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I heard this quote on the radio recently and it resonated with my counselling viewpoint – in particular the acknowledgement of diversity and respecting individuals as they are,  not trying to change them but offering the therapeutic conditions that make changes possible. Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. As supporters of the Equal Rights Amendment between 1972 and 1982 lobbied, marched, rallied, petitioned, picketed, went on hunger strikes, and committed acts of civil disobedience, it is probable that many of them were not aware of their place in the long historical continuum of women's struggle for constitutional equality in the United States.
The first visible public demand for equality came in 1848, at the first Woman's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, NY.
The new century saw a profound change in the lives of women, as they joined the workforce in increasing numbers, led the movement for progressive social reform, and finally generated enough mass power to win the vote.
The 19th Amendment affirming women's right to vote steamrolled out of Congress in 1919, getting more than half the ratifications it needed in the first year. As the amendment approached the necessary ratification by three-quarters of the states, the threat of rescission surfaced. Freedom from legal sex discrimination, Alice Paul believed, required an Equal Rights Amendment that affirmed the equal application of the Constitution to all citizens. Although the National Woman's Party and professional women such as Amelia Earhart supported the amendment, reformers who had worked for protective labor laws that treated women differently from men were afraid that the ERA would wipe out the progress they had made. In the early 1940s, the Republican Party and then the Democratic Party added support of the Equal Rights Amendment to their platforms. In the 1960s, over a century after the fight to end slavery fostered the first wave of the women's rights movement, the civil rights battles of the time provided an impetus for the second wave.
Finally, organized labor and an increasingly large number of mainstream groups joined the call for the ERA, and politicians reacted to the power of organized women's voices in a way they had not done since the battle for the vote. Like the 19th Amendment before it, the ERA barreled out of Congress, getting 22 of the necessary 38 state ratifications in the first year. Pro-ERA advocacy was led by the National Organization for Women (NOW) and ERAmerica, a coalition of nearly 80 other mainstream organizations. Hopes for victory continued to dim as other states postponed consideration or defeated ratification bills. As the 1979 deadline approached, some pro-ERA groups, like the League of Women Voters, wanted to retain the eleventh-hour pressure as a political strategy. The Equal Rights Amendment was reintroduced in Congress on July 14, 1982 and has been before every session of Congress since that time.


Under this rationale, it is likely that Congress could choose to legislatively adjust or repeal the existing time limit constraint on the ERA, determine whether or not state ratifications after the expiration of a time limit in a proposing clause are valid, and promulgate the ERA after the 38th state ratifies.
The Congressional Research Service analyzed this legal argument in 1996 [4] and concluded that acceptance of the Madison Amendment does have implications for the premise that approval of the ERA by three more states could allow Congress to declare ratification accomplished.
Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Utah, and Virginia. Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. From the very beginning, the inequality of men and women under the Constitution has been an issue for advocacy. Women were treated according to social tradition and English common law and were denied most legal rights. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, who had met as abolitionists working against slavery, convened a two-day meeting of 300 women and men to call for justice for women in a society where they were systematically barred from the rights and privileges of citizens. Anthony, and Sojourner Truth fought in vain to have women included in new constitutional amendments giving rights to former slaves. Anthony campaigned for a constitutional amendment affirming that women had the right to vote, but they died in the first decade of the 20th century without ever casting a legal ballot. Carrie Chapman Catt and the National American Woman Suffrage Association were a mainstream lobbying force of millions at every level of government.
Then it ran into stiff opposition from states'-rights advocates, the liquor lobby, business interests against higher wages for women, and a number of women themselves, who believed claims that the amendment would threaten the family and require more of them than they felt their sex was capable of. But many laws and practices in the workplace and in society still perpetuated men's status as privileged and women's status as second-class citizens. Women organized to demand their birthright as citizens and persons, and the Equal Rights Amendment rather than the right to vote became the central symbol of the struggle. Senate and then the House of Representatives, and on March 22, 1972, the proposed 27th Amendment to the Constitution was sent to the states for ratification. Anti-ERA organizers claimed that the ERA would deny woman's right to be supported by her husband, privacy rights would be overturned, women would be sent into combat, and abortion rights and homosexual marriages would be upheld. Illinois changed its rules to require a three-fifths majority to ratify an amendment, thereby ensuring that their repeated simple majority votes in favor of the ERA did not count.
But many ERA advocates appealed to Congress for an indefinite extension of the time limit, and in July 1978, NOW coordinated a successful march of 100,000 supporters in Washington, DC.


In 1980 the Republican Party removed ERA support from its platform, and Ronald Reagan was elected president.
The acceptance of an amendment after a 203-year ratification period has led some ERA supporters to propose that Congress has the power to maintain the legal viability of the ERA's existing 35 state ratifications. As of 2007, ratification bills testing this three-state strategy have been introduced in one or more legislative sessions in eight states (Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Virginia), and supporters are seeking to move such bills in all 15 of the unratified states.
In general they could not vote, own property, keep their own wages, or even have custody of their children. A Declaration of Sentiments and eleven other resolutions were adopted with ease, but the proposal for woman suffrage was passed only after impassioned speeches by Stanton and former slave Frederick Douglass, who called the vote the right by which all others could be secured. In 1872, she went to the polls in Rochester, NY, and cast a ballot in the presidential election, citing her citizenship under the 14th Amendment. But as it had done for every amendment since the 18th (Prohibition), with the exception of the 19th Amendment, Congress placed a seven-year deadline on the ratification process. That year also marked the death of Alice Paul, who, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.
Other states proposed or passed rescission bills, despite legal precedent that states do not have the power to retract a ratification. Although pro-ERA activities increased with massive lobbying, petitioning, countdown rallies, walkathons, fundraisers, and even the radical suffragist tactics of hunger strikes, White House picketing, and civil disobedience, ERA did not succeed in getting three more state ratifications before the deadline. This time limit was placed not in the words of the ERA itself, but in the proposing clause.
States'-rights advocates said the ERA was a federal power grab, and business interests such as the insurance industry opposed a measure they believed would cost them money. Anthony before her, never saw the Constitution amended to include the equality of rights she had worked for all her life. The country was still unwilling to guarantee women constitutional rights equal to those of men. If we had not concentrated on the Federal Amendment we should be working today for suffrage.
Happersett said that while women may be citizens, all citizens were not necessarily voters, and states were not required to allow women to vote.



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