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July 13, 2015 by Kevin Griffith 2 Comments The Manhattan Regional Airport Advisory Board met Monday morning and received an update on the terminal expansion project. Jesse Romo, Airport Director explained that he wish he had better news to share with the board.
He further explained that one of the major issues with starting phase two has to do with apron lighting. Romo said that if an airport brings in some temporary lighting they still need to file a report with the FAA and do an airspace analysis and the timing of it is an issue now.
While they continue to work through the issues Romo remains hopeful that construction of phase two will begin within the next month.
In the decades after the American Civil War, the United States exerted itself in the service of American interests around the world. But as the United States asserted itself abroad, it received ever more numbers of foreign peoples at home. American interventions in Mexico, China, and the Middle East reflected a new eagerness of the United States to intervene in foreign governments to protect American economic interests abroad. The United States was not only ready to intervene in foreign affairs to preserve foreign markets, it was willing to take territory.
American capitalists invested enormous sums of money in Mexico during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, during the long reign of the corrupt yet stable regime of the modernization-hungry president Porfirio Diaz. When Mexican forces mistakenly arrested American sailors in the port city of Tampico in April 1914, Wilson saw the opportunity to apply additional pressure on Huerta. The United States’ actions during the Mexican Revolution reflected longstanding American policy that justified interventionist actions in Latin American politics because of their potential bearing on the United States: on citizens, on shared territorial borders, and perhaps most significantly, on economic investments. Uncle Sam, loaded with implements of modern civilization, uses the Philippines as a stepping-stone to get across the Pacific to China (represented by a small man with open arms), who excitedly awaits Sam’s arrival. Although the United States had a long history of international economic, military, and cultural engagement that stretched back deep into the eighteenth century, the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (1898-1902) marked a crucial turning point in American interventions abroad. In 1898, Americans began in earnest to turn their attention southward to problems plaguing their neighbor Cuba.
Secretary of State John Hay memorably referred to the conflict as a “splendid little war,” and at the time it certainly appeared that way. A propagandistic image, this political cartoon shows a before and after: the Spanish colonies before intervention by America and those same former colonies after. But the question of whether the United States should become an empire was sharply debated across the nation in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and the acquisition of Hawaii in July 1898. The Phillippines were an afterthought of the Spanish-American War, but, when the smoke cleared, the United States found itself in possession of a key foothold in the Pacific. As debates about American imperialism continued against the backdrop of an upcoming presidential election, tensions in the Philippines escalated. The Philippine Insurrection, or the Philippine-American War, was a brutal conflict of occupation and insurgency. Amidst fighting to secure the Philippine Islands, the federal government sent two Philippine Commissions to assess the situation in the islands and make recommendations for a civilian colonial government. Debates about American imperialism dominated headlines and tapped into core ideas about American identity and the proper role of the United States in the larger world. Tailor President McKinley measures an obese Uncle Sam for larger clothing, while Anti-Expansionists like Joseph Pulitzer unsuccessfully offer Sam a weight-loss elixir.
Under the leadership of President Theodore Roosevelt, the United States emerged from the nineteenth century with ambitious designs on global power through military might, territorial expansion, and economic influence.
In return for Roosevelt’s support of the Republican nominee, William McKinley, in the 1896 presidential election, McKinley appointed Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Teddy Roosevelt, a politician turned soldier, gained fame (and perhaps infamy) after he and his “Rough Riders” took San Juan Hill.
Roosevelt, after winning headlines in the war, ran as Vice President under McKinley and rose to the presidency after McKinley’s assassination by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz in 1901. Roosevelt’s policy justified numerous and repeated police actions in “dysfunctional” Caribbean and Latin American countries by U.S. Dollar diplomacy offered a less costly method of empire and avoided the troubles of military occupation. Creditors could not force settlements of loans until they successfully lobbied their own governments to get involved and forcibly collect debts. The Monroe Doctrine provided the Roosevelt administration with a diplomatic and international legal tradition through which it could assert a U.S. Though aggressive and bellicose, Roosevelt did not necessarily advocate expansion by military force. With great self-assurance of how she looks in her new hat, Columbia puts on her “Easter Bonnet” shaped as a warship labelled “World Power.” By 1901, when this political cartoon was published, Americans were feeling rather confident in their position as a world leader. Debates over American imperialism revolved around more than just politics and economics and national self-interest. In the fall of 1903, Margaret McLeod, age twenty-one, originally of Boston, found herself in Australia on family business and in need of income.
When commentators, such as Theodore Roosevelt in his speech on “the strenuous life,” spoke about America’s overseas ventures, they generally gave the impression that this was a strictly masculine enterprise—the work of soldiers, sailors, government officials, explorers, businessmen, and scientists. Moreover, the rhetoric of civilization that underlay imperialism was itself a highly gendered concept.
It is also important to note that civilization, while often cloaked in the language of morality and Christianity, was very much an economic concept. In some ways, women’s work in support of imperialism can be seen as an extension of the kind of activities many of them were already engaged in among working-class, immigrant, and Native American communities in the United States. For Americans at the turn of the century, imperialism and immigration were two sides of the same coin. The most important factor drawing immigrants to the United States between 1880 and 1920 was the maturation of American capitalism into large industrial complexes producing goods such as steel, textiles, and food products, replacing smaller and more local workshops. New immigrant groups formed vibrant societies and organizations to ease the transition to their new home. Although the growing United States economy needed large numbers of immigrant workers for its factories and mills, many Americans reacted negatively to the arrival of so many immigrants. Nativist sentiment intensified in the late nineteenth century as immigrants streamed into American cities to fuel the factory boom.
In September 1876, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, a member of the Massachusetts Board of State Charities, gave an address in support of the introduction of regulatory federal immigration legislation at an interstate conference of charity officials in Saratoga, New York. Sanborn’s address was aimed at restricting only the immigration of paupers from Europe to the East Coast, but the idea of immigration restrictions were common across the United States in the late nineteenth century, when many variously feared that the influx of foreigners would undermine the racial, economic, and moral integrity of American society. The first move for federal immigration control came from California, where racial hostility toward Chinese immigrants had mounted since the mid-nineteenth century.
The idea of America as a “melting pot,” a metaphor common in today’s parlance, was a way of arguing for the ethnic assimilation of all immigrants into a nebulous “American” identity at the turn of the 20th century. On the other side of the country, Atlantic seaboard states also facilitated the formation of federal immigration policy. Many immigration critics were responding the shifting demographics of American immigration.
The assault against immigrants’ Catholicism provides an excellent example of the challenges immigrant groups faced in the United States. Externally, the Church and its members remained an “outsider” religion in a nation that continued to see itself as culturally and religiously Protestant.
Internally, Catholics in America faced the question every immigrant group has had to answer: to what extent should they become more like native-born Americans? The American encounter with Catholicism—and Catholicism’s encounter with America—testified to the tense relationship between native-born and foreign-born Americans, and to the larger ideas Americans used to situate themselves in a larger world, a world of empire and immigrants. While American imperialism flared most brightly for a relatively brief time at the turn of the century, new imperial patterns repeated old practices and lived on into the twentieth century. This chapter was edited by Ellen Adams and Amy Kohout, with content contributions by Ellen Adams, Alvita Akiboh, Simon Balto, Jacob Betz, Tizoc Chavez, Morgan Deane, Dan Du, Hidetaka Hirota, Amy Kohout, Jose Juan Perez Melendez, Erik Moore, and Gregory Moore. Crystal structures of the (a) Pbcn and (b) Pba2 polymorphs of Y2Mo3O12 viewed down the z axis. Abstract Low temperature methods have been applied to the synthesis of many advanced materials.
Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. One of the things I found myself doing was typing the same long complicated phrases over and over and over again. Obviously, you want your trigger phrase to be unique enough so that you don’t type it in another context. I spend an inordinate amount of my time playing with computers and attempting to explain technology to lawyers and law office staff. In Microsoft Word (as in life), there’s always more than one way to solve any problem. Stay in touch!About cookies on this siteLegal Office Guru uses a technology known as "cookies" to provide a better experience as you browse this site. For more information on what cookies are, what they do, and how you can control them, go to aboutcookies.org. Get my 22-page Fast Formatting Fixes guide!Get the "Best of Legal Office Guru"!Every week, I’ll drop the most popular Legal Office Guru tutorials into your inbox to help you do your job faster and easier. Plus, I'll send you my free 22-page Fast Formatting Fixes report with my top tips on fixing funky formatting in Word!
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The reports were originally filed when construction on phase one began but with the numerous delays of phase one the reports are now out of date. In the Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East, and most explicitly in the Spanish-American War and the foreign policy of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, the United States expanded upon a long history of exploration, trade, and cultural exchange to practice something new, something that looked much like empire.
The United States acquired its first Pacific territories with the Guano Islands Act of 1856. The United States, long a participant an increasingly complex network of economic, social, and cultural interactions in Latin America, entered the late-nineteenth century with a new aggressive and interventionist attitude toward its southern neighbors.
But in 1910 the Mexican people revolted against Diaz, ending his authoritarian regime but also his friendliness toward the business interests of the United States. Huerta refused to make amends, and Wilson therefore asked Congress for authority to use force against Mexico.
This particular example highlights the role of geography, or perhaps proximity, in the pursuit of imperial outcomes.
We generally made them feel rather small, too, before we got done with them, because we bore down on them with America’s greatness until we crushed them.”7 When Americans later intervened in the Middle East, they would do so convinced of their own superiority. With the expansionist policy gaining greater traction, the possibility for more imperialistic missions (including to conflict-ridden China) seemed strong. In pursuing war with Spain, and then engaging in counterrevolutionary conflict in the Philippines, the United States expanded the scope and strength of its global reach.
Since the middle of the nineteenth century, Cubans had tried unsuccessfully  again and again to gain independence from Spain. Then, on the evening of February 15, a titanic explosion tore open the ship and sent it to the bottom of the ocean. The differences are obvious and exaggerated, with the top figures described as “oppressed” by the weight of industrial slavery until America “rescued” them, thereby turning them into the respectable and successful businessmen seen on the bottom half.
At the behest of American businessmen who had overthrown the Hawaiian monarchy, the United States annexed the Hawaiian Islands and their rich plantations. After Dewey’s victory over the Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, conversations about how to proceed occupied the attentions of President McKinley, political leaders from both parties, and the popular press. The United States could have given them the independence they had long fought for, but, instead, at the behest of President William McKinley, the United States occupied the islands and from 1899-1902 waged a bloody series of conflicts against Filipino insurrectionists that cost far more lives than the war with Spain.
Contemporaries compared the guerrilla-style warfare in challenging and unfamiliar terrain to the American experiences in the Indian Wars of the late-nineteenth-century.
Should a former colony, established on the principles of freedom, liberty, and sovereignty, become a colonizer itself?


As the nation increased its imperialistic presence and mission, many like Pulitzer worried that America would grow too big for its own good.
Though the Spanish-American War had begun under the administration of William McKinley, Roosevelt, the hero of San Juan Hill, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Vice-President, and President, was arguably the most visible and influential proponent of American imperialism at the turn of the century. The head of the department, John Long, had a competent but lackadaisical managerial style that allowed Roosevelt a great deal of freedom that Roosevelt used to network with such luminaries as military theorists Alfred Thayer Mahan and naval officer George Dewey and politicians such as Henry Cabot Lodge and William Howard Taft.
Images like the poster praised Roosevelt and the battle as Americans celebrated this “splendid little war.” “William H.
Among his many interventions in American life, Roosevelt acted with vigor to expand the military, bolstering naval power especially, to protect and promote American interests abroad.
Washington worked with bankers to provide loans to Latin American nations in exchange for some level of control over their national fiscal affairs.
The Roosevelt administration did not want to deny the Europeans’ rightful demands of repayment of debt, but it also did not want to encourage European policies of conquest in the hemisphere as part of that debt collection. In fact, the president insisted that in dealings with the Latin American nations, he did not seek national glory or expansion of territory and believed that war or intervention should be a last resort when resolving conflicts with problematic governments.
They also included notions of humanitarianism, morality, religion, and ideas of “civilization.” And they included significant participation by American women. Fortuitously, she made the acquaintance of Alexander MacWillie, the top salesman for the H. According to the racial theory of the day, humans progressed through hierarchical stages of civilization in an orderly, linear fashion. The stages of civilization were primarily marked by their economic character (hunter-gatherer, agricultural, industrial), and the consumption of industrially produced commodities was seen as a key moment in “savages’” progress toward civilized life.
Many white women felt that they had a duty to spread the benefits of Christian civilization to those less fortunate than themselves. The involvement of American women with imperialist and anti-imperialist activity demonstrates how foreign policy concerns were brought home and became, in a sense, domesticated.
This migration was largely a continuation of a process begun before the Civil War, though, by the turn of the twentieth century, new groups such as Italians, Poles, and Eastern European Jews made up a larger percentage of the arrivals while Irish and German numbers began to dwindle.
The influx of immigrants, alongside a large movement of Americans from the countryside to the city, helped propel the rapid growth of cities like New York, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Milwaukee, and St. Some examples include Italian workmen’s clubs, Eastern European Jewish mutual-aid societies, and Polish Catholic churches.
From the 1870s to the 1920s, the federal government passed a series of laws limiting or discontinuing the immigration of particular groups and the United States remained committed to regulating the kind of immigrants who would join American society. In addition to accusing Chinese immigrants of racial inferiority and unfitness for American citizenship, opponents claimed that they were also economically and morally corrupting American society with cheap labor and immoral practices, such as prostitution. Since the colonial period, East Coast states had regulated immigration through their own passenger laws, which prohibited the landing of destitute foreigners unless shipmasters prepaid certain amounts of money in the support of those passengers. In 1885, in response to American workers’ complaints about cheap immigrant labor, Congress added foreign workers migrating under labor contracts with American employers to the list of excludable people. The center of immigrant-sending regions shifted from northern and western Europe to Southern and Eastern Europe and Asia. By 1900, Catholicism in the United States had grown dramatically in size and diversity, from one percent of the population a century earlier to the largest religious denomination in America (though still outnumbered by Protestants as a whole). This question was particularly acute, as Catholics encompassed a variety of languages and customs. Barbarian Virtues: The United States Encounters Foreign People at Home and Abroad, 1876-1917. The reaction paths (b) and (c) show the mechanisms of NHSG reactions starting from metal halides, and the special case of the Bradley ether elimination reaction. Blue tetrahedra are MoO4 units, and orange polyhedra represent 6- and 7-coordinate yttrium, respectively. Non-hydrolytic sol-gel (NHSG) processes offer an elegant route to stable and metastable phases at low temperatures.
Novel Materials through Non-Hydrolytic Sol-Gel Processing: Negative Thermal Expansion Oxides and Beyond.
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This saves formatting in addition to the text, so you could save a centered, bolded heading or anything including fields.
This allows me to see how the site is used and gives me the opportunity to offer you additional content you may be interested in, depending on what tutorials you've viewed. 100 years after the United States won its independence from the British Empire, had it become an empire of its own? The question of American imperialism, then, seeks to understand not only direct American interventions in such places as Cuba, the Philippines, Hawaii, Guam, and Puerto Rico, but also the deeper history of American engagement with the wider world, and the subsequent ways in which American economic, political, and cultural power has shaped the actions, choices, and possibilities of other groups and nations.
In a sense, imperialism and immigration raised similar questions about American identity: who was an “American,” and who wasn’t? As a percentage of total American foreign trade, the Asian trade remained comparatively small, and yet the idea that Asian markets were vital to American commerce affected American policy and, when those markets were threatened, prompted interventions.1 In 1899, Secretary of State John Hay articulated the “Open Door Policy,” which called for all western powers to have equal access to Chinese markets. The first American missionaries arrived in Hawai’i in 1820 and China in 1830, for instance.
In the midst of the terrible destruction wrought by the fighting, Americans with investment interests plead for governmental help but the United States government tried to control events and politics that could not be controlled. But even before Congress could respond, Wilson invaded and took the port city of Veracruz to prevent, he said, a German shipment of arms from reaching Huerta’s forces. But American interactions in more distant locations, in the Middle East, for instance, look quite different. Trade was limited, too limited for an economic relationship to be deemed vital to the national interest, but treaties were nevertheless signed between the U.S.
The cartoon might be arguing that such endeavors are worthwhile, bringing education, technological, and other civilizing tools to a desperate people. The latest uprising, and the one that would prove fatal to Spain’s colonial designs, began in 1895 and was still raging in the winter of 1898. In the Pacific, on May 1, Commodore George Dewey engaged the Spanish fleet outside of Manila, the capital of the Philippines (another Spanish colonial possession), destroyed it, and proceeded to blockade Manila harbor. Those who claimed that American imperialism brought civilization and prosperity to destitute peoples used visuals like these, as well as photographic and textual evidence, to support their beliefs. Between Hawaii and a number of former Spanish possessions, many Americans coveted the economic and political advantages that increased territory would bring. American forces and Philippine forces (under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo) were in communication: would the Americans offer their support to the Filipinos and their ongoing efforts against the Spanish? Roosevelt’s emphasis on developing the American navy, and on Latin America as a key strategic area of U.S. During his tenure he oversaw the construction of new battleships, the implementation of new technology, and laid the groundwork for new shipyards, all with the goal of projecting America’s power across the oceans. This approach is sometimes referred to as “gunboat diplomacy,” wherein naval forces and marines land in a national capital to protect American and Western personnel, temporarily seize control of the government, and dictate policies friendly to American business, such as the repayment of foreign loans.
Roosevelt first implemented dollar diplomacy on a vast scale, while Presidents Taft and Wilson continued the practice in various forms during their own administrations. The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine asserted that the United States wished to promote stable, prosperous states in Latin America that could live up to their political and financial obligations.
According to Roosevelt, such actions were necessary to maintain “order and civilization.”22 Then again, Roosevelt certainly believed in using military power to protect national interests and spheres of influence when absolutely necessary. Only Europeans and Americans had attained the highest level of civilization, which was superficially marked by whiteness but also included an industrial economy and a gender division in which men and women had diverging but complementary roles. Over the course of the nineteenth century, women in the West, for instance, had become closely associated with consumption, particularly of those commodities used in the domestic sphere. American overseas ventures, then, merely expanded the scope of these activities—literally, in that the geographical range of possibilities encompassed practically the entire globe, and figuratively, in that imperialism significantly raised the stakes of women’s work.
It is also no coincidence that many of the women involved in both imperialist and anti-imperialist organizations were also very much concerned with the plight of new arrivals to the United States. This massive movement of people to the United States was influenced by a number of causes, or “push” and “pull” factors.
These organizations provided cultural space for immigrants to maintain their arts, languages, and traditions.
Some felt that the new arrivals were unfit for American democracy, and that Irish or Italian immigrants used violence or bribery to corrupt municipal governments.
To critics, regulations legitimized racism, class bias, and ethnic prejudice as formal national policy. Immigration restriction was necessary for the “Caucasian race of California,” as one anti-Chinese politician declared, and for European Americans to “preserve and maintain their homes, their business, and their high social and moral position.” In 1875, the anti-Chinese crusade in California moved Congress to pass the Page Act, which banned the entry of convicted criminals, Asian laborers brought involuntarily, and women imported “for the purposes of prostitution,” a stricture designed chiefly to exclude Chinese women.
The state-level control of pauper immigration developed into federal policy in the early 1880s. Six years later, the federal government included people who seemed likely to become wards of the state, people with contagious diseases, and polygamists, and made all groups of excludable people deportable. These “new immigrants” were poorer, spoke languages other than English, and were likely Catholic or Jewish.
As a result, Catholics in America faced two intertwined challenges, one external, related to Protestant anti-Catholicism, and the other internal, having to do with the challenges of assimilation. Many Protestants doubted whether Catholics could ever make loyal Americans because they supposedly owed primary allegiance to the Pope.
These “Americanists” advocated an end to “ethnic parishes”—the unofficial practice of permitting separate congregations for Poles, Italians, Germans, etc.—in the belief that such isolation only delayed immigrants’ entry into the American mainstream. Whether as formal subjects or unwilling partners on the receiving end of Roosevelt’s “big stick,” those who experienced U.S. Excellent atomic level homogeneity gives access to polymorphs that are difficult or impossible to obtain by other methods. In versions 2010 and 2013, go to the File tab and find Options in the list along the left-hand side.
You may, of course, turn this feature off in your web browser if it makes you uncomfortable. Hay feared that other imperial powers—Japan, Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Russia—planned to carve China into spheres of influence.
The Act authorized and encouraged Americans to venture into the seas and claim islands with guano deposits for the United States. Missionaries, though, often worked alongside business interests, and American missionaries in Hawai’I, for instance, obtained large tracts of land and started lucrative sugar plantations.
The Huerta government fell in July 1914, and the American occupation lasted until November, when Venustiano Carranza, a rival of Huerta, took power. By that time, in an attempt to crush the uprising, Spanish general Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau had been conducting a policy of reconcentration—forcing Cubans living in certain cities to relocate en masse to military camps—for about two years. A naval board of inquiry immediately began an investigation to ascertain the cause of the explosion, but the loudest Americans had already decided that Spanish treachery was to blame. Two months later, American troops took Cuba’s San Juan Heights in what would become the most well-known battle of the war, winning fame not for regular soldiers but for the irregular, particularly Theodore Roosevelt and his Rough Riders.
The influential Brooklyn minister Lyman Abbott, for instance, declared that Americans were “an elect people of God” and saw divine providence in Dewey’s victory at Manila.
Those opposed to expansion, however, worried that imperial ambitions did not accord with the nation’s founding ideals. An April 1899 dispatch from a Harper’s Weekly correspondent began, “A week has passed—a week of fighting and marching, of jungles and rivers, of incident and adventure so varied and of so rapid transition that to sit down to write about it makes one feel as if he were trying to describe a dream where time, space, and all the logical sequences of ordinary life are upset in the unrelenting brutality of war.”12 John Bass described his experiences in detail, and his reportage, combined with accounts that came directly from soldiers, helped to shape public knowledge about the war. Alfred Thayer Mahan’s naval theories, described in his The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, influenced Roosevelt a great deal. The United States used military intervention in various circumstances to further its objectives, but it did not have the ability nor the inclination to militarily impose its will on the entirety of South and Central America. For example, in 1905 Roosevelt sent the marines to occupy the Dominican Republic and established financial supervision over the Dominican government.


He also believed that the American sphere included not only Hawaii and the Caribbean, but also much of the Pacific.
Heinz Company, who happened to be looking for a young lady to serve as a “demonstrator” of Heinz products to potential consumers. In addition to working as representatives of American business, women could serve as missionaries, teachers, and medical professionals, and as artists and writers they were inspired by, and helped to transmit, ideas about imperialism.
Social and technological progress had freed women of the burdens of physical labor and elevated them to a position of moral and spiritual authority. Thus it must have seemed natural for Alexander MacWillie to hire Margaret McLeod to “demonstrate” catsup and chili sauce at the same time as she “demonstrated” white, middle-class domesticity.
No longer only responsible for shaping the next generation of American citizens, white women now had a crucial role to play in the maintenance of civilization itself. Although the most prominent public voices against imperialism were male, women made up a large proportion of the membership of organizations like the Anti-Imperialist League.
In other words, certain conditions in their home countries encouraged people to leave, while other factors encouraged them to choose the United States for their destination. By 1890, in most large northern cities, immigrants and their children amounted to 60 percent of the population, sometimes reaching as high as 80 or 90 percent.
Others (often earlier immigrants themselves) worried that the arrival of even more immigrants would result in fewer jobs and lower wages.
Then, in May 1882, Congress suspended the immigration of all Chinese laborers with the Chinese Exclusion Act, making the Chinese the first immigrant group subject to admission restrictions on the basis of race. In August 1882, Congress passed the Immigration Act, denying admission to people who were not able to support themselves and those, such as paupers, people with mental illnesses, or convicted criminals, who might otherwise threaten the security of the nation.
In 1903, those who would pose ideological threats to American republican democracy, such as anarchists and socialists, also became the subject of new immigration restrictions. White Protestant Americans typically regarded them as inferior, and American immigration policy began to reflect more explicit prejudice than ever before. They anticipated that the Catholic Church could thrive in a nation that espoused religious freedom, if only they assimilated. The NHSG approach is most commonly applied to the preparation of metal oxides, but can be easily extended to metal sulfides. This comes in really handy when you’re talking about a long complicated phrase or even a word that you find a little fiddly to type.
These acquisitions were the first insular, unincorporated territories of the United States: they were neither part of a state nor a federal district, and they were not on the path to ever attain such a status. When the brutal strongman Victoriano Huerta executed the revolutionary, democratically elected president Francisco Madero in 1913, newly inaugurated American President Woodrow Wilson put pressure on Mexico’s new regime. When Wilson threw American support behind Carranza, and not his more radical and now-rival Pancho Villa, Villa and several hundred supporters attacked American interests and raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, in March 1916, and killed over a dozen soldiers and civilians. Still, the majority of American involvement in the Middle East prior to World War I came not in the form of trade, but in education, science, and humanitarian aid.  American missionaries led the way. These new conflicts and ensuing territorial problems forced Americans to confront the ideological elements of imperialism. Capitalizing on the outrage, “yellow journals”—newspapers that promoted sensational stories, notoriously at the cost of accuracy—such as William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal called for war with Spain. Roosevelt had been the Assistant Secretary of the Navy but had resigned his position in order to see action in the war.
American forces were instructed to secure Manila without allowing Philippine forces to enter the Walled City (the seat of the Spanish colonial government), hinting, perhaps, at things to come. Reports of cruelty on both sides and a few high profile military investigations ensured continued public attention to events across the Pacific. Others framed American imperialism in the Philippines as nothing new, as simply the extension of a never-ending westward American expansion. In contrast to theories that advocated for commerce raiding, coastal defense and small “brown water” ships, the imperative to control the sea required battleships and a “blue water” navy that could engage and win decisive battles with rival fleets. The United States therefore more often used informal methods of empire, such as so-called “dollar diplomacy,” to assert dominance over the hemisphere. Furthermore, Roosevelt pronounced the “Roosevelt Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine in 1904, proclaiming U.S. Rising debts to European and American bankers allowed for the inroads of modern life but destabilized much of the region. When Japanese victories over Russia threatened the regional balance of power he sponsored peace talks between Russian and Japanese leaders, earning him a Nobel Peace Prize in 1906.
McLeod proved to be such an attractive purveyor of India relish and baked beans that she accompanied MacWillie on the rest of his tour of Australia and continued on to South Africa, India, and Japan.
For white women like Jane Addams and Josephine Shaw Lowell, anti-imperialist activism was an outgrowth of their work in opposition to violence and in support of democracy. Imperialism had at its core a desire for markets for American goods, and those goods were increasingly manufactured by immigrant labor. For example, a young husband and wife living in Sweden in the 1880s and unable to purchase farmland might read an advertisement for inexpensive land in the American Midwest and choose to sail to the United States.
Many immigrants, particularly those from Italy or the Balkans, hoped to return home with enough money to purchase land. Thus new arrivals came directly to American cities where they knew they would find someone from their home country and perhaps even from their home village or family.
One restrictionist declared that these immigrants were “races with which the English-speaking people have never hitherto assimilated, and who are most alien to the great body of the people of the United States.” The increased immigration of people from Southern and Eastern Europe, such as Italians, Jews, Slavs, and Greeks, led directly to calls for tighter restrictive measures. Subsequent Catholic arrivals from Italy, Poland, and other Eastern European countries chafed at Irish dominance over the Church hierarchy.
At home, debates over immigration and imperialism drew attention to the interplay of international and domestic policy, and the ways in which imperial actions, practices, and ideas affected and were affected by domestic questions. Exploration of experimental variables allows control over product stoichiometry and crystal structure. All such questions confronted late-nineteenth-century Americans with unprecedented urgency. The following year, in 1900, American troops joined a multinational force that intervened to prevent the closing of trade by putting down the Boxer Rebellion, a movement opposed to foreign businesses and missionaries operating in China.
Wilson refused to recognize the new government and demanded Huerta step aside and allow free elections take place.
When urgent negotiations failed to produce a mutually agreeable settlement, Congress officially declared war on April 25. Beveridge of Indiana, took matters one step further, seeing in American victory an opportunity for imperialism. As president, Roosevelt continued the policies he established as Assistant Naval Secretary and expanded the U.S. They celebrated white Anglo-Saxon societies such as found in the United States and the British Empire as advanced practitioners of nation-building and civilization, helping to uplift debtor nations in Latin America that lacked the manly qualities of discipline and self-control.
Bankers, beginning with financial houses in London and New York, saw Latin America as an opportunity for investment.
Wherever she went, this “dainty young girl with golden hair in white cap and tucker” drew attention to Heinz’s products, but, in a much larger sense, she was also projecting an image of middle-class American domesticity, of pure womanhood.
Black female activists, meanwhile, generally viewed imperialism as a form of racial antagonism and drew parallels between the treatments of African-Americans at home and, for example, Filipinos abroad. This sense of growing dependence on “others” as producers and consumers, along with doubts about their capability of assimilation into the mainstream of white, Protestant American society, caused a great deal of anxiety among native-born Americans.
Or a Russian Jewish family, eager to escape brutal attacks sanctioned by the Czar, looked to the United States as a land of freedom.
Still others worried that immigrants brought with them radical ideas such as socialism and communism. In 1907, the immigration of Japanese laborers was practically suspended when the American and Japanese governments reached the so-called Gentlemen’s Agreement, according to which Japan would stop issuing passports to working-class emigrants. Mexican and Mexican American Catholics, whether recent immigrants or incorporated into the nation after the Mexican American War, expressed similar frustrations. How Americans thought about the conflict in the Philippines, for example, was affected by how they approached about immigration in their own cities.
This paper reviews the application of NHSG chemistry to the synthesis of negative thermal expansion oxides and selected metal sulfides.
Soon the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the boards of missions of the Reformed Church of America became dominant in missionary enterprises. Or were foreign interventions and the taking of territory antithetical to its founding democratic ideals? As disease began to eat away at American troops, the Spanish suffered the loss of Santiago de Cuba on July 17, effectively ending the war. In his view, America had a “mission to perform” and a “duty to discharge” around the world. Some saw imperialism as a way to reenergize the nation by asserting national authority and power around the globe.
As articulated by President James Monroe in his annual address to Congress in 1823, the United States would treat any military intervention in Latin America by a European power as a threat to American security.
Roosevelt, for instance, preached that it was the “manly duty” of the United States to exercise an international police power in the Caribbean and to spread the benefits of Anglo-Saxon civilization to inferior states populated by inferior peoples.
Lenders took advantage of the region’s newly formed governments’ need for cash and exacted punishing interest rates on massive loans, which were then sold off in pieces on the secondary bond market.
Or perhaps a Japanese migrant might hear of the fertile land and choose to sail for California. In its 42-volume report of 1911, the United States Immigration Commission highlighted the impossibility of incorporating these new immigrants into American society. The two nations agreed to a cease-fire on August 12 and formally signed the Treaty of Paris in December.
Others baldly recognized the opportunities the Philippine Islands presented for access to Asian markets. American economic interests were now closely aligned with the region, but also further undermined by the chronic instability of the region’s newly formed governments, which were often plagued by mismanagement, civil wars, and military coups in the decades following their independence.
Thus, there were a number of factors (hunger, lack of land, military conscription, and religious persecution) that served to push people out of their home countries. Did the new arrivals join a “melting pot” and simply become just like those people already in the United States? They further saw ethnic parishes as an effective strategy protecting immigrant communities and worried that Protestants would use public schools to attack the Catholic faith. And could colonial subjects be successfully and safely incorporated into the body politic as American citizens? The terms of the treaty stipulated, among other things, that the United States would acquire Spain’s former holdings of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.
Meanwhile, the United States offered a number of possibilities that made it an appealing destination for these migrants.
Or did they retain – and even strengthen – their ethnic identities, creating a more pluralistic society?
The Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars brought these questions, which had always lurked behind discussions of American expansion, out into the open. The American Anti-Imperialist League, founded in 1899 and populated by such prominent Americans as Mark Twain, Andrew Carnegie, and Jane Addams, protested American imperial actions and articulated a platform that decried foreign subjugation and upheld the rights of all to self-governance.
Still others embraced anti-imperialist stances because of concerns about immigration and American racial identity, afraid that American purity stood imperiled by contact with strange and foreign peoples. Leo reminded the Americanists that the Catholic Church was a unified global body and that American liberties did not give Catholics the freedom to alter church teachings.
For whatever reason, however, the onset or acceleration of imperialism was a controversial and landmark moment in American history. The Americanists denied any such intention, but the conservative clergy claimed that the Pope had sided with them.



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