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Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector.
Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations.
The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones.
As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared). Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K.
As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales.
The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts. The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials.
Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found. Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) . In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes. Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy. Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path. Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator. Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description.
Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere. We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down.
Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist.
We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.
The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions. The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions. Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands.
European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros.
These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions.
At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness. These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came. From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth.
Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts. There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece.
In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date.
The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge.
Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established. In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography.
The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied.
Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess. Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire. When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence. In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life.
Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity.
Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking.
The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world.
It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone. China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994.
Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters. Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost. As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
DESCRIPTION: Shown here are reproductions of an early road map of the imperial highways of the Roman world, covering the area roughly from southeast England to present day Sri-Lanka. This Colmar copy was found by Konrad Celtes (1459-1508), a German poet and scholar for the Emperor Maximilian I and later turned over to Konrad Peutinger (1465-1547), Chancellor of Augsburg, in 1508 in Augsburg and has since been known as the Tabula Peutingeriana or Peutinger Tables or Itineraries. In its design, the Peutinger Table makes no pretense of showing the whole world or even its major parts in correct proportion.
The proportions of the Peutinger Map are such that distances east-west are represented at a much larger scale than distances north-south; for example, Rome looks as though it were nearer to Carthage than Naples is to Pompeii. In the Jansoon edition of the Peutinger Table (1652), the first sheet shows a section of southeastern England protruding from the title cartouche, with the roads and harbors marked. The Colmar manuscript of the Peutinger Tables, also known as Codex Vindobonensis 324, is presently in the National Bibliothek, Vienna and has been divided into sections for preservation. The Peutinger Map was primarily drawn to show main roads, totaling some 70,000 Roman miles (104,000 km), and to depict features such as staging posts, spas, distances between stages, large rivers, and forests (represented as groups of trees). Around the personification of Rome - a female figure on a throne holding a globe, a spear, and a shield - are twelve main roads, each with its name attached, a practice not adopted elsewhere. Ostia is shown with a harbor occupying about one-third of a circle, in a fashion similar to that of miniatures in the early manuscripts of Virgila€™s Aeneid. The road network is thought to have been based (at least within the empire) on information held by the cursus publicus, responsible for organizing the official transport system set up by Augustus.
The part of the British section of the Peutinger Map that survives is so fragmentary that it covers only a limited area of the southeast, not even including London, and an even smaller area around Exeter. Owing to the shape of the map, the Nile could not be represented as a long river if it were made to flow northward throughout its course.
Late antiquity is considered as a relatively autonomous historical period, that according to certain scholars is extended from 200 A.D.
These maps were used with a multitude of functions, including the use of maps as cadastral and legal records, as aids to travelers, to commemorate military and religious events, as strategic documents, as political propaganda and for academic and educational purposes. The object of this study is focused on the cartographic genre of itineraria picta and more specifically on the Tabula Peutingeriana, a road map prepared in order to show the roads of the empire over a total distance of 104,000 km. According to actual cartographic terminology Tabula Peutingeriana is a typical example of a thematic road map preserving mainly the topology of geographic continuity rather than the conventional cartographic representation.
Depicting in topological consistency the road network and offering travel information to its users (by showing the road network, the settlements, the staging posts, the partial distances, the cities of various type, depending on their size and significance etc. As discussed in the article by Dr Dimitris Drakoulis, a€?The study of late antique cartography through web base sourcesa€?, e-Perimetron, Vol. The second most important road axis, the Via Egnatia, ran crosswise through the Balkans and provided communications between the Adriatic, the Aegean, and the Propontis, between Rome and Constantinople. The borders of the Roman Empire in his northern regions correspond to the flow of the river Danubius, while the eastern limits correspond to the flow of the Tigris River.
The road network is represented with red distressed (zigzag) line, that denotes the corresponding changes of horses, with distances between stations, expressed in roman miles (milia passus = 1,4815 km) for all the territory. There exist three cities of the First Level, Roma, Constantinopolis and Antiocheia, represented as female incarnations, Tychai of the cities, that constitute the three capitals a€“ imperial residences of the Empire. There exist six Second Level cities, which are represented in the form of fortresses with walls, bastions and deferring number of towers.
Most of the pictures represent Third Level cities, provincial capitals (metropoleis) and important commercial centers (Figure 7). The network of settlements is supplemented with the insertion of stations - mansiones and points of change of horses - mutationes that constitutes the intermediary turning-points between the various central places. A number of settlements are represented according to particular uses and functions of space that are attributed with the particular characteristics of the shells that support the function. There exist in total 33 temples located usually in colonies and points of local adoration, for example in the Balkans (Ad Dianam), in Africa, (Ad Herculem, Temple Jovis, Ad Mercurium, Temple Veneris), while in Egypt can be found three temples of Serapis and three of Isis. The defensive function is present in all the representations of cities, a fact that is considered in the context of a period after the imperial pax romana. Recreational functions are represented with thermal baths, portrayed with square structures, with a closed facade and in the center a swimming pool. Lighthouses are found in Alexandria, Egypt, in Chrissopolis [Uskudar] and in Jovisurius in the entry of Euxeinus Pontus. The iconographic system of the Tabula Peutingeriana is based upon a hierarchical structure that represents the settlements network, with a process of symbolic generalizations and personifications, in the period of the successors of Constantine the Great. The reliability of map has been placed under contestation by many scholars, in regard to the precision of settlements locations and distances that represent. Albu, Emily, a€?Imperial Geography and the Medieval Peutinger Mapa€?, Imago Mundi, Volume 57, June 2005, pp. Drakoulis, Dr Dimitris, a€?The study of late antique cartography through web base sourcesa€?, e-Perimetron, Vol. Fowden a€“ Athanasiadi P., a€?The successors of Great Constantinea€? (in Greek), Istoria Ellinikou Ethnous. Salway, Benet, a€?The Nature and Genesis of the Peutinger Mapa€?, Imago Mundi, Volume 57, June 2005, pp. The Peutinger Map was primarily drawn to show main roads, totaling some 70,000 Roman milesA  (104,000 km), and to depict features such as staging posts, spas, distances between stages, large rivers, and forests (represented as groups of trees). As discussed in the article by Dr Dimitris Drakoulis,A  a€?The study of late antique cartography through web base sourcesa€?, e-Perimetron, Vol.
It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals.
A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history. Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time. Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art.
It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch. It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic. In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C. In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India. Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C. Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther.
We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological.
It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period. Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers.
The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one.
A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained.
The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years.
There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole. Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre.
These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207).
The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance. This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps. The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest. In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328).
The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense. We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion.
Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ.
That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race). That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents.


The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps. To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought.
In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice. Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth. With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general.
Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge. In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed.
While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves. Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge. Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions.
By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences.
The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries.
A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them. Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era. Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works. It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™. 250 the original tables were, themselves, copied from a larger original map of the first century A.D.
After Peutingera€™s death, two of the twelve sections of the Colmar manuscript were engraved and published in 1591 with annotated text and place-names taken from the sections reproduced. It is merely a graphic compendium of mileages or basically an itinerary route map with the roads delineated predominantly by straight lines, often with curious jogs.
The archetype may well have been on a papyrus roll, designed for carrying around in a capsa [tool box]. France, Spain, and North Africa with roads, cities and some prominent buildings are also depicted, along with major Mediterranean islands being Corsica and Sardinia.
Its date of transcription is 12th or early 13th century, but it has long been recognized as a copy of an ancient map.
It is not a military map, though it could have been used for military purposes but the words of Vegetius give an indication of its possible function.
Constantinople is represented by a helmeted female figure seated on a throne and holding in her left hand a spear and a shield.
This system, extended under the late empire to troop movements, relied very largely on staging posts at more or less regular intervals; couriers traveled an average of fifty Roman miles (74 km) a day. This can be well illustrated by a name in Italy otherwise recorded only (in corrupt form) in the Ravenna cosmography. Instead it is made to rise in the mountains of Cyrenaica and to flow a€?eastwarda€? to a point just above the delta.
According to the military manual of Vegetius (383a€“395), military commanders possessed itineraria that not only were written (scripta) but also contained drawings in color (picta). Also, the display of world maps was part of an ideology of extended rule, used both by the emperor Theodosius II at Constantinople, in the fifth century, and later by Pope Zachary II in the Lateran Palace at Rome, in the eighth.
It contains the network the main roads (about 100,000 km), the network of settlements, of overnight stations (mansiones) and stations of horse changing that were found in the routes that crossed the late empire. The strongly deformed shape, mainly in terms of latitude, does not preserve any rational cartographic scale or orientation in any of Tabulaa€™s twelve sheets. In fragment XI, westwards the Euphrates River we find the text Areae fines Romanorum [end of roman limits] that is followed by representations of Mesopotamia, Persia and India.
Exception constitute the regions of Galatia, measured in galloroman leyges (leugae = 2,222 km), the regions of the Persian empire in parasangas, (6 km) and India expressed where the distance are in Indian miles (2 km).
These are: Aquila (with 7 towers and a big residential complex), Ravenna (5 towers), Thessalonica (5 towers), Nikomedeia (8 towers), Nicaea (6 towers and a temple or basilica) and Ankara (7 towers) (Figure 6).
The basic functional uses, which incorporate corresponding social practices and are drawn with their shells are: 1) religious, 2) political, 3) defensive, 4) recreational and 5) remaining uses. In Italy 15 structures are found, in the Balkans five, in the Asia Minor and in Syria one each, while in Africa there are eight such thermal complexes (Figure 13).
At the top are found three first level cities (Rome, Constantinople, Antiocheia) and then follow six second level cities (Aquilla, Ravenna, Thessalonica, Nicomedeia, Nicaea, Ancara). The administrative organization and the provinces of late empire are not present and one would have to seek information in other texts of late antiquity (Laterculus Veronensis, Notitia Dignitatum and Hierocles Synekdimos) in order to have a picture of bigger administrative divisions. A., Romea€™s World, the Puetinger Map Reconsidered, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 357pp. They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment.
Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?. In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals.
Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse. The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist.
A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes. Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period.
Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms. The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties. We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus.
In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work.
But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan. Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors.
Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them.
Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions. In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged. Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella.
Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world. Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation.
It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places.
To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society.
Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.
Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries. The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections.
Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions.
When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans. Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society.
Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map. Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map. Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered. There is no exact proportion between the representation and the actual physical elements, but rather a road map that prefers to indicate the road system marked with stopping places and the most prominent towns, while neglecting geographic elements (represented only schematically). A second edition by Abraham Ortelius was published in Antwerp in 1598 as part of his Theatri Orbis Terrarum Parergon which contained eight of the twelve sections of the Table. Such dating is suggested by the three personifications placed on Rome, Constantinople (labeled Constantinoplis, not Byzantium) and Antioch; and it fits in well enough with biblical references on the map.
The second page, comprising Segments III and IV, shows Italy with surrounding islands and landforms bordering adjacent seas. In his will of 1508, the humanist Konrad Celtes of Vienna left to Konrad Peutinger (in whose hands it had been since the previous year) what he called Itinerarium Antonini. They suggest that, whether or not the term itinerarium pictum [painted itinerary] was in current use, it is a convenient phrase for this unique map.
But owing to the personification the city surround is formally shown as a circle, enlarged in proportion to the very narrow width of the Italian peninsula.
Nearby is a high column (rather than a lighthouse) surmounted by the statue of a warrior, presumably Constantine the Great. Apart from the personifications, cartographic signs include representations of harbors, altars, granaries, spas, and settlements. The most northerly place extant in Britain appears as Ad Taum; but it is very far removed from the river Tay.
On the Gulf of Naples, marked as being six Roman miles from Herculaneum and three miles each from Pompeii and Stabiae [Castellammare di Stabia], is shown a large building with the name Oplont[i]s.
The delta itself is shown in less compressed form from south to north than most parts of the Peutinger Map. A number of natural and cultural characteristics are also recorded, such as, rivers, mountains and forests, distances between nodes, public buildings, holy places, thermal baths, etc.
Despite its overall deformation, the distances, at least between the main cities, are defined with sufficient accuracy. The deformations of the coastline course and of the geo-shapes in Tabula makes today its reading unfamiliar and complicated for the non-experts, but the thematic information contained is considered of great significance, mostly for the depiction and the semantics of the ancient road net- works in late roman antiquity.
From that port, travelers crossed by sea to Dyrrachion and Apollonia and then on to Clodiana, passing various stations on the way around Lake Ohrid to the north, entering Macedonia toward Thessalonike. A number of natural characteristics are represented also in graphic form, for example, mountain ranges (Monte Taurus), rivers (fl. We have to note the absence of Alexandria which is represented with the use of a big lighthouse as symbol, but without a name, fact that is considered a copyista€™s error.
The first, exterior harbor that later was used only as space of reception of boats they were separated from the interior with a peninsula with the imperial Palatium, the theatre, the baths and the Forum. Petrum, close to Rome, a reference to the Basilica that was built in the Vatican hill (Mons Vaticanus), by Constantine the Great and his mother Helen in the place of Circus Neronianus, inaugurated in the 326 A.D. Third level cities are numerous and constitute the provincial capitals, followed by groups of settlements with military, commercial, administrative, religious and recreational functions (walled cities, commercial centers, public administrative buildings, temples, thermal installations), while at the bottom of the hierarchy belong the towns (mansio) and villages (mutatio). However, at the settlements level, we consider that the map represents symbolically, but with precision, the hierarchy of network, fact that is particularly useful for the study of regional and urban organization of late antiquity.
There is no exact proportion between the representation and the actual physical elements, but rather a road map that prefers to indicate the road system marked with stopping places and the most prominent towns, while neglecting geographic elements (represented only schematically).A  No copies of the original have survived but a copy of it, now in Vienna, was purportedly made in 1265 by a monk at Colmar who fortunately contented himself with adding a few scriptural names, and who seems to have omitted nothing important that appeared in the original. A number of natural and cultural characteristics are also recorded, such as, rivers, mountains and forests, distances between nodes, public buildings, holy places, thermal baths, etc.A  The digital copy of the Biblioteca Augustana emanates from 1888 Konrad Millera€™s publication. This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time. The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction.
After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on. The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy. The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art.
Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period. They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope. The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes. We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science. With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens.
Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period. Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret. The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration.
In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire. What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians.
Numerous other engraved reproductions were made until 1753 when it was finally reproduced in its entirety. The map does not conform to the rules of any projection, nor is it possible to apply a constant scale to determine distances from place to place; for these measurements we have to refer to the figures written in by the author.
In the extant map a north-south road tends to appear at only a slightly different angle from an east-west one, and distances are calculated not by the mapa€™s scale but by adding up the mileages of successive staging posts.
This was not justified as a title: it is indeed a road map, but not connected with the Antonine emperors and different from the Antonine Itineraries. The distances are normally recorded in Roman miles, but for Gaul they are in leagues, for Persian lands in parasangs, and for India evidently in Indian miles. The Via Triumphalis is indicated as leading to a church of Saint Peter; the words ad scm [sanctum] Petrum are given in large minuscules on the medieval copy. Antioch has a similar female personification, perhaps originating in a statue of the Tyche [fortune] of the city, together with arches of an aqueduct or possibly of a bridge. This name, however, really consists of the ends of [Ven]ta [Icenor]um (Caistor Saint Edmund, Norwich), and the only unusual feature is ad, which may have belonged to an adjacent name.
The distributaries of the Nile are shown to have many islands, three of them marked with temples of Serapis, three with temples of Isis, while the roads are somewhat discontinuous. The corpus of late antique cartography comprises two categories of sources: sources in written form (itineraria scripta) and depicted documents (itineraria picta). The map depicts the road network in the Roman Empire, almost 70,000 roman miles long which equals roughly 104,000 km of roads length and sea routes. This road was the continuation of the great military highway that began on the shores of the North Sea, ascended the valley of the Rhine, passed through Milan and Aquileia and then descended the valley of the Drava to cross the Sava River at Sirmium [Mitrovica]. It passed through Lychnidos and Herakleia Lynkestis (Bitola) and continued passing Lake Vegoritis and descending the upper valley of the Aliakmon to Pella. The interior harbor was delimited by the deposits of unloading of boats and a gallery (porticus), which were renovated by Constantine the Great.
The presence of Jerusalem in the map is of small importance, as the text next to her, that a€?first was called Jerusalem, but now Aelia Capitolinaa€?, makes reference to the emperor Adrian who gave this name to the city. Developing further the information it contains, scholars generally think that the Tabula Peutingeriana, despite the inaccuracy of the design, despite the fact that it does not obey to any type of projectional system, still constitutes an epitome of geographic knowledge of late antiquity, knowledge that is precious for the study of the historical geography of the Roman Empire. Historisch-geographischer AbriAY ihres mittelalterlichen Staates im A¶stlichen Mittelmeerraum (Byz. Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times.


He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing.
Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca. From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II. There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed. Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e. At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres].
And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world.
It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands.
On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. 90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition. The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography. Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history. However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century. The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C. Also the Table was not apparently designed for military use, but instead gives prominence to trading centers, mineral springs, places of pilgrimage, mountain chains (in profile) and in three great cities (Rome, Constantinople and Antioch) set three rulers, believed to represent the sons of Constantine enthroned as symbols of a tripartite empire. 330 as a new Rome on the site of Byzantium, Antioch was recognized as the important bastion against the Parthians.
A royal figure, probably a Pope, or perhaps an allegory of Christ the King is portrayed as representative of the city along with a building which resembles St. It was first published in 1591 by Markus Welser, a relative of the Peutingersa€™ and since 1618 n has generally been known as the Tabula Peutingeriana or translations of that phase. Nearby is the park of Daphne, dedicated to Apollo and other gods and famous for its natural beauty and as a leisure center. But since 1964 a large palace, which probably belonged to Neroa€™s empress PoppA¦a, has been excavated at Torre Annunziata, and it seems to authenticate the detail on the map.
On the Sinai desert we find the words desertum ubi quadraginta annis erraverunt filii Israelis ducente Moyse [the desert where the children of Israel who wandered for forty years guided by Moses], and there are other biblical references. The itineraria scripta, compiled in Latin, were works designed to provide assistance for travelers.
From there it crossed the Axios and the Echedoros (Gallikos) River before arriving at Thessalonica. With simpler representations are portrayed the passages between Europe and Asia, in present day Istanbul: Sycas in Europe), Chrisoppolis, in the Asiatic side (Figure 10). It becomes comprehensible that in the period of mapa€™s creation, Christianity, even if present, is not found in the center of interest, in the context of later roman empire.
Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem.
I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era.
The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making.
See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes. Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research. Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions. By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions. The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic.
Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction.
The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps. There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice.
With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century. It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration.
Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property.
But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere.
But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer. Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today. Put the suggestion that this fourth century archetype was based on a much earlier map would account for the inclusion of Herculaneum, Oplontis, and Pompeii, which had been destroyed in the eruption of Vesuvius in A.D. Peters Basilica (or the personage could be that of one of Constantinea€™s sons as previously mentioned). Even though the temple of Apollo was burned down in 362, there were many other temples, so that this is not necessarily a guide to the dating. The sign for a spa is an ideogram of a roughly square building with an internal courtyard, often with a gabled tower at each end of the near side.
Or again, a much earlier discovery near Aquileia in 1830 appears to correspond to an entry on the Peutinger Map.
There is also an area in central Asia labeled Hic Alexander responsum accepit usq[ue] quo Alexander [Here Alexander was given the oracular reply: a€?How far, Alexander?a€?].
They recorded a network of itineraries over a vast area and listed the cities and stations on the routes that crisscrossed the empire, together with the distances between them.
Then it followed the Lakes Koroneia and Volve before continuing to Apollonia and Amphipolis. The fact that Britannia, Spain and the western part of Africa are missing, leads scholars to suppose that part of the Tabula has been lost. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings.
Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars.
It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps. The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged. The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities.
Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society.
In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds.
Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts.
Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail. In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond. At the turn of the fifth - sixth centuries the world ocean was added and improvements were made to the seas; at about the same time, the influence of this map appears in a work by an anonymous cosmographer of Ravenna (#203), who made use of some new material recently added to his source.
Further south is the city of Naples drawn inland, next to it is a dark mound which might represent the buried cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Inexplicably the word tabula has been translated a€?tablea€? rather than a€?picturea€? or a€?mapa€? in popular usage.
There are fifty-two such buildings represented, of which twenty-eight are at places specifically called Aquae; in some other cases there is reason to think that a place so denoted had prominent baths.
A large bathing establishment, mentioned also by the elder Pliny, was discovered on the lower reaches of the river Isonzo. Perhaps these ample descriptions, whether Christian or pagan, were added on otherwise empty space about the fifth or sixth century A.D. The Itinerarium of Antoninus deals with the land and sea routes from western into Eastern Europe, from Gadeira (Cadiz, SW Spain) to Caesarea in Palestine and from the Crimea to Alexandria. After that it crossed the lower course of the Strymon River and the north slopes of Mount Pangaion on its way to Philippoi, after which it headed south toward the sea again, reaching it at Neapolis (Kavala).
Proceedings of the International Conference Held in Amman, 7-9 April 1997 (SBF Collectio Maior 40), Jerusalem 1999, p.
79 and not rebuilt, except for parts of Pompeii.A  It is also perhaps easier, on this supposition, to see why certain roads are omitted, such as the major routes through the Parthian empire mentioned in the Mansiones ParthicA¦ [Parthian Stations] of Isidorus of Charax.
The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature.
Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C. The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas. It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks. Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction. Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries].
Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example. Since the Ravenna cosmographer names a certain Castorius as the author of his source in connection with material also found in the Tabula Peutingeriana, it has been inferred by early historians that this was the makera€™s name for the original. Segments V and VI illustrate the eastern Mediterranean by prominently showing the Grecian archipelago and present-day Turkey and Crete. It is now time to call it the a€?Peutinger Mapa€? to avoid any misconception that the original image was somehow carved on a table or was like a statistical table. 365-66 all three personified cities were important, since the pretender Procopius had his seat of power in Constantinople, Valentinian I in Rome and his brother Valens in Antioch. There are also in the Peutinger Map places with cartographic signs for granaries, denoted as rectangular roofed buildings.
This is probably the place given the cartographic sign for a spa, with the words Fonte Timavi [spring of the river Timavus].
In several areas research is in progress combining fieldwork with study of the Peutinger Map and of the history of place-names.
It must have taken its final form between 280 and 290 and is thought to be based on the figures provided by the department responsible for the cursus publicus, the roman imperial road office. After Neapolis, the Via Egnatia headed northeast, through Akontisma (3 km from modern Nea Karvali) and turned inland to Topeiros, where the Nestos River was crossed.
Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias. The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar.
The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface. Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps.
Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries.
But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. The overall form of the Colmar edition, which is the basic form of the Tabula as it has reached us today, must have been fixed at this period, about A.D. The seventh Segment shows Cyprus, present-day Saudi Arabia, a large allegorical representation of the Holy City, and the area southeast to Mesopotamia. The alternative naming of the Peutinger Map as the a€?world map of Castoriusa€? has met with very little support. But in fact, although Valens set out for Antioch, he was diverted to fight Procopius and he cannot be correctly associated with the last-named city. Its fresh waters by the sea were regarded as an unusual phenomenon and obviously worth mapping. Then continued eastward along the coast to Traianopolis and through Heraclea arrived to Constantinople (Figure 3). To the political and economic incentives was now added the desire of the pilgrims of the new Christian world to travel east to the Holy Land.
The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs. Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date.
Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society. 500; although a few local corrections were made subsequently, for example, in the eighth and ninth centuries.
Variants of a two-gabled building were used to depict some settlements, but most were distinguished by no more than a name.
Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter.
The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface. The original roll at the time of its transcription in the early Middle Ages was of eleven sheets, but as such it was incomplete, since much of Britain, Spain, and the western part of North Africa were already missing at the time of copying; there may also have been an introductory sheet forming part of an earlier prototype version.
Attempts to differentiate between types of settlements on the map and to establish criteria for the attribution of signs have not been entirely successful.
It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities.
At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu. It was evidently not, as was once thought, the work of the Dominican monk Konrad of Colmar, who in 1265 quite independently produced a mappamundi that he says he copied onto twelve parchment pages; the paleography suggests an earlier date.
The second sheet of the Peutinger Map was treated as if it had been the first, with spellings of truncated names containing false initial capitals (for example, Ridumo for what was originally Moriduno). Hence a total of twelve sheets extant at the time of copying can be accounted for only by assuming that, when the copyist mentioned this number, he was including a title sheet.
It is interesting to see that, just as there is one personification in the West and two in the East, so two cities of the second rank, symbolically given walls, are in the West and four in the East. Important cities like Carthage, Ephesus, and Alexandria are not shown with a distinctive sign.



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