower and fruit was recognised, figures were produced which conveyed exacter and more copious information on these points than did those of Fuchs. 87) which fills the rectangular space almost in the manner of an all-over wall-paper pattern.
The falsity of this view is shown by the fact that the greatest of flower painters have generally been men who also did admirable figure work. Furthermore we have purposely and deliberately avoided the obliteration of the natural form of the plants by shadows, and other less necessary things, by which the delineators sometimes try to win artistic glory : and we have not allowed the craftsmen so to indulge their whims as to cause the drawing not to correspond accurately to the truth.
The crowns of the trees are often made practically square so as to fit the block (Text-fig.
In the original edition of Dodoens' herbal (` Cruydeboeck,' published by Vanderloe in 1554), more than half the illustrations were taken from Fuchs' octavo edition of 1545.
Many of these figures were taken from the herbals of Fuchs, Mattioli and Dodoens, but they were often embellished with representations of insects, and detached leaves and flowers, scattered over the block with no apparent object except to fill the space. In this book there are some graceful wood-cuts of trees, one of which is reproduced in Text-fig. Some curious examples of the former, which will be discussed at greater length in the next chapter, are shown in Text-figs.
We might almost say that there were only five collections of wood-cuts of plants of really first-rate importance—those, namely, of Brunfels, Fuchs, Mattioli, and Plantin, with those of Gesner and Camerarius, all of which were published in the sixty years between 1530 and 1590. The earliest botanical work, in which copper-plate etchings were used as illustrations, is said to be Fabio Colonna's ` Phytobasanos' of 1592. The majority of these were published late in the century, and thus scarcely come within our purview. The artist is particularly successful with the bulbous and tuberous plants, the cultivation of which has long been such a specialty of Holland. The book is divided into four parts, appropriate to the four seasons, and each part is preceded by an encouraging verse intended to keep alive the owner's enthusiasm for his task. We may, however, for the sake of completeness, mention two or three examples in order to show the kind of work that was then being done. In the latter the lines are raised, and the method of printing is thus exactly the same as in the case of type, while in the former the process is reversed and the lines are incised. This period saw the publication of many botanical magazines modeled on the success of William Curtis’s Botanical Magazine. The transfer of the artist’s image to the printing plate was now achieved by mechanical processes, rather than the plate being worked on directly by the artist or craftsman.


This came about naturally because the root was often of special value from the druggist’s point of view. It was first printed in Augsburg in 1475, and is thus several years older than the earliest printed edition of the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius Platonicus which we have just discussed.
Some of the most remarkable are those by Albrecht Durer, which were produced before the appearance of Brunfels’ herbal, during the first thirty years of the sixteenth century. In his work, the artistic interest predominates over the botanical to a greater extent than is the case with D Durer’s drawings. The art of naturalistic plant drawing had arrived independently at what was perhaps its high-water mark of excellence, but it is in Brunfels’ great work that we find it, for the first time, applied to the illustration of a botanical book. This characteristic is best appreciated on comparing Brunfels’ figures with those of his predecessors. Many of Brunfels’ wood-cuts were done from imperfect specimens, in which, for example, the leaves had withered or had been damaged by insects.
A careful examination of these wood-engravings leads, how-ever, to the conclusion that practically all the chief figures in Egenolph’s book have been copied from those of Brunfels, but on a smaller scale, and reversed. 87) which fills the rectangular space almost in the manner of an all-over ” wall-paper pattern.
Its historical significance arises from the fact that it is the oldest surviving globe from the post-1492 period and the oldest surviving globe to illustrate any portion of the New World.
Thus, in this respect, the small globe does not convey the awareness that there had to be a distinct second ocean (the Pacific) as the WaldseemA?ller map (#310) clearly does. Harrisse believed that the Lenox Globe was made in France derived from a€?an Italian modela€? and he detected what he thought were some features or nomenclature reminiscent of a sketch map allegedly from the hand of Leonardo Da Vinci (#327) now kept in the Library at Windsor Castle. He was one of the first scholars to make the astute observation about how quickly and how inevitably it was that the Europeans would connect the dots, would grasp the continuous unbroken coastline from Labrador to Argentina as seen in the Stobnicza map of 1512 (#319).
He remarked in his Narrative and Critica1 History of America that a€?its date is fixed at 1510-1512, but by some as early as 1506-1507.a€? Curiously Winsor, who died in 1897, never identified which scholars favored the earlier date that would place the creation of the Lenox Globe before the WaldseemA?ller map. When he published his critical assessment in a long article for The Magazine of American History in September 1879, he was ahead of his time.
There in fact are several other maps, globes, or globe gores - associated with the names Boulengier (#324), Green (#342.1), Hauslab-Leichtenstein (#310), Nordenskiold (#311), Stobnicza (#319), and the well-known globes and maps of Johannes SchA¶ner (#328) from the 1515-1520 period - which show this continent having a strait or cape like the African continent and also having a distinctive a€?ice cream-conea€? shape quite unlike Africa. And this evidence should raise doubts and did in fact raise doubts among some late-19th century scholars such as De Costa, Nordenskiold, Varnhagen and Winsor concerning the conventional wisdom that everyone in Europe was in the dark prior to Magellana€™s famous expedition. And Humboldt based his conclusion in the 1830s, on the fact that the little essay Cosmographiae Introductio published to accompany WaldseemA?llera€™s world map in 1507 and which names for the first time the New World as America in Vespuccia€™s honor, also describes the new continent in the southern hemisphere as being like an a€?enormous island in it that it is found to be surrounded on all sides by watera€?.
Therefore, unlike Harrisse who curiously was not willing to date the globe before 1511, De Costa was firm in his conclusion that the Portuguese must have found the strait no later than 1510. It seems probable that it was made after the publication, in 1503, of Vespuciusa€™ letter to Lorenzo de Medici, in which he gave an account of his third voyage, when he followed the Brazilian coast 34A° south latitude. De Costa, Justin Winsor and Henry Harrisse have assigned a date of 1510-11, for the reason, amongst others, that, while several of its representations are in advance of the published knowledge of 1508, they are behind that of 1511-12.
In 1508, on the map of John Ruysch (#313), Newfoundland also appears as a part of Asia, being marked Terra Nova. In its New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names, Mundus Novus, Terra Sanctae Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. The ordinary observer must have perceived that the great bodies of land on the globe terminated towards the south in points. The principle in accordance with which the age of this globe is to be deduced is now therefore quite clear.
The globe shows very distinctly a large island, without any name, lying in the Indian Ocean.
This excuse, however, cannot be offered for those who later represented Zanzibar as a great island out in the ocean. Acting, however, in accordance with the suggestion offered, it would prove an easy task to bring order out of the confusion. Nevertheless it is probable that Australia was known centuries before, when the Chinese, with the marinersa€™ compass, navigated those seas.
Amongst these might be mentioned the peculiar configuration of the Asiatic coasts, the style of the lettering, the drawing of the ships, and the aspect of the marine monsters.
He also puts Simarum Situs on the border of the Gulf of the Ganges, where Sinarum Situs is put by Ruysch, Sinarum, like Serica, or silk, being a name applied to China, which on the globe is called East India. The globe-maker, however, should have placed the province where Polo and the Nancy Globe (#363) place it, on the Coromandel coast. Below South Africa is a grotesque monster, intended for a whale, the creature being delineated with much care. He may have heard of the Vinland of the Northmen, but the story of the Cabots had already been locked up in depositories where it was destined to lie too long; while Martyra€™s map of Beimeni, or Florida, together with the publications of 1512, 1513, 1515, had not come from the press. The word Getulia and Zamor point to the influence of the Goths and Moors in Africa, while Paludes Nile show that, in common with the geographers of that period, the globe-maker had anticipated the discoveries of Livingstone and Stanley. Cuba, on the other hand, is correctly laid down as an island, being called Isabel, in honor of Queen Isabella.
The name America was first proposed in 1507 by Martin WaldseemA?ller, known under the Greek pseudonym of a€?Hylacomilus.a€? It appears in his Cosmographiae Introductio, where, having called attention to the fact that the old continents were named after women, he observes that the new one should be called after a man. Hylacomilus was entirely friendly to Columbus, as was the case with Vespucci in his relations to the Genoese; nevertheless the geographer of St. He says that three times in his second voyage Vespucci calls the country terra del Asia, but in the third voyage calls it una€™ altro mondo and Mondo nuovo. This map shows the separation of America from Asia, but we believe that the Lenox Globe is earlier. Or the Lenox Globe indeed was made prior to 1507 that would or could mean that its amazing depiction of the new southern continent was derived from highly valued geographical knowledge that also made possible the brilliant synthesis that we see in the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507. The main reason for De Costaa€™s waffling is that he remained intrigued with the notion that there was a€?some connectiona€? between the Lenox Globe that refers to the New World as Mundus Novus, and Vespuccia€™s 1501-1502 voyage. Curiously, for some reason, even though De Costa lived until 1904, there is no record of what he thought after the discovery of this map in 1901, which might well have prompted him to date the Lenox Globe prior to 1507. The Baron had no doubt that the globe was made well before Magellan since its depiction of Asia was more primitive than what one sees on the Ruysch map included the 1507-1508 Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia. The Ruysch map was inserted in the widely available Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia which published in 1507-1508, the first such edition of this work since 1490.
Instead, in sharp contrast, the Lenox Globe shows what the Cantino and Caveri maps do not show: namely, the coastline from Venezuela around Panama then upward to Honduras with no hint of a strait in the region of Panama. Ita€™s amazing depiction of the southern continent, essentially in its entirety as a land mass totally separate from Asia and surrounded like an island virtually on all sides by water makes the Lenox Globe a strange hybrid.
In Spanish maritime circles, knowledge of the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico, Florida, and even much of the coast north of Florida (all of which fell within the Spanish maritime zone) was fairly complete by 1502-1504. At the same time, we know that in the Spring of 1501, after Cabral had found the east coast of Brazil the previous year, the Portuguese focused intensely on exploring the eastern coastline of South America in order to determine if there was a cape and if it fell within Lisbona€™s maritime zone. The globe reflects a pro-Portuguese political bias and here we come to what is perhaps the most astonishing and revealing feature of the globe. We can also see this same eastward twist of the coastline in the Cantino (#306) and Contarini (#308) maps both of which date to before the WaldseemA?ller map. Based on this evidence, Fite and Freeman felt compelled to conclude (again like De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld) that this a€?suggests a water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519a€?. In any case, the preponderance of evidence and the historical contextualization seems to validate the Fite-Freeman argument that the Lenox Globe dates to sometime between late 1503 when the first editions of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novos were published and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller world map and globe gores appeared. The globe illustrates how geographers of that time struggled to reconcile the discoveries of new lands with orthodox Ptolomaic cosmography. The discussion over this puzzle may be dated from 1786, when Alexander Dalrymple first drew attention to the resemblance between the shape of Jave la Grande on the Dauphin, or Harleian map (#378) and the shape of the coastline of New South Wales as it had been charted by James Cook in HMS Endeavour in 1770. This map, which is on parchment, appears from the characters, and other circumstances, to have been made about the beginning of the 16th century. This had been described in the 9th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica and discussed in an article by Benjamin Franklin De Costa in the Magazine of American History. Estreicher pointed out that the western coasts of both this continent and the MUNDUS NOVUS in the Western Hemisphere are schematic and without detail, in contrast to the eastern coasts which show bays, rivers and promontories, indicating that they are the result of actual discovery by voyagers. Diese Annahme wird zur Gewissheit, als wir auf dem Jagellonischen Globus finden, dass die Insel die Inschrift tragt: AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA.
The Tross Gores also bear the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA, but in this case placed over South America (WaldseemA?llera€™s America), and there is no continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. The depiction of the continents on the globe in this clock is similar to the globe or gores made by Louis Boulengier in 1514, indicating how globe makers could persist in using cosmographical concepts that were decades out of date. Unlike the Lenox Globe, the Jagellonian Globe has engraved on it the lines of latitude and longitude with the prime meridian passing through the island of Ferro.
However, as mentioned above, he oddly applies this name, not to the new fourth continent in the Western Hemisphere but instead to an unsubstantiated mythical island in the southern portion of the Indian Ocean. For his part, Estreicher drew the sensible and logical conclusion that the use of the name America clearly indicates that the Jagellonian Globe was made after the spring of 1507. One distinct possibility consistent with the other indication of a pro-Portuguese political bias, is that the Jagellonian Globe was made by someone with that same bias and who was furious that Amerigo Vespucci had revealed far too much in Mundus Novus for Lisbona€™s liking and who may well have been dismissed in late 1504 from further service for Portugal for that reason.
Hythlodaeus, the narrator, whose name perhaps recalls Hylacomylus (WaldseemA?llera€™s name in latinized form), is said to have accompanied Amerigo Vespucci on what, according to the perhaps apocryphal but widely read Soderini letter, was his fourth voyage (1503-1504). This analysis would suggest that the Jagellonian version of the Lenox Globe might have been a hostile reaction to what the mapmakers had done at St. The maker of the Jagellonian Globe who inserted this erroneous inscription with regard to Americaa€™s location on a globe was dependent on a prior cartographic projection that had to have originated elsewhere. Writing of his 1499 voyage, Amerigo Vespucci said he had hoped to reach India by sailing westward from Spain across the Atlantic around the Cape of Catigara into the Sinus Magnus, the Great Gulf that lay to the East of the Chersonese Aureus [Malay Peninsula]. Johannes SchA¶nera€™s globe of 1515 (#328), like Boulengiera€™s of 1514 (#324), depicted America but, like the Jagiellonian and Lenox, showed another continent to the South West, labeled BRASILLIE REGIA.
This was a cosmographical concept, not based on actual surveys, but as Stevenson pointed out, assumed because the geographers of the time such as WaldseemA?ller, ignorant of the reality of the Pacific Ocean or of North America, thought Amerigo Vespuccia€™s newly discovered land was located in the Southern Hemisphere to the eastward of Africa. As an authentic document from the early sixteenth century incorporating and demonstrating the cosmographic concepts of that time, it deserves consideration in any discussion of how the Dieppe maps came into existence.
Frederick Pohl (1889-1991) accepted the Fite-Freeman position in an essay published in the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in September 1963. Pohl drew this conclusion in part because after he published a biography of Vespucci in 1944, Pohl seems to have become aware of the observations of German Arciniegas and Robert Levillier that the Portuguese map makers were in the habit of twisting the southern coastline of South America toward the southeast so that the cape or strait would fall on Lisbona€™s side of the Line of Demarcation established by treaty in 1494. Although Pohl in his 1963 essay curiously did not mention Levilliera€™s essay or Arciniegasa€™ well-known Vespucci biography, he had already argued in 1944 that someone must have tampered with Vespuccia€™s letters to Soderini in various passages, especially that conspicuous alteration from a€?southwesta€? to a€?southeasta€? to give the false impression that the eastern coastline shifted abruptly in that direction a€“ as we can see illustrated in the Lenox Globe in a quite dramatic fashion.
This exaggerated geographical feature strongly suggests that officials in Lisbon were quite eager as early as 1502 to spread misinformation or disinformation about the true direction of the coastline below the Tropic of Capricorn at 23 degrees latitude south. We can say this because he buried a discussion of this specific issue in a long footnote on pages 225-226 at the back of his biography of Vespucci published in London in 1944.
However, the most telling observation is that if there was no European knowledge of a cape or a strait with regard to the new southern continent prior to Magellan, why do these globes a€?twista€? the southern portion of the continent to make people believe that a cape and water fall so far to the east, in the direction of, and therefore within the Portuguese maritime zone? Hans Wolff who edited and also contributed to America: Early Maps of the New World (1992) made a passing remark about how the Lenox Globe a€?is slightly older than the Brixen-Hauslab globe of 1523a€? but his suggestion that the globe dates to around 1520 is not credible. While it is neither signed nor dated, there is scarcely a doubt that it is as old as the Lenox globe; indeed, the geographical features of the two globes are so similar that they appear to be the work of the same globe maker, or copies of a common original, yet it is note-worthy that the nomenclature of the Jagellonicus globe is somewhat richer. At the same time, the maker of the globe evidently and curiously was still not aware of the decision at Saint-Die to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci.
First, the maker of this globe accepted or echoed Portuguese cartographic propaganda after 1502 concerning the configuration of the eastern coastline which was depicted as shifting or twisting in a highly exaggerated fashion in a southeasterly direction into the Atlantic. Third, despite all the evidence that the maker of the Lenox Globe was working almost exclusively with Portuguese sources, he oddly fails to provide the more accurate depiction of South Asia that we find in the Cantino, Caveri and Ruysch maps all of which were completed in the 1502-1507 time period. Pohla€™s suspicion that this globe appeared around the time of the publication of the questionable Italian or Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters in 1505 or 1506 is a compelling argument.
Magellana€™s strange decision to turn and sail due west across the Pacific after having sailed northward to a considerable extent up the Chilean coast remains an intriguing fact. Instead, Magellan seems to have been acting on the assumption or belief that this new southern land, though quite huge, was either an enormous island or a new continent totally separate from Asia, which is precisely what both the Lenox Globe and WaldseemA?ller maps clearly suggest. And surely at that time the Spanish had abandoned any hope in a strait in that region, otherwise they would not have backed Magellana€™s expedition to reach the Moluccas. In this letter, Chauncey conveys what he was able to learn about Hunta€™s discovery of the Lenox Globe and its later acquisition by Lenox from conversations with Hunta€™s widow who was Chaunceya€™s sister-in-law. In der Jagellonischen Bibliotek, Bulletin lnternational de la€™Academie des Sciences de Cracovie, Comptes Rendus des Seances (March 1900), a€?Resumesa€?, pp. Both black-and-white and color reproduction reached a standard that has never since been surpassed, largely owing to the skills developed by artists, engravers and printers, in response to the demands of the botanists. While allowing for great accuracy, the aesthetic appeal of the manual printmaking processes (woodcut, wood-engraving, intaglio engraving, and lithography) is lacking in these process prints. On the contrary, among the earliest extant drawings, of a definitely botanical intention, we meet with wonderfully good figures, free from such features as would be now generally regarded as archaic.
During the seventeenth century, metal-engravings and wood-cuts existed side by side, but wood-engraving gradually declined, and was in great measure superseded by engraving on metal.
Probably no original wood-cuts of this school were produced after the close of the fifteenth century. The origin of wood-engraving is closely connected with the early history of playing-card manufacture. It is to be regretted that, in modern botanical drawings, the recognition of the paramount importance of the flower and fruit in classification has led to a comparative neglect of the organs of vegetation, especially those which exist underground. The single plant drawing, which illustrates it, is probably not of such great antiquity, however, as those of the ` Her-barium,' for its appearance suggests that it was probably executed from nature for this book, and not copied and recopied from one manuscript to another before it was engraved.
The figures are much better than those of the ` Herbarium' of Apuleius, but at the same time they are, as a rule, formal and conventional, and often quite unrecognisable. Dr Payne considered some of them comparable to those of Brunfels in fidelity of drawing, though very inferior in wood-cutting.
That the conventional figures of the period did not satisfy the botanist is shown by some interesting remarks by Hieronymus at the conclusion of his work.
But, in 1530, an entirely new era was inaugurated with the appearance of Brunfels' great work, the ` Herbarum viv? eicones,' in which a number of plants native to Germany, or commonly cultivated there, were drawn with a beauty and fidelity which have rarely been surpassed (Text-figs.
This impetus seems to have been due to the fact that many of the best artists, above all Albrecht Durer, began at that period to draw for wood-engraving, whereas in the fifteenth century the ablest men had shown a tendency to despise the craft and to hold aloof from it. In each of his coloured drawings of sods of turf, known as das grosse Rasenstuck, and das kleine Rasenstuck, a tangled group of growing plants is portrayed exactly as it occurred in nature, with a marvellous combination of artistic charm and scientific accuracy.
It is strange to think that numerous editions of the ' Ortus Sanitatis' and similar books, with their crude and primitive wood-cuts, should have been published while such an artist as Leonardo da Vinci was at the zenith of his powers.
It is true that the style of engraving is different, and that, as Hatton has pointed out, Egenolph's flowing, easy, almost brush-like line is very distinct from that of Weiditz. Nevertheless, at least in the opinion of the present writer, the illustrations to Fuchs' herbals (` De historia stirpium,' 1542, and ` New Kreziterbuch,' 1543) represent the high-water mark of that type of botanical drawing which seeks to express the . 30, 31, 32, 58, 69, 70, 86, 87, 88) do not give an entirely just idea of their beauty, since the line employed in the original is so thin that it is ill-adapted to the reduction necessary here. It must not be forgotten, when discussing wood-cuts, that the artist, who drew upon the block for the engraver, was working under peculiar conditions. 30) is realised in a way that brings home to us the intrinsic beauty of this somewhat prosaic subject. He employed two draughtsmen, Heinrich Fullmaurer, who drew the plants from nature, and Albrecht Meyer, who copied the drawings on to the wood, and also an engraver, Veit Rudolf Speckle, who actually cut the blocks. Fantin-Latour is a striking modern instance, and one has but to glance at the studies of Leonardo da Vinci (e.g. Vitus Rudolphus Specklin, by far the best engraver of Strasburg, has admirably copied the wonderful industry of the draughtsmen, and has with such excellent craft expressed in his engraving the features of each drawing, that he seems to have contended with the draughtsman for glory and victory.
55, Hieronymus Bock [or Tragus] undoubtedly made use of them in the second edition of his `Kreuter Buch' (1546) which was the next important, illustrated botanical work to appear after Fuchs' herbal. Details such as the veins and hairs of the leaves are often elaborately worked out, while shading is much used, a considerable mastery of parallel lines being shown.
Daydon Jackson has pointed out that the wood-cut of the Clematis, which first appeared in Dodoens' ` Pemptades' of 1583, reappears, either in identical form, or more or less accurately copied, in works by de l'Obel, de l'Ecluse, Gerard, Parkinson, Jean Bauhin, Chabr?us and Petiver. 92, Gesner's drawings were not published during his lifetime, but some of them were eventually produced by Camerarius, with the addition of figures of his own, to illustrate his ` Epitome Matthioli' of 1586 (Text-figs.
109 and i 1o, and the Glasswort, one of the best wood-cuts among the latter, is reproduced in Text-fig. They are poor in quality, and the innovation of representing a number of species in one large wood-cut is not very successful. In the majority of such cases, the source of the figures has already been indicated in Chapter IV. The wood-blocks of the two botanists last mentioned cannot be considered apart from one another ; from the scientific point of view they show a marked advance, in the introduction of enlarged sketches of the flowers and fruit, in addition to the habit drawings. Plate X I X is a characteristic example, but only part of the original picture is here re-produced.
The stanza at the beginning of the last section seems to show some anxiety on the part of the author, lest the reader should have begun to weary over the lengthy occupation of colouring the plates. Paolo Boccone's Icones et Descriptiones' of 1674 was illustrated with copper-plates, some of which were remarkably subtle and delicate, while others were rather carelessly executed. As a result, there is a harmony about a book illustrated with wood-cuts which cannot, in the nature of things, be attained, when such different processes as printing from raised type, and from incised metal, are brought together in the same volume. The single plant drawing, which illustrates it, is probably not of such great antiquity, however, as those of the ` Her-barium,’ for its appearance suggests that it was probably executed from nature for this book, and not copied and recopied from one manuscript to another before it was engraved. The figures are much better than those of the ` Herbarium’ of Apuleius, but at the same time they are, as a rule, formal and conventional, and often quite unrecognisable. 8o), for instance, is lamentably inferior to that in the `Herbarius zu Teutsch’ (Text-fig. It is true that the style of engraving is different, and that, as Hatton has pointed out, Egenolph’s flowing, easy, almost brush-like line is very distinct from that of Weiditz. In the first years of the 1880s, my father had owned a Reese River ranch on which the family had lived for a time, later known as the Dieringer place and now a part of the Shoshone Indian reservation Yomba.
The globe was first discovered in an antiques shop on the Quai Voltaire in Paris around 1854 by a New York architect named Richard Morris Hunt. Despite this fact, what makes the Lenox globe extremely important, indeed revolutionary, is that it depicts the continent of South America as a separate island-like continent.
He argued that this globe was not part of the a€?cartographical familya€? with roots in Portuguese sources a€“ such as the Cantino (#306) and Caveri (#307) maps However, closer examination requires a major reassessment of that conclusion because the historical context and other cartogcaphic evidence imbedded in the Lenox Globe suggest that it is indeed of Portuguese origin, or inspiration, or was made to convey Lisbona€™s political perspective on discoveries in the New World. Harrisse correctly predicted in 1892 that the Stobnicza map was a derivative of the WaldseemA?ller world map of 1507 and argued that if and when it could be found, it also would show this same continuous unbroken coastline. However, it is probable that among the unnamed scholars was the agent Henry Stevens himself who stated that he favored the date of 1506-1507 in an undated letter in the possession of The New York Public Library. For example, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their folio-sized work entitled A Book of Old Maps published in 1921 by Harvard University Press essentially repeated much of what De Costa had said more than forty years earlier.
These scholars were not entirely convinced that these maps and globes (including especially the Lenox Globe) were a€?provocative geographical cartoonsa€? as Lawrence Bergreen claims in his book on Magellana€™s famous voyage. He suggested that the Lenox Globe had a€?some connectiona€? with the voyage of Vespucci in 1501-1502 to South America in the service of the Portuguese King Manuel.
The western coast of South America is drawn here, as in other maps that were constructed before the news of Magellana€™s circumnavigation had arrived in Europe, laid down not by direct observation but by estimation. Of course the simple fact that an instrument of this kind represents the condition of geographical knowledge at a certain period does not infallibly prove that it was produced at that particular period. On the Lenox Globe, however, Newfoundland appears as an island, though without any name, and at the same time no part of continental North America is laid down.
In fact, the entire continent is laid down, though apart from the Lenox Globe, no analogous representation is found before that of the SchA¶ner Globe, 1520 (#328).
Nevertheless the Lenox Globe gives all of South America, the drawing alone rendering it probable that the draughtsman was not unacquainted with the configuration of Terra del Fuego. Good reasons also exist for believing that Africa was accepted as the a€?modela€? for South America. To the northward of this island is another, called Madagascar, though the true Madagascar is laid down in its proper place without any name. This may be done by moving the great nameless island into the position occupied by Australia on the modern maps, carrying with it Certina, the so-called Madagascar, and the three islands without name.
From Lelewela€™s sketch of map of Idrisi (#219) it is evident that the region including Java was perfectly well known in 1154. In fact he made too long and too sudden a stride towards the truth to be followed, though Lelewel, while severely criticizing his work, admits that some of his delineations were not equaled for many years after. The delineation of the Asian coast using the a€?Tiger Lega€? configuration carries on the tradition also employed by the Behaim Globe, and the Marlellus, King Hamy, WaldseemA?ller, Roselli, and Contarini maps.
In this region, near the equatorial line, is seen Hc Svnt Dracones, or here are the Dagroians, described by Marco Polo as living in the Kingdom of Dagroian.
In the work entitled Globus Mundus, printed at Strasburg, 1509, the suggestion occurs again, Hylacomilas, evidently repeating himself. To break the force of this, Humboldt refers to the fact that Cadamosto calls the west coast of Africa Altro mondo. The separation, however, on the map in question proves that it could not have been the work of Columbus, as it has been shown repeatedly that Columbus died in the belief that there was no separation.
Third: It is the oldest instrument of any kind showing the entire continent of South America. And this connection, if correct, would suggest that a 1510-1511 date might be too conservative, especially when De Costa himself drew attention to one crucial fact.
As far as direct European knowledge of the west coast of South America which was implicit in the Lenox Globe, NordenskiA¶ld hesitated, even though in 1884 he had on his own discovered a fabulous set of globe gores very similar to the WaldseemA?ller globe gores that conveys the continenta€™s the distinctive ice cream- cone shape.
The main reason that he shifted was that he was heavily influenced by the discovery in the 1890s of four copies of the WaldseemA?ller 1507 world map made by Heinrich Loritti (Glareanus). By the time the Ruysch map appeared, the Portuguese had established a presence in South Asia (India), which this map reflects. It conveys or mixes the sophistication of the 1507 WaldseemA?ller map with respect to the southern continent, with a retarded perception of the new lands in the northern hemisphere that lay within the Spanish maritime zone.
The Maggiolo world map (#316), which dates to January 1511, is the last known map to contain this curious geographical feature. According to Robert King it offers a clue as to where Thomas More located his Utopia, and may provide a cosmographic explanation for the Jave la Grande of the Dieppe school of maps. The names are in French, and it is adorned with Fleur de Lis, but most probably has been translated from the work of some Spanish Navigator, whose discovery being forgotten, left room for the new discoveries of the English and French Navigators. Petherick, Commonwealth Parliamentary Archivist, historian, collector of Australiana and bibliographer, whose name is commemorated in the Petherick Reading Room of the National Library of Australia. It is five inches in diameter and made of copperplate, manufactured probably in France to form the central feature of an astronomical clock or armillary sphere, like the Jagiellonian Globe. WaldseemA?llera€™s America referred to what later became known as South America, as the continental extent of the lands later known as North America was not understood in 1507.
The formula AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA would indicate a common authorship, and therefore a French origin, for the Tross Gores and the Jagiellonian Globe.
The relevant phrase on the Jagellonian globe is America novitert reperta [America, land newly discovered].
However, there is no way such a mistaken attribution to a island in the Indian Ocean could have been made if the maker of the Jagellonian Globe had in his possession the world map or globe gores made at St.
Amerigo set out from Lisbon in May 1503 in an unsuccessful attempt to reach Malacca (Melaka) by sailing westwards.
In sum, the Jagellonian borrowed directly from the Lenox Globe which does not refer to America.
On the earliest of the Dieppe maps, that of Jean Mallard of c.1536-1540, La Catigare is located on that part of the Terre Australe occupied on later Dieppe maps by Jave la Grande. SchA¶ner said that his source of geographical information was the Newe Zeytung auss Presillg Landt [New Tidings from the Brazilish Land], printed in Augsburg, probably in 1514 and compiled from reports on the recent discoveries sent back to the Fugger banking house in Augsburg from their agents in Madeira. Pohl went further and also argued that the globe in all probability was made in the immediate wake of the publication in Italy in 1505 of Vespuccia€™s letters concerning his four voyages ostensibly addressed to the Florentine leader, Piero Soderini. Despite his personal fascination with European, especially Norse or Viking expeditions to the New World prior to 1492, Pohl declared in that footnote that while he was impressed by the accurate placement of the endpoint of South America at about 56 degrees latitude south in both the Lenox and Jagellonian globes, he concluded that this was a€?accidentala€? and that the depiction of a west coast was a€?imaginarya€?. Another contributor to this volume, Professor Uta Lingren (University of Bayreuth) preferred the 1511-1512 date. We do know that Lenox Globe reflects the island-like conception or model for the new continent that in fact was articulated in Cosmographiae Introductio, in sharp contrast to Vespuccia€™s remarks in Mundus Novus. Again, when we take all the facts into account, the analysis continues to point to the time period between 1503 and 1507 for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Fourth, the maker of the Lenox Globe was still not aware of the Spanish and also English exploration of significant coastline of the North American continent which we already find reflected in the Cantino and Caveri maps made by 1504 (#306 and #307). We believe that he made that decision based on inside knowledge which suggested to him that if he took the clearly safer route and followed closely this largely barren, mountainous coastline further northward, then he was not going to reach Asia and the Moluccas.
The knowledge that the region associated with the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean was a vast a€?cul-de-saca€? or a gulf - il grand golfo as both Peter Martyr and Vespucci described it - supplied the prime motivation behind Magellana€™s attempt to reach Asia in the alternative fashion that he proposed. A copy of this letter is in the possession of the Rare Book Division (Reserve Room) of The New York Public Library. It is now a prized possession of the New York Public Library, of which the Lenox Library now forms a part. The development of lithography in the early 1800s allowed many botanical artists to produce their own plates, which played no small role in this artistic burgeoning. With every print in a collection there is the pleasure of establishing the name and origin of the plant, the artist and printmaker, the type of printing technique and the purpose of the publication. The finest period of plant illustration was during the sixteenth century, when wood-engraving was at its zenith.
In the second phase, on the other hand, which culminated, artistically, if not scientifically, in the sixteenth century, we find a renaissance of the art, due to a more direct study of nature. Playing-cards were at first coloured by means of stencil plates, and the same method, very naturally, came to be employed in connection with the wood-blocks used for book illustration. Brown appears to have been used for the animals, roots and flowers, and green for the leaves. In this figure the cross-hatching of white lines on black—the simplest possible device from the point of view of the wood-engraveris employed with good effect. The illustration in question is a full-page wood-cut, showing a number of plants, growing in situ (Plate III).
65) is remarkable for its rhizome, on which the scars of the leaf bases are faithfully represented. They are distinctly more realistic than even those of the Venetian edition of the Latin ` Herbarius,' to which we have just referred.
He tells the reader that he must attend to the text rather than the figures, for the figures are nothing more than a feast for the eyes, and for the information of those who cannot read or write.
If internal evidence alone were available, it might plausibly be maintained that the engravings in the ' Ortus Sanitatis' and the drawings of Leonardo da Vinci were centuries apart. 66), for example, contrasts notably with that of the same subject from the Venetian ` Herbarius' (Text-fig.
Regarded from the point of view of decorative book illustration, the beautiful drawings of the period under consideration sometimes failed to reach the standard set by earlier work.
If the drawings have any fault, it is perhaps to be found in the somewhat blank and unfinished look, occasionally produced when unshaded outline drawings are used on so large a scale. It was impossible for him to be unmindful of the boundaries of the block, when these took the form, as it were, of miniature precipices under his hand.
Fuchs evidently delighted to honour his colleagues, for at the end of the book there are portraits of all three at work (Text-fig. An examination of the wood-cuts in Bock's herbal seems, however, to show that his illustrations have more claim to originality than is often supposed. The figures in earlier works, such as the ` Ortus Sanitatis,' are recalled in Kandel's dis-regard of the proportion between the size of the tree, and that of the leaves and fruits. 41, 42, 93, 94), but in some later editions, notably that which appeared at Venice in 1565, there are large illustrations which are reproduced on a reduced scale in Text-figs. After this, Plantin took over the publication of Dodoens' books, and in his final collected works (` Stirpium historie pemptades sex,' 1583) the majority of the illustrations were original, and were carried out under the author's eye (Text-figs. The actual blocks themselves appear to have been used for the last time when Johnson's edition of Gerard's herbal made its final appearance in London in 1636.
Treviranus pointed out that one of their great merits lay in the selection of good, typical specimens as models. 51, appears also in the illustrations of a book on Simples, by Joannes Mesua, published in Venice in 1581. Plantin's set included those blocks which were engraved for the herbals of de I'Obel, de l'Ecluse, and the later works of Dodoens. In 1611 Paul Renaulme's 'Specimen Historia Plantarum' was published in Paris, but though this work was illustrated with good copper-plates, the effect was somewhat spoilt by the transparency of the paper. The soil on which the plants grow is often shown, and the horizon is placed very low, so that they stand up against the sky. Among slightly later works, we may refer to a quaint little Dutch herbal by Stephen Blankaart, and to the ' Paradisus Batavus' of Paul Hermann, both of which belong to the last decade of the century. As showing the complete revolution in the style of plant illustration in two hundred years, it is interesting to compare this drawing with that of the same subject in the German 'Herbarius' of 1485 (Text-fig. They are distinctly more realistic than even those of the Venetian edition of the Latin ` Herbarius,’ to which we have just referred.
66), for example, contrasts notably with that of the same subject from the Venetian ` Herbarius’ (Text-fig.
In the late 1860s Henry Stevens, an agent for James Lenox and other collectors of rare books and other historical artifacts, became aware of this special globe and recognized its historical significance. We can even detect the suggestion of a cone-shape in the lower latitudes below the equator and a cape or water passage at the far southern end.
Given his perspicacity, it remains odd that the Lenox Globe with its distinct image of the South America as a real a€?islanda€? - totally disconnected from other landmasses - and with no depiction of North America at all a€“ was still not enough to persuade Harrisse to date the globe prior to 1507. Stevens must have taken this position by the late 1870s, because an entry under a€?Globesa€? in the Encyclopedia Britannica edition of 1879 quotes him as assigning the date of 1506-1507 to the Lenox Globe. This total separation from Asia is exactly the cartographic projection we find on the Lenox Globe. And De Costa astutely pointed to Vespuccia€™s repeated assertion in Mundus Novus that he had reached 50 degrees below the equator which means the Italian navigator would have fallen just short of the strait by only two degrees on this voyage.
Under peculiar circumstances, it would be possible for an instrument like this to possess many of the marks which indicate an early origin, simply through the failure of the designer to incorporate the results of the latest explorations, concerning which he might have been ignorant; but this suggestion, in order to have any weight in the present case, should be supported by some proof of such ignorance.
In Peter Martyra€™s work (Legatio Babylonicd) of the following year, Florida appears as Beimeni, while the Stobnicza map in the Ptolemy of 1512 (#319), gives a rough view of North America, similar to that found in the Ptolemy of 1513 (#320).
This circumstance might, therefore, lead some to conclude that the globe originated at a late period.
How, then, could the globe-maker have known that South America terminated in such a form near latitude 55A° S.? But it is by no means unreasonable to suppose that the termination of South America was known in 1510, even though its circumnavigation had apparently not been accomplished. Perhaps it is not too much to believe that this globe has some connection with the third voyage of Vespucci, which brought him to the latitude of the Straits of Magellan. When this is done, the student will have before him a tolerable indication of the geography of that region. In the 13th century Marco Polo traveled with a map of the world in his hand, by the aid of which he appears to have described Madagascar.
The a€?Tiger Lega€? is Catigara which was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator. These people, as once charged against the Irish, feasted upon the dead and picked their bones. That country is called TERRA SANCTO CRVCIS, as upon the Ruysch map, and MVNDVS Novvs, a name given by Sandacourt, a Canon of St. The name occurs in SchA¶nera€™s Luculentissima, etc., 1515, but the idea that it was generally used is a mistake. It is probable that he had resolved upon this course before Columbus died, while there is nothing whatever to indicate that Vespucci took any action to secure the honor awarded to him, or even that, any more than Columbus, he was solicitous upon the subject. This, however, he confesses is a mere adaptation of the old classic use, the alter orbis of Pomponius, Mela and Strabo. The Genoese, at the end of Cuba, on his second voyage, required his companions to declare on oath that Cuba was not an island the person maintaining the contrary being liable to a fine of ten thousand maravedis, and to have his tongue cut out.
Fourth: It is the oldest instrument showing that the discoveries of Columbus formed no part of the Asiatic Continent, and that America was absolutely Mvndvs Novvs, or the New World.
That fact is the absence of America on the globe as a name for the new continent - a name which caught on quickly at least in Italy and northern Europe after Cosmographiae Introductio was published in many editions following the first edition in St Die in eastern France in April, 1507.


Glareanus states that he had followed the projections of WaldseemA?ller whose large map still had not been found but whose globe gores were well known since the early 1870s. The other crucial factor that Fite and Freeman cite as in favor of an earlier date prior to 1508 is the fact that the Lenox Globe does not show any portion of the North American mainland - meaning, as observed earlier, that the maker of the little globe was still wedded to the Ptolemaic concept of only one ocean separating Europe and Asia. Although there is in fact a curl in that direction, it is quite exaggerated on the globe which is a strong hint that someone wanted to be sure that others would conclude that the cape or strait fell inside the Portuguese maritime zone as defined by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494. In the interview, Petherick referred to the work of Tadeusz Estreicher, a professor at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. On both globes South America is shown, bearing the names MUNDUS NOVUS, TERRA SANCTAE CRUCIS and TERRA DE BRAZIL. This conclusion becomes a certainty when we find that on the Jagiellonian Globe the island bears the inscription: AMERICA-NEWLY-DISCOVERED]. The fact remains, the Lenox Globe and the Jagiellonian Globe are evidence that there was an authoritative map made around 1507-1508 that showed, albeit mistakenly, a continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere.
Having gone with Amerigo as far as the farthest point he reached (ad fines postremae navigationis) on the coast of the new continent, Hythlodaeus left the expedition and after passing through unknown lands proceeded on to the Portuguese base at Calicut in India by way of Taprobana (Ceylon, present day Sri Lanka) discovering the fabulous island of Utopia on the way. The reverse sequence - the notion that a€“ the Lenox Globe could appear after the Jagellonian Globe, the WaldseemA?ller map and also the many editions of Cosmographiae Introductio a€“ and deliberately drop the name America - makes no sense whatsoever. On the Harleian mappemonde, CATIGARA is not to be found on the western coast of IAVE LA GRANDE but, as noted by Petherick, is located on the western coast of LA TERRE:DVBRESILL, indicating a pre-Magellanic lack of knowledge of the existence of the Pacific Ocean and the notional character of IAVE LA GRANDE. And last but not least, he refused to follow or more likely did not know of the decision at St. All the foregoing analysis means that Magellana€™s main claim to fame as a navigator rests not with the discovery of the strait - an achievement which he disavowed - but to his bold decision like that of Columbus in 1492 to cross an ocean whose real breadth was unknown. The small globe is composed of two copper-engraved hemispheric sections closely fitted along the equator, as in the case of the Ulpius Globe (#367), and pierced for an axis. Practically every print will have a fascinating story attached to it, and the pleasure is of course in discovering these stories, while admiring the beauty of the object.
They show no sign of having been drawn directly from nature, but look as if they were founded on previous work.
Sometimes the essential character of the plant is seized, but the way in which it is expressed is curiously lacking in a sense of proportion, as in the case of Dracontea (Plate X V I), one of the Arum family. 3), in which the leaves are represented as if they had no organic continuity with the stem. These drawings are more ambitious than those in the original German issue, and, on the whole, the results are more naturalistic. There is often a tendency, in the later work, to make the figures occupy the space in a more decorative fashion ; for instance, where the stalk in the original drawing is simply cut across obliquely at the base, we find in the ` Ortus Sanitatis' that its pointed end is continued into a conventional flourish (cf.
In some cases there seems to have been an attempt at the convention, used so successfully by the Japanese, of darkening the underside of the leaf, but, sometimes, in the same figure, certain leaves are treated in this way, and others not. It is interesting to recall that the date 1530 is often taken, in the study of other arts (e.g. Killermann has been at pains to identify the genus and species of almost every plant represented, and has described the drawings as das erste Denkmal der Pflanzenukologie. The artist's ambition was evidently limited to representing the specimen he had before him, whether it was typical or not. The very strong, black, velvety line of many of the fifteenth century wood-engravings, and the occasional use of solid black backgrounds (cf. 88) the fruit and a dissection of the inflorescence are represented, so that, botanically, the drawing reaches a high level.
Plate XVII) to feel that the finest plant drawings can only be produced by a master hand, capable of achieving success on more ambitious lines. Some of the drawings suggest that they may have been done from dried plants, and in others the treatment is over-crowded. These figures are very much more botanical than those of any previous author ; in fact—as Hatton has pointed out in ` The Craftsman's Plant-Book '—they are beginning to become too botanical for the artist ! In certain other wood-cuts in d'Alechamps' herbal, solid black is used in an effective fashion.
55 shows a twig of Barberry, which is but a single item in one of these large illustrations. The details of the flowers and fruit are often shown separately, the figures, in this respect, being comparable with those of Gesner and Camerarius, though, owing to their small size, they do not convey so much botanical information. Two years later appeared the `Hortus Eystettensis,' by Basil Besler, an apothecary of Nuremberg. This convention seems to have been characteristic, not only of the plant drawings of the Dutch artists, but also of their landscapes. The latter, which is an Elzevir with very good copper-plates, was published after the author's death, and dedicated, by his widow, to Henry Compton, Bishop of London.
The artist’s ambition was evidently limited to representing the specimen he had before him, whether it was typical or not. In 1869, he persuaded Hunt to permit the Coast Survey Bureau in Washington DC to make an accurate facsimile projection which has been used by many subsequent scholars. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find any explanation from Stevens as to why he chose this date. For all these reasons, De Costa at several points in his essay conveyed his strong suspicion that the Portuguese learned a great deal more about the continenta€™s configuration in the years that followed and well before Magellana€™s expedition. Respecting the points on which the globe gives no light, information was, nevertheless, so wide-spread in 1511 as to render it difficult to believe that any globe or map maker of the period could have failed to know of its existence. The very early map attributed to Leonardo da Vinci (#327) shows Florida as an island, but since the map was not published, no inference can be drawn from it. If, however, it were to be argued that the Lenox Globe belongs to a period subsequent to SchA¶ner, it might be necessary to assign its date to the 16th century.
How, in fact, could he have known that it terminated at all, especially since sketches later than 1515, with one or two unimportant exceptions, represented Terra del Fuego as joined to a great continent, supposed to cover the entire region around the south pole? Peter Martyr, writing to the Pope in 1514, seems to have a definite view of the shape of South America quite in advance of published maps.
Since, however, this part of the Indian Ocean contains no such vast island, and since Australia does not appear in its proper place, it has been suggested by De Costa that, though we do so with extreme diffidence, that Australia is represented by the great island in question, which was misplaced; while the so-called Madagascar and Certina are simply Sumatra and Java. Borneo and Celebes (called Java Minor by Ramusio), having their proper place, New Guiana, without any name, also appearing. At that period the great island of Australia, lying close to well-known islands, could hardly have remained unknown to geographers.
At the same time the maker of the globe, in common with Sylvanus, in forming the outline of what we venture to offer as Australia, appear to have made a certain use of those outlines characteristic of the Java Major of the Fra Mauro map and the Behaim Globe (#249 and #258), which lay on the east coast of Asia. Loac is the Locac of Marco Polo, and Seilan is the Borneo of our day, the former name having been taken from its proper place near India to make room for Taprobana, which was often applied to Sumatra. 568), believes it necessary to refute what Sebastian Munster said in his Cosmography, to the effect that it sometimes falleth out that Mariners, thinking the Whales to be Islands, and casting out ankers vpon their backs, are often in danger of drowning.
Die, when he framed the title of the Latin version of Vespuccia€™s letter, which described Brasil. The name was first published on a map made by WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (#310) and later by Appianus, 1520 (#331), in the work of Gamers, but the Ptolemy of 1513, in a legend on the map made by Hylocomilus himself (#320), attributes the discovery of the new world to Columbus.
He then shifts the argument, and shows that Peter Martyr in 1493-4, while speaking of the novis orbis, did not recognize its separation from Asia, and that this use was long continued.
And the date of April 1510 on one of these Glareanus copies made it impossible for the Baron to support von Wiesera€™s attempt to push these maps to the 1520s. This strange level of ignorance on both points seems puzzling for any map or globe made as late as 1510- 1512, and defies a good explanation.
Professor Estreicher described a globe which he dated to between 1509 and 1511 held in the Library of the University. De Costa noted a large land mass depicted in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere, unnamed on the Lenox Globe and suggested, a€?with extreme diffidencea€?, that this land represented Australia, misplaced to this location.
The Jagiellonian Globe shows that its maker believed this continent to have been the New World discovered by Amerigo. Is it possible that this globe-maker was simply confused because he did not have the benefit of the world map and only had a copy of Cosmographiae Introductio in front of him?
This placed the land discovered by Amerigo and the island of Utopia which lay contiguous to it to the south of Taprobana and India. When we also note that the Lenox Globe was made by someone who amazingly still seems to be in the total dark about basic geographical knowledge concerning North America a€“ well-known by 1507 to many scholars, not just those involved with WaldseemA?ller - then this would lend considerable weight to the conclusion that the Lenox Globe should date to a time period prior to or no later than Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller map - namely, to the 1503-1507 period as Fite and Freeman argued in 1926. In other words, the Brazilish Land, Presillg Landt, was differentiated from Brazil proper, otherwise known as America.
Given her exclusively technical approach to this globe, she complained about the bending of the tip of the continent towards the east, but it never occurred to her than this feature might have been part of an attempt to deceive, an effort to spread disinformation to make persons think that a cape would fall on the Portuguese side of the maritime demarcation line established in 1494. Die that became widely known after April 1507 to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci who had re-entered Spanish service in early 1505. It dates back to the end of the fifth, or the beginning of the sixth century of the Christian era. They have a decorative rather than a naturalistic appearance ; it seems, indeed, as if the principle of decorative symmetry controlled the artist almost against his will. For instance, in the first cut labelled Vettonia, each of the lanceolate leaves is outlined continuously on the one side, but with a broken line on the other. Ranunculus acris, the Meadow Buttercup, Viola odorata, the Sweet Violet, and Convallaria majalis, the Lily-of-the-Valley) are distinctly recognisable. Some of the figures are wonderfully charming, and in their decorative effect recall the plant designs so often used in the Middle Ages to enrich the borders of illuminated manuscripts. The fern called Capillus Veneris, which is probably in-tended for the Maidenhair, is represented hanging from rocks over water, just as it does in Devonshire caves to-day (Text-fig. In some of the genre pictures, Noah's Ark trees are introduced, with crowns consisting entirely of parallel horizontal lines, decreasing in length from below upwards, so as to give a triangular form.
In 1526, Durer carried out a beautiful series of plant drawings, among the most famous of which are those of the Columbine, and the Greater Celandine.
In the former the artist has caught the exact look of the leaves and stalks, buoyed up by the water.
The notion had not then been grasped that the ideal botanical drawing avoids the peculiarities of any individual specimen, and seeks to portray the characters really typical of the species.
It may be that Fuchs had in mind the possibility that the purchaser might wish to colour the work, and to fill in a certain amount of detail for himself. It is not surprising, under these circumstances, that the artist who drew upon the block should often seem to have been obsessed by its rectangularity, and should have accommodated his drawing to its form in a way that was unnecessary and far from realistic, though sometimes very decorative.
Fuchs' wood-cuts are nearly all original, but that of the White Waterlily appears to have been founded upon Brunfels' figure. But, in spite of these defects, they form a markedly individual contribution, which is of great importance in the history of botanical illustration. These wood-cuts resemble the smaller ones in character, but are more decorative in effect, and often remarkably fine. A few (namely those marked in the Pemptades, Ex Codice Caesareo ) are copied from Juliana Anicia's manuscript of Dioscorides to which we have more than once referred.
Camerarius often gives detailed analyses of the flowers and fruit on an enlarged scale (Text-fig. In a later book of Colonna's, the ` Ekphrasis,' analyses of the floral parts are given in even greater detail than in the `Phytobasanos.' Colonna expressly mentions that he used wild plants as models wherever possible, because cultivation is apt to produce alterations in the form.
In the paintings of Cuyp and Paul Potter, the sky-line is sometimes so low that it is seen between the legs of the cows and horses. It must be confessed that the fifteenth-century wood-cut, though far less detailed and painstaking, seizes the general character of the plant in a way that the seventeenth-century copper-plate somewhat misses.
In some of the genre pictures, Noah’s Ark trees are introduced, with crowns consisting entirely of parallel horizontal lines, decreasing in length from below upwards, so as to give a triangular form.
The two Barret girls were about Mothers age, and with Lydia King of Belmont, also a former Grantsville resident, made frequent visits to our Smokey Valley home. At the time, Stevens hoped to conclude a purchase for the British Museum and was prepared to pay Hunt the handsome sum of A?2,000, according to Hunt's widow.
To get some clue as to why that date might have made sense to Stevens we need to turn to a contemporary scholar who pondered more deeply and put his thoughts in writing as to when this globe might have been made. The maps of 1511, 1512 and 1513 nevertheless must have been known to every intelligent person engaged in globe making, and if the Lenox Globe had been made during those years, or later, it would have reflected information published to the world. On his map is found a Latin legend, translated as follows: Portuguese mariners discovered this part of this territory, and proceeded as high as the fiftieth degree of South latitude, but without reaching its southern extremity.
Being secretly together in a chamber with the Bishop of Burgos, Martyr says that they examined many sea charts, one of which Vespucci was said to have set his hand, while another had been influenced by both Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus.
In accordance with this view, it would be necessary to conclude that, though misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, even Australia was known to the geographers of that early period. It would appear that the Java Minor of Marco Polo, a term applied by him to Sumatra, came eventually to include the entire region. The maker of the Lenox Globe may have misunderstood his instructions, and thus pushed Australia into the Indian Ocean. In Northern India is Sacha- vvm Regno, the sugar region described in the Ptolemy of Patavino (1596). It would appear as though Milton found his own Leviathan on the page of Hakluyt, in whose works he had read the treatise signed Arngrimus Ionus. This has been alluded to as very curious, though the course pursued by Hylacomilus was altogether consistent.
The Lenox Globe appears to have been made at a time when geographers regarded the matter with unconcern, as neither Columbus nor Vespucci have any honor awarded.
He forgets, however, that Martyr describes South America as land never known by the ancients. 145.) Pinzon on the first voyage understood Cuba to be a city, and that the land here was a continent of great size, which extended far to the north (First Voyage of Columbus, Boston, 1827). That said, NordenskiA¶ld was still content in Periplus to give the Lenox Globe a date of about 1510 that just happened to be the same year for the Glareanus copies of WaldseemA?llera€™s work. Fortunately, it has survived the vicissitudes of the 20th century and is still held in the Treasury of the Jagiellonian Library, now the Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego Collegium Maius. If so, a€?it would be necessary to conclude that, although misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, Australia was known to the geographers of that early perioda€?. Not likely because Vespuccia€™s detailed letters concerning all his voyages were attached to Cosmographiae Introductio. This is just where Amerigoa€™s newly discovered land is shown on the Jagiellonian Globe, indicating that Sir Thomas More probably had such a globe before him when he wrote Utopia.
The Zeytung described the voyagers passing through a strait, like the Strait of Gibraltar, between the southernmost point of America or Brazil, and a land to the South West, referred to as vndtere Presill (in Latin, Brasilia inferior).
In sharp contrast, Rudolf Schmidt in the 1991 reprint of Konrad Kretschmera€™s famous 1892 atlas of facsimile maps underscored the crucial question in his brief commentary where he remarked: a€?How does the unknown author of the Lenox Globe arrive at a quite good representation of South America, if we disregard the eastward kink, which after all persisted for a long time in drawings of Africa as well?a€? Schmidt at the time was the President of the International Coronelli Society that promotes the study of globes. It is illustrated with brush drawings on a large scale, which in many cases are notably naturalistic, and often quite modern in appearance (Plates I, II, XV). These drawings are somewhat of the nature of diagrams by a draughtsman who generalized his know-ledge of the object. It has been suggested that the illustrations in the ` Herbarium' are possibly not wood-engravings, but rude cuts in metal, excavated after the manner of a wood-block.
It is noticeable that, in two cases in which a rosette of radical leaves is represented, the centre of the rosette is filled in in black, upon which the leaf-stalks appear in white.
We may, I think, safely conclude that the draughtsman knew quite well that he was not representing the plant as it was, and that he intentionally gave a conventional rendering, which did not profess to be more than an indication of certain distinctive features of the plant.
The former is reproduced on a small scale in Plate XVI I ; it is scarcely possible to imagine a more perfect habit drawing of a plant. Throughout the work, the drawing seems to be of a slightly higher quality than the actual engraving; the lines are, to use the technical term, occasion-ally somewhat rotten or even broken.
81) give a great sense of richness, especially in combination with the black letter type, with which they harmonise so admirably.
The existing copies of this and other old herbals often have the figures painted, generally in a distressingly crude and heavy fashion. This is exemplified in the figure of the Earth-nut Pea, to which we have just referred and also in Text-figs. Whereas in the work of Brunfels and Fuchs, the beautiful line of a single stalk is often the key-note of the whole drawing, in the work of Mattioli, the eye most frequently finds its satisfaction in the rich massing of foliage, fruit and flowers, suggestive of southern luxuriance. Some are also borrowed from the works of de l'Ecluse and de l'Obel, since Plantin was publisher to all three botanists, and the wood-blocks engraved for them were regarded as, to some extent, forming a common stock. Trew published a collection of Gesner's drawings, many of which had never been seen before ; but even then, it proved impossible to separate the work of the two botanists with any completeness, since Gesner's drawings and blocks had passed through the hands of Camerarius, who had incorporated his own with them. 1o1, which is also interesting since two of the leaves bear the initials M and H, which were possibly those of the artist.
The decorative border, surrounding each of the figures reproduced, was not printed from the copper. In the succeeding year, 1614, a book was published which has been described, probably with justice, as containing some of the best copper-plate figures of plants ever produced.
This treatment was no doubt suggested by life in a flat country, but it was carried to such an extreme that the artist's eye-level must have been almost on the ground ! It has been suggested that the illustrations in the ` Herbarium’ are possibly not wood-engravings, but rude cuts in metal, excavated after the manner of a wood-block. But before Stevens could make this offer, Hunt already had already decided to give the globe as a gift to Lenox out of admiration for him. This was the case with many of the early geographical works; but in every such instance it is easy to show that the map is not in accordance with the text, and that the map was introduced by the publisher in lieu of something better. According to this argument, this globe, therefore, takes its place in the year 1510, or the beginning of 1511. But this question is one that may be disembarrassed, for it will not prove a difficult task to show how the globe- maker may have obtained, in 1610, the knowledge which he exhibits.
Speaking of South America, he says it reaches forth into the sea even as Italy doth, although not like the leg of a man, as it does. That this was so appears from the fact that names belonging to Java and the neighboring islands are given on maps of a later period. The attention of the designer of the globe may have been directed to the subject by the voyage of Gonnville, who sailed from Honfleur in June 1503, for the East, and fell upon a great country, not far from the direct route to the Indies, which they called Southern India. Near Persia is Carmenis, the Kermann of Marco Polo, who does not refer to the neighboring Calicut, or Calcutta.
The history of this name, however, is not quite so clear as the others, though Navarrete calls attention to Muratoria€™s notice of the fact that brazil, signifying a red dye-wood, was an excisable article at Ferrara and Modena in 1193 and 1306. The really curious thing remains to be stated, and for the special consideration of those writers who have had so much to say about the ingratitude shown to Columbus by early geographers. Certainly Vespucci never gave the impression in these letters or in the earlier publication known as Mundus Novus that he was sailing in the Indian Ocean. A very similar globe, belonging to an astronomical clock and apparently of about the same age as the Lenox Globe, is in the library of the Jagiellon University at Cracow in Poland. The general habit of the plant is admirably expressed, and occasionally, as in the case of the Bean (Plate XV), the characters of the flowers and seed-vessels are well indicated.
In Dr Payne's own words, Such figures, passing through the hands of a hundred copyists, became more and more conventional, till they reached their last and most degraded form in the rude cuts of the Roman Herbarium, which represent not the infancy, but the old age of art.
Another delightful wood-cut, almost in the Japanese style, is that of an Iris growing at the margin of a stream, from which a graceful bird is drinking. This attitude of the artist to his work, which is so different from that of the scientific draughtsman of the present day, is seen with great clearness in many of the drawings in medi?val manuscripts. Among the original figures many, as we have already indicated, represent purely mythical subjects. A page bearing such illustrations is often more satisfying to the eye than one in which the desire to express the subtleties of plant form, in realistic fashion, has led to the use of a more delicate line. 89) show that the talents of the artists whom he employed were not confined to plant drawing, but were also strong in the direction of vigorous and able portraiture. 27), here reproduced, are markedly different from those of Fuchs, although, in the case of the first, Fuchs' wood-cut may have been used to some extent. Many of his figures would require little modification to form the basis of a tapestry pattern.
In fact it is often difficult to decide to which author any given figure originally belonged. A few wood-cuts however, which appeared as an appendix to Simler's Life of Gesner, are undoubtedly Gesner's own work. This was the ` Hortus Floridus' of Crispian de Passe, a member of a famous family of engravers. Barret, mother of two young ladies was a mid-wife, and because no doctor was available, it was she who delivered my younger sister, Elva Tate.  Gradually through the years, the ties with these old friends loosened or were dropped altogether when some of our Reese River intimates moved away, although I still remember visits when the Barrets returned for that purpose from as far away as Idaho.
Hunt had a close relationship with Lenox because Lenox had hired him to design a large mansion in Manhattan to house his private collection.
After passing this year, and reaching 1520, the newly found lands are so well known as to be celebrated in an English poem, entitled the Four Elements. 7) calls attention to the fact that in the fourteenth chapter of the work, in which the map of Ruysch appears, there is a separate statement, to the effect that the Portuguese had surveyed the coast of South America as far as 37A° S., and that it was known as far as 50A° S.
The Globe of Ulpius (#367) illustrates this phase of the question, Java Minor appearing as a very large island, and the true Java not being laid down at all.
He also quotes from Capmanya€™s Memorias sobra la antiqua marina, commercio, y artes de Barcelona, which contains references to this wood connected with the years 1221, 1243, 1252 and 1271. The point is this, that though Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, lived until 1539, and for many years was an owner and diligent reader of the Cosmographise Introductio, which he annotated and rebound, he is not known to have written or spoken a syllable, or to have caused any one else to write so much as a word, expressive of any sense of injustice done to his father by the naming of the New World after Vespucci. It has invariably been used by mapmakers to represent the coast of North America, whatever may have been its origin. Winsor, neither of who had seen the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was only discovered in 1901, fixed the date at 1508-11 and 1510-12, respectively. The globe consists of two gilded copperplate calottes, inscribed with the Eartha€™s principal features as understood at that time, including a continent inscribed AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. The Zeytung said that Malacca was only six hundred miles from the western point of this Brazil. Uncouth as they are, we may regard them with some respect, both as being the images of flowers that bloomed many centuries ago, and also as the last ripple of the receding tide of Classical Art.
For instance, a plant such as the Houseleek may be represented growing on the roof of a house—the plant being about three times the size of the building.
However, the primary object of the herbal illustrations was, after all, a scientific and not a decorative one, and, from this point of view, the gain in realism more than compensates for the loss in the harmonious balance of black and white. In the octavo edition of Fuchs' herbal published in 1545, small versions of the large wood-cuts appeared. The writer has been told by an artist accustomed, in former years, to draw upon the wood for the engraver, that to avoid a rectangular effect required a distinct effort of will.
The artist employed by Bock, as he himself tells us, was David Kandel, a young lad, the son of a burgher of Strasburg.
This difficulty is enhanced by the fact that some were actually made for one and then used for another, before the work for which they had been originally destined was published. 100) in which the seedling of the Rose of Jericho is drawn side by side with the mature plant, and another (Text-fig. Like Parkinson's 'Paradisus Terrestris,' into which some of the figures are copied, it is more of the nature of a garden book than a herbal.
In the octavo edition of Fuchs’ herbal published in 1545, small versions of the large wood-cuts appeared. The offering of the globe as a gift was evidently timed with the completion of the construction of this mansion in 1870. The scholar Henry Harrisse, in his Life of Fernand Colomb, also calls attention to the fact that the partisan Life of the Admiral, which has been attributed to his son, while exceedingly severe upon those who detracted from the fame of Columbus, does not mention either Hylacomilus or his book. It is the earliest surviving globe on which the name America appears, a name invented by Martin WaldseemA?ller and published in his Cosmographiae Introductio, St.
In SchA¶nera€™s 1520 globe, AMERICA had evolved into TERRA NOVA, AMERICA vel BRASILIA sive PAPAGALLI TERRA [Land of Parrots], while BRASILLIE REGIO had become BRASILIA INFERIOR (a translation of vndtere Presill).
No one would imagine that the artist was under the delusion that these proportions held good in nature.
I t is perhaps invidious to draw distinctions between the work of Fuchs and that of Brunfels, since they are both of such exquisite quality.
At the present day, when photographic methods of reproduction are almost exclusively used, the artist is no longer oppressively conscious of the exact outline of the space which his figure will occupy. Thus in 1508 there existed at Rome a general understanding of the coast to within about two degrees of the entrance to the Straits of Magellan. Major discusses four maps with similar characteristics, belonging to same period, in the Hakluyt Societya€™s work on Australia, and the matter is also touched upon in his Prince Henry. It would appear, therefore, that the indignation referred to is, upon the whole, a modern thing, of which the immediate friends of the famous Genoese had no experience. The Lenox Globe, though giving no lines of latitude, represents the coast as far south as about 55A° south latitude, the correct latitude of Cape Horn. SchA¶nera€™s 1533 globe showed the BRASILIAE REGIO as part of the TERRA AVSTRALIS, with an enormous peninsula, the REGIO PATALIS, attached to its southeastern part. The little house was merely introduced in order to convey graphic information as to the habitat of the plant concerned, and the scale on which it was depicted was simply a matter of convenience. However, merely as an expression of personal opinion, the present writer must confess to feeling that there is a finer sense of power and freedom of handling about the illustrations in Fuchs' herbal than those of Brunfels. For instance, the picture of an Oak tree includes, appropriately enough, a swine-herd with his swine, the Chestnut tree gives occasion for a hedgehog (Text-fig. However, merely as an expression of personal opinion, the present writer must confess to feeling that there is a finer sense of power and freedom of handling about the illustrations in Fuchs’ herbal than those of Brunfels.
As late as the 1920s and early 1930s, I have seen at the Walsh home during sage hen and deer season large groups of visiting hunters seated at the long table in the spacious dining room all made welcome.
With such facts before him, Humboldt came to the conclusion that between the years 1500 and 1508 a succession of attempts were made by the Portuguese along the coast of South America, beginning at Porto Seguro in latitude 16A° S. Some of the geographers endeavored to set off Java, reduced to proper proportions, SchA¶ner, 1520, being amongst the number; but in the attempt Australia in some cases disappeared altogether.
Moreover, it places open water to the south of this new continent and thus suggests that the water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519.
Oronce Finea€™s 1531 map exhibits this cosmography, and the Dieppe maps show its further evolution, even though it was out of date by the time they were made in the 1540s and 1550s. 92) and, in another case, a monkey and several rabbits are introduced, one of the latter holding a shield bearing the artist's initials.
Brazil appears on a map of the 15th century, but the Catalan map of 1375 (#235) also shows an island in the Atlantic bearing the name.
The SchA¶ner globes of 1515 and 1520 (#328), on which South America is separated from an Antarctic continent by a strait connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, give further evidence of this fact. It would be as absurd to quarrel with the illustrations we have just described, on account of their lack of proportion, as to condemn grand opera because, in real life, men and women do not converse in song.
His 16-room house built in the early 1900s, together with the bunk-house and the old Hess home still standing at Walshes could easily accommodate them all.    Photo taken in 1977 There was during these years, always a cook in the kitchen, but the women folk of the household assisted her in preparing the three large daily meals. Still the student is not justified, with such data, in declaring precisely how far the navigators knew the region by actual observation. Perhaps, therefore, the Lenox Globe may be regarded as showing one of the earliest attempts to correct a misunderstanding. The idea of naturalistic drawings, in which the size of the parts should be shown in their true relations, was of comparatively late growth. 29), is a highly imaginative production which clearly shows that neither the artist nor the author had ever seen the plant in question. A number of Indian ranch hands employed on the place occupied a table of their own in the long kitchen.
The inference is that the navigators who passed along that region viewed the strait afterwards discovered by Magellan as an inlet, and that they learned from the natives the configuration of Terra del Fuego. It is reasonable, however, to conclude that the name was applied to South America, because the first navigator found there an abundance of desirable dye-wood. The Hudsona€™s Bay Company possess at their House important sketches made by the Indians; while Balboa, called the a€?Discoverer of the Pacifica€? had the Pacific discovered for him by the Cacique of Zumaco, who, upon the arrival of the Spaniard in the Bay of Panama, figured for him the coasts of Quito, and described the riches of Peru.
Several other pioneer Nevadans were born in the same part of southern Ireland, first migrating to Boston, and like Walsh moving on West, especially to such mining camps as Austin where there was work to be had. This was all that the Spanish and Portuguese navigators needed to have done for them by the natives of Terra del Fuego.
Pat wrote them about the booming camp in the Toiyabes and suggested that they too join him. The Walshes settled on Reese River. After Walsh became a wealthy rancher, he delighted to tell a story of his financial state when he arrived in Austin. He said that he was down to his last four-bits when he left Eureka on the overland stage for the last lap of his journey. Here, Pat decided not to spend his only coin for the hearty meal served to travelers ( which cost just fifty cents ), but to save it for a nights lodging at his destination. He met friends, found work and early saw the possibilities of the neighboring valley for farming and cattle raising.
There was, however, a lighter side to the life of the settlers, and many humorous tales are told concerning these activities. Locale, of one such story is the old race track just below Austin in Reese River Valley, on what was long known as the Malloy ranch.
An owner of a fast horse, watching the warm-up of a race during the early nineties, saw that his entry was not being handled as expertly as he thought it should be.
Mike also liked to tell stories of his early efforts when money was closer an harder to come by than in later years. One of these was an incident of the panic of the early 1900s. The Malloy ranch was only a few miles out of Austin on the Reese River, but through the winter the family lived in town where the children attended the Austin school. Mike said that his savings were always put in the Austin bank in which everyone had great faith. However, in the fall of 1907, when one solid bank after another closed doors, Malloy became more than a little nervous over the situation.
The bag of coins he left in the wagon bed, covering it up again with the canvas pretending to have an errand somewhere in the large field surrounding the ranch center.
Here, by a corner post for a marker, he dug a hole and dropped in the heavy bag, shoveling the hiding place full of sod and dirt. They were well known to Malloy and went into the field, as they frequently did to dig for gophers, a sought after food of the Shoshones.
Their extermination of these small pest was usually welcome to the ranchers and the Indians were accustomed to dig for them when ever and where ever they pleased. Mike rode down into the field on his horse and engaged his Indian friends in conversation and finally diverted their attention from that portion of the field by pointing out another larger group of gopher mounds. With numerous families growing up there, this ranch was, during the nineties, a rendezvous for gatherings of the young people of the vicinity and, like the Walsh place, was popular with visitors.
Bell whose Cloverdale ranch, at the extreme southern tip of the Toiyabes, had been a stage stop on the old road from Belmont to the railroad at Sodaville. This funeral took place at the Bell ranch on Reese River. Several other sons were engineering graduates of the University of Nevada. Two of the latter had civil engineering offices in the boom mining camp of Manhattan during 1905 1906.
He was an itinerant trapper and ranch worker, who made a somewhat precarious living at such labors.
Like Frosts Hired man, Wilsons home was the place that when you go there, they have to take you in."  Crazy Wilson was not only eccentric but was known for his prodigious appetite. Housewives said that when Crazy Wilson got his feet under the table, where there was a good meal, he filled up for lean weeks ahead. Ranch meals were served family style with everything placed down on the table before anyone sat down and this included dessert.
It was Wilsons habit to reach for any food that attracted him, and almost empty the receptacle onto his plate without  Walters quick eye took in the picture. He hastily reached for the plate, took a cream puff and bit into it, purposely squeezing out the whipped cream filling. Annie, he called to his sister who was pouring the coffee and tea, take these biscuits back and bake them some more, the're all dough in the middle. It was returned later and passed around with Wilson last in order to get the dish. Automobiles came into common use after the early years of the 1900s, making transportation easier.



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