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Published : 24.12.2013 | Author : admin | Categories : Online Psychic Reading Free
Peter Coffee, VP for Strategic Research at Salesforce, tracks the evolution of analytics, from horoscope to hands-on.
I once heard an enterprise CIO say that at his company, no project was allowed to be named for the technology that it deployed – but only for the business goal that it achieved.
I like that rule, because the name of a project often implies the definition of its success. There are any number of reasons to invest in analytics: cost reduction, sales effectiveness, quality improvement, customer retention, regulatory compliance…the list could go on at great length.
An ancient cartoon shows a suited-and-tied executive at his desk, ordering an assistant: “It does data processing, word processing and list processing.
Historically, the place to find things to analyze has been in the stacks of traditional by-products of doing business: in the accounting ledgers, the production records, the (increasingly automated) archival processes that once spewed forth multi-inch-thick stacks of pajama paper. All too often, these reports bubbled up from the data-producing activity, rather than being drilled down from the decision-supporting question. This was the stage of analytics that we might call its History period, and many well-capitalized companies are still making money selling the tools of this kind of information archeology: better telescopes for looking more deeply into the rear-view mirror.
Tools like the spreadsheet made it terrifyingly easy to goal-seek an outcome and determine what inputs would produce it, ignoring the resulting slide of every assumption toward the optimistic end of its “reasonable estimate” range. We might call this the Horoscope period of business analytics, when adding complexity enabled people to fine-tune data in ways that made it seem to say whatever they wanted to believe.
A hallmark of the Horoscope period was the time lag involved in asking follow-up questions. What’s needed, clearly, is a move toward mega-scale mobile agility in the second-question, third-question, fourth-question mode of exploration and insight: a growing necessity, in the face of floods of dynamic and irregular data bursting forth from a connected world.
What will not work is a brute-force approach to squeezing old models of analysis into new channels and onto new devices. Replacing the mathematics of database query with the mathematics of indexed search, in particular, can bring the same once-astonishing scalability to data sets that Google was once remarkable for bringing to Web pages. Once an insight emerges, how quickly can it be reality-checked against multiple independent sources?
Not mere statement of facts, but answering of questions—and guidance of prompt and competitively differentiating actions—are the charge that must be given to anything that wants to be called next-generation business analytics.
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The rampant bias in favor of the ruling Congress Party hasn’t changed at all in many decades, writes a frustrated Partha Banerjee. Over the past few weeks, I’ve been watching the Indian parliamentary election coverage on the big media, both here in the U.S. If Nehru did it by default, Indira Gandhi did it by her violent exercise of power never to be questioned by media. Even for someone like me who was deeply involved with political activism, it came as a shock that Indira put veteran leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan, Atal Behari Vajpayee, L.
Notable was the fact that the Indian big media never really opposed such autocratic measures. It is important to remember the stained history of India’s ruling class, particularly the Congress Party, because the younger generation does not know it, again, thanks to selective coverage and distortions of history.
Today, India has witnessed an explosive growth of privatized media corporations: their national and local channels as well as print and online publications have mushroomed across the country. In this backdrop, the role of the government as well as private media such as ZeeTV, NDTV, Star-Anand, CNN-IBN, Times of India, along with their many local and regional offshoots, especially their predisposition to show extreme bias for parties and candidates of their choice, is particularly ominous for democracy. Sadly, even now during the election times, voters can find nearly no reporting of the fact that a vast majority of Indians still have no access to health care, education, drinking water or electricity. We don’t hear about the destruction of the Indian environment and massive pollution and energy crisis.


It’s not that Indian opposition parties are telling the truth about the state of affairs either; if anything, the big opposition parties’ hands are also quite dirty.
The only ray of hope is that poor Indians, if they decide to vote, will vote based on their real-life experience, and not so much because of the incessant pressures from the media, political mafia, village panchayats, town strongmen or family bosses. Not ruling out taking its support again to form the government at the centre after the Lok Sabha elections, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee has said that the ‘Fourth Front’ comprising SP, LJP and RJD would split secular votes.
When asked to comment on reports that in the post-poll situation, the Congress might take their support, he said, “I do not know. So, according to mighty Mukherjee-saab, democracy is only a game of numbers; it’s not about real people and their real lives or real problems.
Recently, I had the opportunity to watch an NDTV “Town Hall” where well-known journalist Barkha Dutt brought in personalities from various parties to talk about terrorism, economics, etc — things that matter to the electorate. The biggest irony to me is that a pro-Hindu upper caste, feudal, oppressive system is vindicated in India, and that too, in the name of a Western, liberal democracy. Everybody can make a difference, writes Bilaal Rajan, 12, who to date has raised over $5,000,000 to support the less privileged. Syeda Rizwana Hasan’s legal battle to reduce the impact of Bangladesh’s hazardous ship breaking industry has won her the 2009 Goldman Prize for the Asia region. This file contains additional information, probably added from the digital camera or scanner used to create or digitize it.
If the file has been modified from its original state, some details may not fully reflect the modified file. Workers from the 19th- century Turkish excavation team studying the West Terrace dexiosis reliefs; photograph from Hamdy Bey and Effendi 1883. Merely installing a new piece of kit in the data center should not be cause for medals and champagne, unless there’s tangible and significant benefit to the business that’s paying the bill. As in the worst old days, however, of massive investment in “data processing” or “management information systems” or even today’s “information technology,” the sheer cost and complexity and skills-intensiveness of legacy analytics have often led to confusing the means with the end. Distinguished and colorful industry observer Stan Kelly-Bootle wrote in 1995, “The PC soon blossomed as the Uzi of creative corporate accounting.
Whether by accident or intention, a selective presentation—frozen in the form of a chart or a report—creates a momentum that has been shown to have literally explosive consequences in incidents such as the Columbia disaster. Distributing the hard work of interactive visualization to use growing mobile-device processing power will be another key lever to move new data mountains. Our social and mobile cloud technologies — including our flagship sales and CRM applications — help companies connect with customers, partners, and employees in entirely new ways. Sonia’s husband, Rajiv, was also prime minister, Sonia is today leader of the Congress Party, and Rahul is being groomed to be a future prime minister. It’s more frustrating that over the years — since my own political days in India — it hasn’t changed at all. When her Garibi Hatao (get rid of poverty) slogan miserably failed in the first half of the 1970s and people on the street began mocking it as Garib Hatao (get rid of the poor), and when even sane Congress activists started revolting against Indira’s extreme nepotism to bring her younger, wayward son Sanjay into the national limelight, and especially when the poor started organizing against the out-of-control poverty, inflation and state repression, a royal lifestyle and cult worshipping (the most famous was then Congress president Devkant Barua’s “Indira is India” catch phrase), the first and only woman India prime minister exercised illegal power, clamped down on the opposition with a 1975 emergency rule to void the Allahabad High Court ruling against her election victory, amended the constitution, imprisoned thousands of opposition party activists including most of the leaders, and put blanket censorship on the press. A handful of journalists such as Barun Sengupta, Gaur Kishore Ghosh and Jyotirmoy Datta of Kolkata protested; they were promptly arrested and put behind bars.
Contrary to the much-touted American media doctrine of a fair and objective reporting — a doctrine they always preach but seldom practice — the new Indian media have resorted to an unrestricted, one-sided coverage of the Congress Party and its leaders. Despite money and muscle, a poll suggests neither the Congress nor the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party is expected to win more than a quarter of parliamentary seats. One wouldn’t know that in India, a world-record number of farmers committed suicide because of economic desperation and multinational companies’ forced seed-bank replacements. We don’t hear about the extreme lack of women’s rights (Sure, we now have more fashion shows and jewelry models on the catwalk!).
But then, in a much-glorified model of Western democracy India has followed so keenly, what’s the layperson’s alternative?


Even though she did a commendable job to put on her show a diverse array of politicians, in reality, it was skewed coverage in favor of the so-called secular state a la Congress Party where religion and spirituality does not seem to count, and also in favor of the “modern India way” where Pakistan in particular is the accepted enemy, where no questions can be asked about the political machinations of India governments around Pakistan (and which power kept supporting Pakistan’s military governments with money and arms). Of course, being in New York, my source of Indian papers and television is primarily through online search, and secondarily through frequent email and phone conversations with family and friends in Kolkata, Delhi and Mumbai. Back then, in the ’70’s and ’80s, it was a Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin-like favoritism for Indira Gandhi and then Rajiv Gandhi, both of whom were made “people’s leaders” practically overnight by upper-class establishments. During the post-1947 days, especially after the Mahatma Gandhi assassination, Nehru became larger than life; just like Congress with its pair of bullocks became a household symbol. Advani, Raj Narain (Indira’s personal nemesis in Rai Bareilly), George Fernandes, in a word, the top brass of Indian politics in jail, indefinitely, on charges of “anti-India activities.” She passed some emergency legislation in an opposition-free parliament — laws that we can easily compare with today’s TADA or POTA of India or the Patriot Act of the George W.
Globalized and Americanized private media wield an unprecedented influence on Indian people and electorate, especially the younger generation. Any half-hour news segment, interspersed between relentless cricket matches or Bollywood stars’ imbecile shows, find headlines and wrap-ups featuring a feeble and visibly energy-less Manmohan Singh, a lackluster, unemotional Hindi speech of Sonia Gandhi, or meaningless, elitist rhetoric of Rahul or Priyanka Gandhi (again, eerily reminding us about their father), and that too, usually about the so-called rise of India as the “next superpower” in the world stage. By reading or listening to media’s interpretations, one would think India is now as equally and equitably prosperous as Japan, Korea or China. They must know the truth, and media is perhaps the only place where an average, apolitical voter can get it. And that is why the Indian media’s suppression of truth and complicity in spreading the ruling class’s rampant lies are even more worrisome. Banerjee’s book In the Belly of the Beast is a chronicle of his many years of political activism. How rapidly can the insight be transformed to action to secure a competitive advantage or avoid a misstep? I presume though, in this day and age, that’s more than sufficient; you don’t have to be physically there.
In the 90s and now in the first decade of 2000, the same happy fate has befallen Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh, and following tradition, Rahul Gandhi. Nehru’s out-of-touch, elitist rule characterized with toppling democratically elected governments in various parts of India never got the rightful media exposure or censure. We don’t know that police brutality and abuses on social and religious minorities are abysmal.
In their election coverage today, opposition parties find minimal amount of time and importance. Also, wasn’t it time to find the reasons why there’s a fourth front mostly of disillusioned ex-Congressis? We do the democracy exercise every five years spending stupendous amount of money we can’t even afford. The media-supported rise of Rahul Gandhi as the next potential prime minister of India is eerily similar to the rise of Rajiv and his brother Sanjay, for those who remember the tumultuous days. We’re never told that international organizations have called India one of the worst countries in terms of protecting human rights and promoting equality.
Third parties and especially those who have mass support to boycott elections are not given any time at all. Why is it that pre-poll surveys suggest that neither the Congress nor BJP is going to get more than a fourth of the total number of parliamentary seats, in spite of their big money and muscle power? We’re not reminded that India has seen a massive number of communal riots, big and small, in recent years: not just in Gujarat, Ayodhya or Mumbai.



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