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Chicago Public School officials have announced school will be cancelled again Tuesday due to the extreme cold. This is the fourth day CPS has called off school for 400,000 students, and canceled after school and sporting activities.
The report, posted below, describes a complicated accounting maneuver in which the district rearranges revenue figures for previous years to create the appearance of an extra $600 million for the 2015 fiscal year, which began July 1, 2014. It also criticizes the district for building new schools and implementing new programs even as it cuts existing school budgets. The Civic Federation CANNOT support the Chicago Public Schools’ (CPS) proposed $6.8 billion budget for FY2015 because it represents a short-term, short-sighted plan in the midst of a grave and ongoing fiscal crisis.
The report recognizes that some of CPS’ financial pain has come from state government, but criticizes the district for using the state as a scapegoat. CPS has laid the blame for the District’s budgetary crisis at the feet of the State of Illinois, citing lack of reforms of the Chicago Teachers’ Pension Fund and inadequate funding through General State Aid.
Ultimately, the report says the tricks and spending of the 2015 budget will create a deficit of $1 billion for subsequent budget years. Resistance among public sector unions already had been building when Emanuel sent his bill to Springfield.
WANT THE LATEST AND GREATEST ON ILLINOIS NEWS, VIEWS, LISTS AND INFOGRAPHICS WITHOUT THE ADVERTISING? Forty years ago this year, civil rights activists launched the first large-scale fair housing campaign in the country.
To coincide with the anniversary of the Chicago movement, the Poverty and Race Research Action Council has prepared this interactive chronology examining the events of 1966 in detail. Chicago schools were severely overcrowded in the early sixties, and the problem was most pressing in poor black neighborhoods (see map of Chicago’s Black residential areas and schools).
When the SCLC joined with the CCCO to create the Chicago Freedom Movement, it insisted on an agenda much broader than the school desegregation campaign. In late July of 1965, the SCLC ran a five-city exploratory northern tour, designed to assess the reality of the urban racial situation and choose the site of the organization’s pilot northern campaign. In August 1965, riots erupted in Watts, an economically devastated black ghetto in Los Angeles, galvanizing King and the SCLC into rapid northern action.
On September 1st, 1965, King and his aide Andrew Young announced that the SCLC would launch its first full-scale northern initiative in Chicago.
From the earliest planning stages in August of 1965, the SCLC-CCCO alliance promised to be problematic.
Other participants in the campaign have observed that tensions between CCCO and SCLC staff were less significant than some historians have suggested – and that the more significant tension was between the “Agenda Committee,” headed by King and Raby and consisting of the leaders of the most active local organizations and the “Action Committee,” headed by Bevel and other seasoned practitioners of direct action. Beginning January 5th, King and SCLC representatives met with CCCO leaders in Chicago for a three-day series of meetings to codify the objectives of their joint initiative, dubbed the Chicago Freedom Movement. On February 11th, the Freedom Movement launched a Chicago chapter of Operation Breadbasket, an organization that worked with major employers to secure more positions for black workers. On February 23rd, 1966, three civil rights groups took control of a dilapidated west side slum building under King’s leadership. The highpoint of the Freedom Movement’s efforts at mass community organizing was the Freedom Festival. The Chicago Freedom Movement suffered from a lack of direction throughout the winter and spring of 1966. On June 6th, James Meredith was shot on the second day of his Walk Against Fear in Mississippi.
On July 10th, the Freedom Movement held a rally at Soldier’s Field, followed by a march to City Hall where King posted fourteen demands on the door in the manner of his namesake Martin Luther (see Chicago Tribune). As King turned to public demonstrations to secure fair housing in Chicago, a group of CHA residents led by Dorothy Gautreaux and represented by Chicago attorney Alexander Polikoff (then at the Illinois ACLU) filed the nation’s first major public housing desegregation lawsuit, Gautreaux v. On the evening of July 12th, well into a stifling Chicago heat wave, police attempted to shut down an open fire hydrant that west side youths were using to cool down. Mayor Daley called on Governor Otto Kerner (who would later be appointed by President Lyndon Johnson to head the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders) to mobilize the National Guard the morning of the 15th.
An unscheduled meeting between Daley and civil rights activists on the afternoon of the 15th found the mayor in a somewhat more compromising mood; he vowed to send sprinklers and inflatable pools to the slums immediately.
That evening, though lacking sleep as a result of the previous nights’ disturbances, King and his SCLC aides called a meeting of all the city’s major gang leaders. Despite the riots, a battle-plan for the movement’s direct action campaign gradually emerged in the days following the Soldier’s Field rally.
On August 5th, King set off at the helm of a second march through Marquette Park and into the Southwest Side. The participation of two groups of volunteers in the open-housing marches is particularly noteworthy, that of religious figures and gang members. The exemplary conduct of the many gang members who participated in the marches was also a little noted triumph of the Chicago movement. As the Freedom Movement gained momentum and pursued an increasingly ambitious schedule of demonstrations in hostile white neighborhoods over the next week, moderate white opinion turned drastically against the marches.
On August 12th the Chicago Conference on Religion and Race offered to sponsor a negotiating session the following week. In lieu of an immediate agreement, a steering committee was appointed to work out the details of an agreement over the next nine days, and the Freedom Movement vowed to continue demonstrating in the meantime (see Chicago Tribune).
Two days after the meeting, on August 19th, Mayor Daley surprised the civil rights leaders by securing an injunction severely limiting their ability to march – a move the activists considered a breach of good faith negotiations. The summit subcommittee continued to work on an agreement to present to the full summit conference, and as the promised march to Cicero approached the subcommittee’s work took on a note of urgency. Questions about the time frame for implementation of the city’s and real estate board’s fair-housing promises, coupled with continued anger over the protest injunction, threatened to stall the summit proceedings. Though the remarks of both the city and the Freedom Movement organizers were positive, blacks and whites alike responded negatively to the compromise (see Letters to the Chicago Tribune).
In late March of 1967 King and Young declared a second round of demonstrations in Chicago that would make those “of last summer appear mild.” Despite initial optimism, the August 1966 summit agreement had been followed by virtually no action on the part of the city or the real estate board. A sign of the agreement’s inefficacy was Daley’s rebounding popularity among middle class whites in Chicago.
Certainly the Chicago Freedom Movement did not succeed in its grandiose aim of “ending slums,” but the initiative was far from a complete failure. In 1969, the federal court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs in the Gautreaux case, finding that the housing authority and federal government practice of concentrating public housing units in segregated neighborhoods and preventing blacks from moving into white developments violated both the U.S.
One of the most important outcomes of the Summit agreement was the creation of the Leadership Council for Metropolitan Open Communities in 1966 – designated as the primary civilian oversight body in the agreement..
In 1968, the Kerner Commission, appointed by President Johnson to pinpoint the cause of the ghetto riots prevalent in the second half of the 1960’s, vindicated King by concluding that: “White society is deeply implicated in the ghetto.
The struggle for open housing begun by the Chicago Freedom Movement in 1966 is still very much in progress, in Chicago and across the country. We are also grateful to Bernie Kleina of the Hope Fair Housing Center in Wheaton, IL for sharing the photos he took at several rallies and marches in 1966.
Every morning, children who walk to school are familiar with the smiling, friendly faces and the outstretched arms of their local crossing guard who get them safely to class each day during the school year . At least some of the friendly faced school crossing guards are spending their summer vacation writing parking tickets to Chicago drivers on behalf of the city. It began as a pilot program last summer,  and  as a way to give crossing guards,  unable to get  one of the rare summer school crossing guard positions, a way to continue to bring in a paycheck when school was finished in June, according to Crossing Guard Coordinator John Maciezjewski, a retired police officer.
It’s symptomatic of how CPS has used accounting tricks to avoid addressing the reality of its finances. CPS is delaying the inevitable by not addressing this devastating financial reality and the FY2015 budget continues the District’s practice of myopic budgeting, with no contingency planning. Poor planning and bad financial decisions by CPS only exacerbated problems rooted in state government. There is no doubt that the State had a very significant role in creating the fiscal crisis faced by the District, both through failing over many years to appropriate enough in education funding to fund at the full foundation level and by passing legislation that allowed CPS to skip or short pension payments. An award-winning journalist, Dietrich is the former editorial page editor of the State Journal Register in Springfield.
The social problems targeted by civil rights groups in Chicago forty years ago – especially racially segregated housing and education, and the resulting inequality of opportunity – are still pressing problems. The struggle in Chicago gave new and sometimes detailed visibility to the color line in its metropolitan form, and its story can inform our understanding of racial issues today. For example, the Soldier’s Field Rally of 1964, keynoted by Martin Luther King, Jr., drew 57,000 Chicagoans on a rainy afternoon.

Students in these underprivileged areas were often forced to study in makeshift classrooms located in ill-equipped trailers; those black students that requested transfers to nearby, predominantly white, less crowded institutions were refused. Thirty people died before the situation was brought under control, and King felt compelled to travel to Los Angeles and do whatever he could to stop the violence. They emphasized plans to cooperate with the city’s existing civil rights groups, and praised CCCO highly. To begin with, the CCCO, composed of a conglomeration of civil rights groups with their own highly developed, often divergent, agendas and approaches, struggled to define itself and maintain its own tenuous unity.
To the dismay of some members of the CCCO (and the SCLC’s local field staff), the SCLC advocated abandoning the school desegregation campaign in favor of a broader initiative against “slums,” the strategy for which was only vaguely articulated. Despite a strong record of success, the four-year-old program, which King had hoped to expand nationwide, had only one chapter, in Atlanta. The activists announced they would collect the tenants’ rent, totaling $400 a month, and use it to pay for necessary repairs to the building. Held on March 12th, 1966, this Saturday night concert featured Harry Belafonte, Mahalia Jackson, Dick Gregory, and of course, King. The subject of the movement’s long-anticipated direct action phase remained undecided almost right up until the opening of the campaign at the beginning of July. King, delaying the start of direct action in Chicago, flew immediately to Meredith’s side and with other civil rights leaders pledged to continue his march.
The meeting was extremely unproductive, with Daley countering all demands by insisting that existing city programs, when expanded, would be adequate (see Chicago Tribune). Opening hydrants and playing in spray was a time honored Chicago tradition, and ghetto-residents felt (probably correctly) that they alone were being held to the letter of the law. Initially somewhat surprised to realize that the cost of housing in several all-white areas in Chicago was extremely low – within reach of many ghetto-dwellers – Freedom Movement organizers began sending black and white couples to seek service in real estate offices in Gage Park, a working-class and middle-class white neighborhood on the Southwest Side.
Participating clergy, often white, faced the greatest amount of abuse in white communities, whether rabbis, nuns, priests, or ministers.
From the start of the CCCO-SCLC collaboration, both organizations agreed that more community involvement was necessary – they could not simply work on behalf of “the ghetto” without the support of its residents. An August 4th announcement that the Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) would begin posting guards in its notorious high rise public housing buildings, and make other changes desired by the King camp, reflected the mayor’s new conciliatory mood. By the end of the first session, the civil rights leaders recognized a major flaw in their negotiating strategy, one which ultimately guaranteed unsatisfactory results.
King, in response to Daley’s action, pledged to adhere to the injunction, but responded with a plan to march through Cicero.
On the 22nd, King led a tense march through the Southeast Side, and though rainy weather and a strong police presence prevented an outbreak of violence, few in Chicago felt the relative calm could last (see Chicago Tribune). These tensions were ultimately smoothed over by promises of a civilian oversight body and a separate set of negotiations over the injunction. King called it “a marvelous agreement on paper” that had netted few tangible gains for the black community. Directly after the signing of the summit agreement it appeared that the mayor had lost the support of the districts that were the focus of open-housing marches in the summer of 1966. It succeeded in dramatizing the plight of black inner-city residents, and it proved that nonviolent direct action could be successfully adapted to the northern urban setting. Gautreaux (involving the scope of the remedy in the case), that HUD could be required to offer plaintiff families a form of metropolitan-wide relief using housing vouchers, and what became perhaps the most important part of the Gautreaux remedy followed.
The Leadership Council (LCMOC) became the leading fair housing organization in Chicago and a national leader of the open housing movement. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr (New York : Intellectual Properties Management in association with Warner Books, 1998). This year it’s been rolled out city wide to give summer employment opportunities to the over 1,100 crossing guards working for the city. CPD posted at expressway on ramps to block traffic to allow motorcade to come in from O'Hare. The budget is balanced only by an accounting gimmick that allows CPS to book more than twelve months of revenue into a single fiscal year. However, the District bears the ultimate responsibility for its own fiscal crisis because it has a duty to plan for the long-term impacts of the budget decisions it makes annually. Protest in the south had led to the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, addressing some of the worst racial injustices.
Understanding the root of these problems, and the obstacles faced by organizers in Chicago, is essential to formulating effective solutions today. Of course, the desirability, viability, and effectiveness of the goals of that movement – school desegregation and open housing – and of its strategies – boycotts and marches – are now questioned. The city was home to the north’s largest and most effective grassroots civil rights organization, an umbrella group called the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations (CCCO). Encouraged by repeated invitations to visit from the CCCO, King made Chicago – along with Philadelphia, New York, Cleveland, and Washington, D.C. Confronted with the physical destruction of Watts and shaken by the anti-white venom of the ghetto’s residents, King began to see the subtle racism that perpetuated the injustice of the northern ghetto as a civil rights issue of immediate importance.
The SCLC they claimed would begin by taking up the mantle of school desegregation, an issue that CCCO had been pushing all summer. Critics contended that the CCCO was too far removed from the black masses, and the SCLC vision of a “nonviolent army” in Chicago, composed of a million individuals, underscored the need for community outreach. The resulting thirteen-page document stated that, “The Chicago problem is simply a matter of economic exploitation . Jesse Jackson worked with Chicago clergy and the SCLC to generate support for a Chicago branch of Breadbasket, and he assumed leadership of the new Chicago chapter. In response to a reporter asking whether he thought this action was legal, King said, “I won’t say that it is illegal, but I would call it supra-legal. The event raised over $100,000 for the movement and a racially diverse crowd of 12,000 packed Chicago’s International Amphitheater.
The persuasive voice of William Moyer, a housing expert with the American Friends Service Committee who had spent years documenting the extent of housing discrimination in Chicago, was instrumental in the Freedom Movement’s decision to focus on open housing. What should have been a show of movement unity quickly deteriorated, and soon differences between the rights leaders could no longer be hidden from the public. Daley told reporters that the civil rights leaders had no constructive program: “We asked them, ‘What would you do that we haven’t done? As police tried to turn off the water and residents continued to turn it back on a fight broke out, arrests were made, and the crowd that had gathered to watch the disturbance began throwing bricks and breaking store windows.
Though Daley stated, “I think you cannot charge [the violence] directly to Martin Luther King,” he clearly implicated the SCLC, claiming that James Bevel, SCLC’s director of direct action, and his staff had “been talking for the last year of violence, and showing pictures and instructing people in how to conduct violence.” They were, according to the mayor, responsible in “great measure” for the outbreak of violence. A representative of the Catholic Interracial Council went so far as to suggest in the meeting on the 16th that whites retire from visible leadership positions and embrace a behind the scenes, organizational, role. The black testers quickly documented a strong pattern of racial discrimination, with many realtors refusing to serve them outright, and a concrete strategy for the movement’s direct action campaign materialized. Many spiritual leaders had long been involved in civil rights advocacy in Chicago, and the appointment of Archbishop Cody, who had a strong record of civil rights support, to the city reflected the relative liberality of Chicago’s religious establishment.
SCLC members led in the outreach program, attempting, in the face of widespread criticism, to recruit members of the city’s most notorious gangs to the nonviolent movement. In the face of the violent white response, the Chicago Freedom Movement seemed finally to become a promising force for change. Though the Freedom campaign had outlined a comprehensive set of demands for change at the start of the summer, the list of demands the civil rights activists had hurriedly prepared for the August 17 meeting was far too limited, lacking firm deadlines for goals such as neighborhood integration.
The set date for the second summit conference was Friday, August 26, just two days before the scheduled Cicero demonstration, which would almost certainly lead to a violent white response worse than any the city had yet seen. White residents of the Northwest Side picketed City Hall with signs proclaiming: “Daley Sold Out Chicago,” “Daley Forgot His Taxpayers,” and “Summit Another Munich?” The general sentiment in the black community was that the movement had sold out to the white power structure. The plans King outlined for a second summer of protest in Chicago were ambitious, but they never got off the ground. Reassured by the city’s weak implementation, however, these areas overwhelmingly re-elected Daley in 1967. Bernard Lafayette, one of the Freedom Movement’s Chicago-based leaders, summed up the unarguable accomplishments of the campaign in the winter of 1966: it proved that, “large numbers of people in a northern city can be mobilized for nonviolent direct action in the face of mass violence . The 1969 decision demanded of CHA and HUD many of the changes sought three years earlier, at the time of the lawsuit’s filing, by the Freedom Movement.
In light of declining enrollment and reduced federal and state funding, the District could have chosen to hold its budget flat, increasing only non-discretionary spending for pensions and contractual obligations, while it worked to create further cost savings and identify potential recurring funding streams for new programming. Partial pension contribution holidays provided temporary budget relief for CPS but did nothing to address the growing pension problem.

But the principles and tactics of that movement were controversial in their own time, and any thoughtful judgment about their relevance – then or now – will take account of these events in Chicago. Headed by Al Raby, the CCCO had been increasingly active in the years leading up to 1966, spearheading a major effort to remove school superintendent Benjamin Willis. Watts played a crucial role in turning King’s attention to the environmental factors, the poverty, racial isolation, and poor housing that plagued the ghetto and led to violence. King and Young made clear that Chicago appealed to the SCLC because of the complicated nature of its problems. Breadbasket was unique in that it commanded the widespread and active support of black religious leaders who were often wary of committing themselves to the leadership of the Freedom Movement.
The moral question is far more important than the legal one.” Immediately after making this statement, King and his followers began cleaning up the debris in the building (see Chicago Tribune). King called on Chicagoans to take part in a nonviolent campaign of direct action starting in the spring, and the mood within the movement following the festival was buoyant. Bevel, the SCLC’s head of direct action, recognized that open housing was not the most pressing issue facing the black ghetto-dweller, but it promised to be a rallying point, an opportunity for him to “stand up and be a man, to declare that he was a human being and would henceforth expect to be treated as one.” That an open housing campaign also seemed most likely, of all the options considered, to produce the kind of dramatic confrontation that drew volunteers also contributed to its selection.
Stokely Carmichael, head of SNCC and Floyd McKissick, head of CORE, flaunted the new militancy of their organizations.
Though King rushed to get those arrested released and tried to calm the crowd, he was unable to hold his audience. This was a flat denial of Bevel’s and LaFayette’s, another of the Freedom Movement’s field leaders, longstanding commitment to nonviolence.
Gang members who participated in the open housing marches of the coming weeks behaved impeccably, even in the face of white violence. However in the final analysis, key white members of the coalition – like the CIC and the AFSC – gave their full support to the Chicago Freedom Movement.
First, tester visits to realtors in white communities, followed by protests and prayer vigils outside recalcitrant realtors offices and marches into the neighborhoods in question. When the 500-plus marchers returned to Marquette Park, however, they found 4,000 angry whites waiting. Many Southwest Side residents felt betrayed by their religious leaders, and they consequently drew the worst mob anger during the marches. These efforts prompted Mayor Daley to claim, incorrectly, in the aftermath of the riots that the SCLC had trained ghetto residents for violence. Everyone at the negotiating table, except the Freedom Movement contingent, sought an immediate end to the marches. Daley and the conference mediator were determined to hold the Freedom Movement to the overly vague requests it presented at the summit meeting.
The Chicago Defender, in a feature entitled "Good Will (A Little) Found in White Area,” responded more circumspectly, focusing on both the potential for change and the huge hurdles that still remained. Despite his strong statements, King and the SCLC recognized that the atmosphere in Chicago was not ripe for another campaign.
With considerable difficulty and despite continuing litigation, a small scattered site public housing program was begun and provided integrated housing opportunities to some plaintiff families. Instead, the District has chosen to grow an already massive cost structure by increasing discretionary spending on new programs and new schools, while simultaneously cutting existing programs and existing school budgets. On the contrary, skipping the payments only deepened the very serious pension situation by depriving the pension fund of badly needed contributions for three years. Superintendent Willis, a well-intentioned but highly traditional educator, had earned the ire of the black community by refusing to take any initiative to desegregate the city’s schools.
His reception in Chicago was warmest, a strong mark in its favor when the SCLC prepared to choose a northern location.
The Freedom Movement, with its stated goal of ending slums, would embody this shift in his focus. A close colleague of Jackson stated that, “The introduction of Breadbasket into Chicago was at first something of a concession to several ministers who agreed with the overall goals of the movement, but who wanted to pursue a program under their own supervision rather than merge into the mass actions.” The program proved extremely capable at getting blacks more jobs from key Chicago industries, and represents both one of the smoothest collaborations between local and SCLC leaders, and one of the indisputable successes of the 1966 movement. Civil rights staffers, hoping to expose an archetypal greedy slumlord through their action, were disappointed to learn that the owner of the building was a poor, ailing 83-year old man with no other source of income.
Moderate leaders Roy Wilkins (NAACP) and Whitney Young (National Urban League) clashed with Carmichael and refused to endorse the march – though Young eventually did. Other members of the Daley camp went so far as to accuse King himself of inciting the riots. In the open housing marches, Gang members often had positions of great responsibility, directing groups of less hardened marches and shielding them from the worst crowd violence. Observers waited nervously to see if the Cicero march would go on as planned (see Chicago Defender). Though King concluded by warning that, “If these agreements aren’t carried out, Chicago hasn’t seen a demonstration,” this did little to reassure blacks in the absence of concrete deadlines for change. The SCLC’s relationship with Chicago-based rights organizations had soured, and ghetto residents had little interest in another nonviolent campaign.
Turf battles with other rights leaders prevented King from stopping in New York as planned and nearly forced him to skip his visit to Philadelphia. King’s experiences in Watts strengthened his resolve to launch a full-scale nonviolent initiative in a northern urban center.
This economic exploitation is crystallized in the SLUM,” which was “a system of internal colonialism.” The Chicago fight would be a broad one, against the institutions that perpetuated the ghetto.
The Chicago Press roundly denounced King’s action, and the county welfare department stated it would withhold rents from the building’s welfare recipients.
The disturbances caused 2 million dollars of property damage in an already dilapidated area, left 2 people dead, and 400 in jail. A stung King replied that, “The best remedy we have to offer from riots is to press our nonviolent program even more vigorously” (see Chicago Tribune). King declared after the march that he had “never seen as much hatred and hostility on the part of so many people.” Plans for marches through other hostile all-white areas were announced, including a possible demonstration in the town of Cicero, notorious for its violent resistance to integration. Though certainly accustomed to responding to insults and physical provocation in kind, gang members, at least for the duration of each march, admirably upheld the movement’s nonviolent creed. The president of the Chicago Mortgage Bankers Association pledged to end race discrimination in loans.
Some activists were so dismayed that they joined a march through Cicero in early September 1966 led by Robert Lucas of Chicago CORE.
At the end of May, the SCLC announced plans for a major rights drive in Cleveland over the summer, as well as efforts in Atlanta, Grenada, and Chicago. Raby and the CCCO began to actively recruit the SCLC, hoping its presence would revitalize the school desegregation movement and force Daley to the bargaining table. The event did serve to shed light on the deplorable conditions of many of the city’s slum buildings, upon examining the commandeered building, the city of Chicago charged its owner with 23 building code violations. There was no longer any illusion of a unified civil rights movement, and King realized that he – and nonviolence – needed a victory. They could cite compelling evidence: of the 10,300 public housing units built by the CHA between 1954 and 1967, only 63 were built outside of segregated ghetto neighborhoods.
Because Freedom Movement organizers chose target neighborhoods largely on the basis of housing costs – below or equal to those in the ghetto – the communities facing marches were for the most part working class white neighborhoods that still valued their ethnic identity, and whose residents had put all of their savings into their homes and could not afford to move (it is important to note, however, that the organizers of the open housing campaign avoided communities that were directly on the edge of black communities, to avoid panic selling). The mayor and the head of the Chicago Housing Authority made vaguer, less reassuring promises in the areas of fair-housing ordinance enforcement and public housing construction in non-ghetto areas. Just a little over a week later, the city announced a massive code enforcement program of door to door inspections, designed to force tenement owners of 15,000 buildings in three west side communities to bring their structures up to code building (see Chicago Tribune). The District Court’s decision would not come until three years later, well after the end of the Freedom Movement, but the results of the filing were to be hugely significant to public housing policy in Chicago and around the country (see Epilogue).
Only the realtors had made no effort at compromise, and when they indicated they did not intend to, Daley, with the vocal support of the summit chairman Ben Heineman, recessed the meeting and ordered them to respond to the movement’s demands.
If they didn’t come, you closed down.” One after another as spring faded into summer, Chicago civil rights leaders threw their support to an open housing campaign.
Still, the Daley camp and the conference chairman, touted the realtors’ statement as a major concession and called on the civil rights groups to end the marches (see Chicago Defender).

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