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Description: The Lenox Globe is often referred to as the oldest extant post-Columbian globe.
What is known about the provenance and acquision of this special globe by the New York Public Library was assembled by Robert W. Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. There was no good indication as to when the little globe was made, but three prominent scholars in the late 19th century - Benjamin De Costa, Henry Harrisse and Justin Winsor a€“ addressed this perplexing issue before Joseph Fisher made his discovery of the WaldseemA?ller map in July 1901. Harrisse in his landmark work The Discovery of North America (1892) concluded that the most likely date for the Lenox Globe was 1511. Prior to Harrisse, Justin Winsor in the mid-1880s was equally perplexed concerning what to make of and how to date the Lenox Globe. The scholar who provided the first and to this day still the most in-depth analysis of the Lenox Globe was Benjamin De Costa (1831-1904). What makes De Costaa€™s scholarship in his 1879 essay so outstanding is that he is open and candid about the profound implications of dating any globe or map depicting the entire continent of South America so many years before Magellana€™s voyage of 1519-1522.
This is an astonishing pattern of cartographical evidence concerning South America prior to Magellana€™s voyage in 1519. We should also observe that even before De Costa, the world famous scholar Alexander de Humboldt took seriously the proposition that there may have been more extensive exploration of South America (Portuguese in his and our view) than the conventional wisdom allowed due to the tradition, surrounding Magellana€™s famous voyage. For his part, De Costa was well aware of Cosmographiae Introductio and the small WaldseemA?ller globe gores (#310) found in the passage in the south.
It is evident that the Lenox Globe must have been constructed subsequent to the discovery of the coast of South America, in 1500, by Cabral, who gave it the name Vera Cruz, which was soon changed to Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, as on this globe. On the other hand, the almost complete lack of information betrayed by the maker of the globe concerning the east coast of North America, and the absence of the name America on South America would indicate that it antedates the map of Martin WaldseemA?ller of 1507 (#310).
Because the date of this globe could be deduced mainly from its representations of America, let us give a brief resume of the condition of geographical knowledge respecting the New World for several years subsequent to 1510.
In the year 1500, Juan de la Cosa, the Pilot of Columbus, drew a map of the New World (#305), but North America does not appear, Newfoundland being represented as a part of Asia.
What has been said thus far applies only to North America, but, upon turning to South America, the representation has the appearance of belonging to a period later than 1511.
In order to present the subject with clearness, it will be useful to state first, that the La Cosa map of 1500 (#305) exhibited the northern coast of South America, together with the eastern coast down to about 25A° S. On this point it may be observed that such a termination to South America was doubtless rendered probable by the argument from analogy.
Sometimes the information thus derived was of great value, and it would appear that the maker of the Lenox Globe had received information of this kind. The uncertainty of the globe-maker respecting Madagascar may be explained by the fact that it was not until 1508 that Da€™Acuhna made his exploration of the island, though it was known to Marco Polo. The SchA¶ner Globe of 1520 (#328) has an island similar in form and situation to the nameless island of the Lenox Globe, but in a reversed position, and called Madagascar. In support of the suggestion that the Madagascar and Certina of the globe are simply Sumatra and Java misplaced, we may cite the fact that the well-known islands of Sumatra and Java do not appear in their places, while the Malayan peninsula, labeled on the globe as Loac, is extended so far south as to confuse the geography of the whole region. It is true that one of the first references to the southern coast of Australia in the 17th century was that of 1627, when a Dutch ship sailed along the shore for a distance of a thousand miles, while one of the earliest maps of that century which showed the outlines of Australia was the Montanus map of 1572.
Attention has already been called to the fact that the great nameless island, with its attendant islands, is placed westward instead of southeast of the Malayan peninsula; but Sylvanus, in his Ptolemy map of 1511 (#318), moves the whole group into its proper position to the southeast, thus giving a somewhat correct view of the geography of that region. Thus far nothing has been said of the general appearance of the globe, though, if it were necessary, many details could be pointed out which indicate its ancient origin. In Asia the Himalayan range, anciently known as Imaus, had its influence upon the globe-maker's geography, who indicates Schite extraianivm for Scythia extra Imaum.
Moabio appears to be the Maabar of Marco Polo, who says that in this entire Province there is never a Tailor to cut a coat or stitch it, for the very good reason that everybody goes naked. Beyond Newfoundland is a sinking ship, with the figure of a human being in the water, possibly an allusion to the loss of the Portuguese Cortereal. When, however, the maker of the Lenox Globe looked away toward the region now occupied by North America, he saw only a watery waste, in the midst of which the island of Bacaleos or Newfoundland, rode like some ship at anchor. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], being close to Yucatan, whose well-known bay, first explored in 1518, has a conjectural coast line trending towards the south instead of the west. The name America does not appear upon the Lenox Globe, which fact, so far as it possesses any significance, favors the belief that the early date of 1504 assigned to the instrument is correct.
Hylocomilus, while admitting the priority of the voyage of Columbus, felt no necessity for naming the New World after one who, in the most pronounced manner, declared that there was no New World to be named. Humboldt maintains that Vespucci, equally with Columbus, believed that the land discovered formed a part of Asia. The Viscount Santarem (Researches respecting Vespucci) has taken the ground, as well as some others, that the map of Hylocomilus, in the Ptolemy of 1513, was the work of Columbus. The southern coasts of Asia are drawn less correctly than on the map of Ruysch and on the TabulA¦ NovA¦ of Asia inserted into the Ptolemy edition of 1513. In the New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names: Mundus Novus, Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], and one in the far north, but unnamed, clearly resembles the Cortereal region, as it appears on the Cantino and Caveri maps (#306, #307). Most of the inscriptions on the globe reference back to the medieval picture of Asia, combining antique sources, travel accounts, and fabulous legends. From the standpoint of 2012, with our greater appreciation of the WaldseemA?ller world map, we can see how De Costaa€™s suspicions of a pre-Magellan discovery of the strait point to the broader cartographic issue. Either the Lenox Globe really was a post-1507 creation, which in view of its shortcomings oddly failed to take into account the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was reportedly issued in 1000 copies for sale, along with the essay Cosmographiae Introductio.
De Costa did not explicitly renege on his estimation of the 1510 date for the Lenox Globe as the most probable but he waffles. Given these facts, one has to give serious consideration to the possibility that the creator of the Lenox Globe made it before April 1507 or at least not to long after that date if one is to explain ignorance of this widely published essay. De Costa originally prepared his analysis in 1879 without benefit of any knowledge of the large WaldseemA?ller world map discovered 22 years later.
For his part, NordenskiA¶ld in his Facsimile Atlas (1889) cited De Costaa€™s a€?estimate of 1508-1511a€? and concluded that this a€?seemed to be about righta€?.
In his later work entitled Periplus published in 1897, NordenskiA¶ld dramatically asserted that knowledge of the Pacific, the isthmus and a water passage to the south a€?must have reached Europe prior to Balboaa€™s journeya€?.
Ultimately, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their 1926 work A Book of Old Maps argued that the Lenox Globe was made sometime in the 1503-1507 period. One reason why they came to this conclusion was that the Lenox Globe lacks the sophistication of the Ruysch world map (1507-1508) with its more accurate depiction of features associated with the region of the Indian Ocean, something which troubled both De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld. The bottom line is that the maker of this globe seems to be unaware of not only the WaldseemA?ller 1507 map, the Ruysch map of 1508, but also ignorant of others such as the Juan de la Cosa, Cantino and Caveri maps from the 1500-1504 period which do show substantial parts of the North American mainland including Florida and the Gulf coastline and also in the Caveri map the Central American coastline from Mexico to roughly Honduras. This discontinuity in cartographical conception makes it hard to know where to place the Lenox Globe on the family tree of maps and globes made during the first decade of the 16th century. This analysis, if correct, would suggest that Lenox Globe was not likely to have been based on tightly held information in the possession of Spanish navigators.
Furthermore, given that Balboa did not cross the Isthmus of Panama to see the Pacific Ocean until 1513, it is extremely hard to imagine the maker of the Lenox Globe getting his a€?island-likea€? conception or vision of the new southern continent from Spanish sources. There is other evidence that strongly points to the source of the Lenox Globe being Portuguese rather than Spanish. This geographical distortion seems far too neat or convenient in political terms to have been a mere coincidence as we can see when we superimpose the Line of Demarcation established by this treaty onto the Lenox Globe.
Despite this obvious manipulation of nautical data, Fite and Freeman, like De Costa before them, observed that the Lenox Globe still accurately places the southern edge of of this continent at 55 degrees south of the equator.
What is amazing is that Fite and Freeman made such a bold statement based merely on their assessment of the Lenox Globe of uncertain date with no consideration of the WaldseemA?ller globe gores of 1507 which also clearly shows a southern water passage. We would argue further that if this analysis is correct, then the Lenox Globe would represent a stepping-stone or interim intellectual stage in the evolution of geographical knowledge that made possible the more impressive and comprehensive cartographic synthesis articulated by Mathias Ringmann in Cosmographiae Introductio and shown visually in the world map and globe made by Martin WaldseemA?ller at the Gymnasium at Saint-Die. Note the same land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere as in the Jagiellonian Globe, but unlike on that globe, unnamed. The Jagiellonian Globe, dating from around 1510, held by the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland, depicts a continent in the Indian Ocean to the east of Africa and south of India, but labeled America. The appearance in the mid-16th century of Jave la Grande in a series of mappemondes drawn by a school of cartographers centred on the French port of Dieppe, suggesting an early Portuguese or Spanish discovery of the eastern coast of Australia, has been called a€?one of the puzzles of European historya€?. An ancient Map of the World has been discovered in the British Museum, which lays down the coasts of New-Holland, as described by Cooke and Bougainville.
In all the subsequent discussion of the Dieppe maps and Spanish or Portuguese discovery of the East coast of Australia in the early 16th century, it is noteworthy that there has been no consideration of the Jagiellonian Globe and the bearing it might have on the matter. The Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 1911 carried an article with the arresting title, a€?Australiaa€™s Discoverer: was it Amerigo Vespucci?a€?.
Professor Estreicher drew attention to a globe of similar date held by the New York Public Library, known as the Lenox Globe. Ein solches Land is nur Sudamerica allein, und wir mussen annehmen, dass jene Insel Sudamerica vorstellen soll, freilich an einer ganz falschem Stelle. Estreicher proposed Louis Boulengier of Albi as having been the cartographer responsible for the Jagiellonian Globe, on the basis of similarity between it and the Tross Gores, dating from 1514-1518 (#324), of which Boulengier is known to have been the author. An armillary clock, similar to the Jagiellonian, made by Jean Naze of Lyons in 1560 is held at the Orangerie Planetarium of the Staatliche Museen Kassel (formerly the Hessisches Landesmuseum). But the most revealing feature of this globe is that its maker was aware of Cosmographiae Introductio, because he refers to America. If it was impossible that the maker of the Jagellonian Globe with the benefit of access to Cosmographiae Introductio which invented the name America could have been that confused, why the gross mistake? Edward Stevenson, discussing Estreichera€™s work in 1921, commented that he seemed not to have noticed that the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA possibly indicated not only an acquaintance on the part of the Jagiellonian cartographer with WaldseemA?llera€™s suggestion as to the name America, but a belief that America was actually located in this particular region. In the sixth climate toward the Antarctic there are situated the farthest part of Africa, recently discovered, the islands Zanzibar, the lesser Java, and Seula [Ceylon], and the fourth part of the Earth, which, because Amerigo discovered it, we may call Amerige, the land of Amerigo, so to speak, or America. In his 1911 interview, Petherick pointed out that Thomas Morea€™s Utopia (published in Louvain in 1516) reflected this concept of the eartha€™s geography. The representations of the east coast of a€?Jave Ie Granda€™ [sic] (Australia) delineated in those maps are, I assert, very rough representations and repetitions of the east coast of South America when that continent and our Australia were supposed to be one, before the Pacific Ocean was known. From this perspective, one might speculate that the bizarre attachment of the name America to a mythical or hypothetical island in the southern Indian Ocean was an expression of strong contempt for the Florentine navigator and an attempt to delink his name from the South American continent, which had been made by WaldseemA?llera€™s team at Saint-Die in 1507.
Catigara was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
In claiming that Amerigo Vespucci discovered Australia Petherick may simply have been intending to make the point hyperbolically that the coastline of the Dieppe maps, taken by some to represent Australia, was the coast of the land discovered by Amerigo, misplaced into the Eastern Hemisphere.
The Jagiellonian Globe demonstrates that it was possible for early 16th century geographers to depict the same coastline, that of eastern South America, in two different places on the same map. The Jagiellonian Globe reminds us that we must try to look at the early maps through the eyes and with the knowledge of their makers, free of the preconceptions arising from our current geographical knowledge. Another four decades were to pass before another scholar addressed the question of the date for the creation of the Lenox Globe.
Why did Pohl see the creation of the Lenox Globe being linked so closely to the publication of Vespuccia€™s letters in Italy in 1505? Levilliera€™s analysis in an essay in Imago Mundi entitled a€?New Light on Vespuccia€™s third voyagea€? was stunning in this regard. We should observe at this juncture that even prior to the so-called Italian-Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters, the famous Cantino map (#306), which is also of Portuguese-origin and which dates to no later than November 1502, also shows the eastern coastline bending abruptly (and falsely) to the southeast. Thus, in his essay for the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in 1963 Pohl was on solid ground when he pointed to the similar or parallel tampering with the text of Vespuccia€™s original letter for the Italian-Soderini edition as grounds for suspecting that the Lenox Globe dates to a period before the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507. Nevertheless, Pohl deliberately dodged the question of the uncanny depiction of the new southern continent in his 1963 essay. Pohl went to considerable lengths in this long footnote in 1944 to dismiss any evidence -- the account in the Newen Zeytung journal, the SchA¶ner globes and Valentine Fernandesa€™ remarks in a deposition in a Portuguese court in 1503 -- that supports Magellana€™s assertion that Portuguese navigators had discovered the strait much earlier, and no later than 1506. Pohla€™s rigid position concerning the a€?accidentala€? or a€?imaginarya€? features of the Lenox and Jagellonian Globes remains baffling given that he was prone to accept highly dubious claims of evidence for the presence of Europeans and Asians in America -- such as the stone tower in Newport, Rhode Island which has been reliably dated to after 1492. In the more than forty years since Pohla€™s essay was published there has been little attention paid to the Lenox Globe.
Meridians and parallels are engraved and numbered on its surface at intervals of ten degrees, the prime meridian passing through the island Ferro. We believe that when all the evidence and analysis of the historical context are taken into consideration, Fite, Freeman, and Pohl presented a compelling, convincing argument that places the creation of the Lenox Globe prior to the WaldseemA?ller map and globe gores.
Furthermore, it seems more probable that the Lenox Globe was based on sensitive information that was improperly acquired directly from someone in Lisbon than it was based on information leaked from the Gymnasium at Saint-Die while the work on Cosmographiae Introductio, the world map and globe gores was still underway in 1505-1506. Thus, there is some basis for concluding that the maker of the Lenox Globe had learned about a water passage and thus knew a lot more than Vespucci conveyed, at least more than the Florentine navigator revealed openly in Mundus Novus which entered into circulation in 1503-1504. In conclusion, we can summarize what appear to be five solid facts concerning the creation of the Lenox Globe. Second, the maker of this globe also knew from sensitive Portuguese sources a lot more about the overall shape of the entire southern continent than Vespucci conveyed (at least openly) in Mundus Novus that entered into widespread circulation beginning in 1503- 1504. When one considers all this chronological evidence, analysis of the most probable historical context points to the creation of the Lenox Globe between the publication of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus in 1503-1504 and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the large world map were printed.
Whatever the truth, the Lenox-Jagellonian Globes add to a large body of cartographic evidence that points to a Portuguese discovery of the strait before 1519 which is what Magellan had always insisted, and to a clandestine exploration of the west coast of this new fourth continent as far north as what we know as Acapulco no later than 1507. Magellana€™s odd decision was illogical or counter-intuitive if he and his contemporaries believed that this new land mass was an extension of Asia.
It is a reasonable conclusion that Magellan understood from extensive discussions with Spanish officials and navigators that this land mass was connected to the land region we know as Central America with which the Spanish were quite familiar by 1518- 1519.
Chauncey, Henry, a letter written on January 21,1902 to Willberforce Eames, official at the Lenox Library. Lingren, Uta, a€?Trial and Error in the Mapping of America in the Early Modern Period,a€? in America: Early Maps of the New World, editor, Hans Wolff, New York, 1992, pp. Nordenskiold, Adolf, Periplus - An Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing-Directions, Stockholm, 1897, p. Pohl, Frederick, a€?The Fourth Continent on the Lenox Globea€?, Bulletin of The New York Public Library, Volume 67, Number 9 (September 1963), pp.
Stevenson, Edward Luther, a€?Martin WaldseemA?ller and Early Lusitano-Germanic Cartography of the New World,a€? Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Volume XXXVI, Number 4, 1904, pp. Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, Houghton-Mifflin & Company, 1884-1889, Volume III, pp. Zakrzewska, Maria N., Catalogue of globes in the Jagellonian University Museum, translated by Franciszek Buhl, Kracow, 1965.
A A A  Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. A A A  Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. DESCRIPTION: A Benedictine monk named Andrew Walsperger from Salzburg created this world map in 1448 at Constance.
The orientation of the mappamundi towards the South is perhaps the first aspect that surprises and intrigues the modern spectator who is used to North-oriented maps, and who is therefore disoriented by the effort required to identify landmasses which not only have 500-year-old outlines, but which are also turned a€?upside down,a€? thus losing their familiar shapes.
The earth is surrounded by an ocean except at the far South, at the top of the map, where Africa stretches to the edge of the circle. The map mentions curiosities allegedly only occurring in Africa: Amazons, Pygmies, one-footed beings, long-eared beings and humans with tails. Descriptions of the representational method, indications in the measurement banner beneath the chart picture and the signatures prove that his map was one of the last products of European monkish cartography. A refinement of the Walsperger map is the convention of placing a red dot by each city controlled by Christians; pagan-ruled sites received a black dot. To understand the Ptolemaic influence, it is necessary first to be aware of a school of science under the leadership of the mathematician and astronomer Johannes de Gmunden at the University of Vienna and the prelate Georg Mustinger at the Augustinian monastery of Klosterneuburg, now in suburban Vienna.
Although only coordinate tables survive for the earliest versions of these circular world maps of the Vienna-Klosterneuburg school, Durand reconstructed maps from the tables, most of which are to be found in a 522-page codex in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. This evidence suggests that 15th century cartographers were clearly impressed with the Ptolemaic model and took pains to demonstrate that, although they did not agree with all of Ptolemya€™s information or method of using coordinates, the tradition was to be revered.
In 1490 Henricus Martellus Germanus (#256) developed the second Ptolemaic projection for his world maps and fitted the new discoveries into it, as did the globe of Martin Behaim (#258). It has become clear to some cartographic scholars that South America was represented as a huge peninsula of southeastern Asia on many world maps of the 16th century, from the Zorzi sketches of 1506 to the Livio Sanuto map of 1574.
It is not so well known that this very same peninsula existed already under the name of India Meridionalis on earlier maps, drawn before the arrival in the western hemisphere of Christopher Columbus. However, the Martellus maps show a very good representation of the South American hydrographic system, including all the great rivers in the sub-continent. A deeper study of the same maps has made possible the identification of several capes on the Atlantic coast, the swamps of the Rio Negro in Brazil, and Lake Titicaca.
There was thus no known pre-Columbian historical exploration of South America by the European nations.
The earlier maps extant include the so-called mappaemundi drawn by medieval churchmen in Western Christendom. In order to detect this peninsula on pre-Martellus maps, we needed an identifying criterion.
The above mentioned sequence identifies the Dragona€™s Tail on the Walsperger Map, made in Constance in 1448. The Walsperger map has been reproduced and commented on by several historians of cartography, particularly Roberto Almagia and Dana Benet Durand. The following is a theory expressed by Paul Gallez regarding the depiction of South America prior to Columbusa€™ voyages. In the southernmost part of South America (?), there are the words, next to a strait: Hic sunt gigantes pugnantes cum draconious [Here live some giants who fight against the dragons].
Traditionally, the so-called Legend of the Patagonian Giants is attributed to Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellana€™s voyage.
The map called Nova Cosmographia per totum arculum dated 1440, (#247) by Durand, and the anonymous Zeitz map dated 1470 by the same author (#251), belong to the same family as the Walsperger map. In the later Middle Ages, explanations of the map paintera€™s intentions are sometimes found on the map itself, as in the case of this map. Ptolemy was an important name to the German school, but it seems as though his work was not very well understood. AlmagiA , Roberto, Monumenta cartografica Vaticana (CittA  del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1944), Plate XII. Vatikanischen Bibliothek, Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fA?r Erdkunde zu Berlin, XXVI (1891), pp. AlmagiA , Roberto, Monumenta cartografica Vaticana (CittA  del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1944) Volume I, pp. Durand, Dana Benett, The Vienna-Klosterneuburg map corpus of the fifteenth century (Leiden: E. Gallez, Paul, a€?Walsperger and His Knowledge of the Patagonian Giants, 1448,a€? Imago Mundi 33 (1981), pp. Wittkower, Rudolf, a€?Marvels of the East: A Study in the History of Monsters,a€? Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942), note 6 on p. There can be no doubt that before the time of Eratosthenes the ideas of the learned world on the subject of geography had assumed a more regular and systematic form. It appears indeed from repeated statements of Strabo that Eratosthenes made it the object of his special attention to a€?reform the map of the world,a€? as it had existed down to his time, and to reconstruct it upon more scientific principles. With regard to the fundamental idea of all geography - the position and figure of the earth - Eratosthenes adopted the views that were current among the astronomers of his day, which had been received almost without exception from the times of Aristotle (ca. But Eratosthenes had the merit of making one valuable addition to the previously existing ideas upon this subject, by a more careful and successful measurement than had ever been previously attempted, of the magnitude of the earth, or circumference of the terrestrial globe. The method pursued by Eratosthenes was theoretically sound, and was in fact identical in principle with that which has been adopted by astronomers in modern day.
While still keeping to the geocentric views of the universe, Eratosthenes started from the assumption that the sun was so distant that for practical purposes one could consider its rays parallel anywhere on earth. The only theoretical error in this mode of calculation was in the assumption - which was inevitable in the days of Eratosthenes - that the earth was exactly spherical, instead of being as it really is, a slightly oblate spheroid, and that therefore a meridian great circle was equal to that of the equator.
In the first place, it was assumed that Syene lay directly under the tropic, it being a well-known fact that at the summer solstice the sun could be seen from the bottom of a deep well, and that at the same time the gnomon cast no perceptible shadow. It is remarkable that while the terrestrial measurement was thus grossly inaccurate, the observation of latitude as deduced from the gnomon at Alexandria was a very fair approximation to the truth: a fiftieth part of a great circle being equivalent to an arc of 7A°12a€™, thus exceeding by about 7a€™ only the true interval between Alexandria and Syene, while falling short of that between Alexandria and the real Tropic by about 30a€™ or half a degree.
It appears indeed almost certain that Eratosthenes himself was aware of the imperfection of his data, and regarded the result of his calculation only as an approximation to the truth.
After all it must be admitted that the calculation of Eratosthenes, considering the disadvantages under which he labored, came surprisingly near the truth. Once the value of 252,000 stades was accepted, it was feasible also to work out the circumference of any parallel circle. Having thus laid the foundation of what has been called in modern times a€?geodesya€? - the determination of the figure and dimensions of the earth, considered in its entirety, as a part of the system of the universe, Eratosthenes next proceeded to consider that portion of it which was in his time geographically known, or supposed to be inhabited. In his Geographica Eratosthenes discussed the best method of drawing a map of the inhabited area of the earth as known. Therefore, as with earlier map construction, the length of the oikumene greatly exceeds the width, though by what proportion depends on how much of the northern, eastern and southern extremities were regarded as inhabited. As approximations to sizes and shapes of parts of the world, Eratosthenes first divided the inhabited world by a line stretching from the Pillars of Hercules [Straits of Gibraltar] to the Taurus Mountains and beyond, then subdivided each of these two sections into a number of irregular shapes, or sphragides, which literally meant a€?an official seala€™ and later was extended to represent a plot of land numbered by a government surveyor, then by extrapolation to a numbered area on a map. Eratosthenes undoubtedly conceived, in accordance with the prevalent belief in his day, that the Ocean was found immediately to the east of India, and that the Ganges flowed directly into it. From that point he supposed the coast to trend away towards the northwest, so as to surround the great unknown tracts of Scythia on the north, but sending in a deep inlet to the south, which formed the Caspian Sea.
His ideas of the geographical position and configuration of India were also in great measure erroneous.
Physical geography, in the modern sense of the term, was still quite in its infancy in the days of Eratosthenes, and it cannot be said that he did much to impart to it a scientific character. Eratosthenes also adopted, and apparently developed at considerable length, an idea first suggested by the physical philosopher Strabo, that the Mediterranean and the Euxine [Black] Seas had originally no outlet, and stood in consequence at a much higher level, but that they had burst the barriers that confined them, and thus given rise to the Straits of the Bosphorus, the Hellespont and that of the columns. This map of the known world was a very striking achievement and may be considered to be the first really scientific Greek map. DESCRIPTION: A French prelate and cardinal, celebrated for his learning, Pierre da€™Ailly had great influence on the theological controversies of the late 14th, early 15th centuries, especially during the council at Constance. That da€™Ailly was soon aware of the shortcomings of his Ymago Mundi may, perhaps, be inferred from the appearance of a subsequent treatise. While the original treatises were, of course, produced in manuscript form, of which many copies are still extant attesting to its widespread popularity and circulation, the best known form to modern scholars is probably that of the printed (woodcut) edition of ca.1483 (Louvain). Cardinal da€™Aillya€™s work is marked by great erudition, although he seldom pronounces any positive opinion of his own. The reasons given, however, such as the claim that the elevation of the sun there makes life impossible, presumably because it scorches the earth, are highly improbable. Thus the water runs from one Pole to the other forming a sea which extends between the extremity of Spain and the beginning of India, of small width, in such a way that the beginning of India comes to beyond the half of the equinoctial line [i.e. Now the greatest interest of these and similar extracts from da€™Ailly is that they were of fundamental importance in governing the ideas of the last of the medieval travelers, Christopher Columbus. After his three historic voyages westward, Columbus in 1498, in letters to his sovereigns, attempting to substantiate his claims of discovering a new route to the Indies, proved that he was a man whose philosophical foundation lay firmly in the Middle Ages.
With specific reference to the writings of da€™Ailly after his discovery of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, it can be seen that the Cardinal was a critical scholar. Whereas Meroe was formerly da€™Aillya€™s most southerly outpost of the oikoumene [inhabited world], now it is Montes Barditi qui meridionalem limitem nostre habitabilis terminant, and to those he gives the latitude of 16A° S Ethiopia is similarly affected, receiving an ill-defined southern extension and made to adjoin the hitherto unmentioned land of Agysimba. An excerpt from da€™Aillya€™s Ymago Mundi with annotations made by Columbus in the margins. So it must not be imagined that the Cardinal followed his new-found authority unquestioned. After elaborating the various geographical concepts transmitted by Pierre da€™Ailly and noting his impressive list of sources, it is curious to take note of the particulars of the mappamundi (drawn about 1410 perhaps after an original by Roger Bacon of the 13th century) that accompanied both the manuscript and printed editions of the Ymago Mundi. Again, the map by itself does not speculate or promote new geographical ideas, however, given the concepts and ideas expressed in da€™Aillya€™s text and using the analogy between present-day radio, this seemingly blank map with the provocative text and combined with an active imagination may have been the most appropriate design for da€™Ailly to have chosen. DESCRIPTION: During the Middle Ages the Greek tradition of disinterested research was stifled in Western Europe by a theological dictatorship which bade fair, for a time, to destroy all hope of a genuine intellectual revival. Most Arab cartographers also used Ptolemya€™s instructions in the construction of their own maps.
Over the years, these enlightened Arabs injected new life and a storehouse of knowledge into the relatively backward science of Western Europe, and, for centuries, Arab culture actually dominated the Iberian Peninsula and Sicily. In the year 1138, the royal palace at Palermo, Sicily was the scene of a long-awaited meeting between an unusual Christian king and a distinguished Muslim scholar. The monarch was Roger II, King of Sicily; his distinguished guest the Arab geographer Abu Abdullah Mohammed Ibn al-Sharif al-Idrisi [Edrisi]. Al-Idrisia€™s writings tell us less about his own character and personality than about those of the man who became his host and patron. Sicily in particular was an ideal meeting ground for the two civilizations a€“ Christian Europe and the Muslim Middle East. Early in the 11th century a band of Norman adventurers, the Hautevilles, had ridden into southern Italy to wrest it from the Byzantine Greeks and the Muslims, and in 1101 Count Roger da€™Hauteville capped his career by conquering Sicily. Tall, dark-haired, bearded and corpulent, Roger, from a magnificent palace in Palermo, ruled his kingdom with a balanced mixture of diplomacy, ruthlessness, wisdom and skill that has led many historians to term his kingdom the best-governed European state of the Middle Ages.
Rogera€™s interest in geography was the expression of a scientific curiosity just awakening in Europe, but inevitably he turned to a Muslim for help. A few practical maps did exista€”marinersa€™ charts showing coastlines, capes, bays, shallows, ports of call and watering and provisioning placesa€”but in a typical medieval divorce of science and technology, these remained in the hands of navigators. To carry out the project, Roger established an academy of geographers, with himself as director and al-Idrisi as permanent secretary, to gather and analyze information.
The academy began by studying and comparing the works of previous geographersa€”principal among them 12 scholars, 10 of them from the Muslim world.
Al-Idrisia€™s two geographers from the pre-Islamic era were Paulus Orosius, a Spaniard whose popular History, written in the fifth century, included a volume of descriptive geography; and Ptolemy, the greatest of the classical geographers, whose Geography, written in the second century, had been entirely lost to Europe, but preserved in the Muslim world in an Arabic translation. After examining at length the geographical works they had collected, the king and the geographer observed that they were full of discrepancies and omissions, and decided to embark on original research.
During this research, al-Idrisi and Roger compared data, keeping the facts on which travelers agreed and eliminating conflicting information.
Finally, however, the long 15-year geographical study was finished and the task of map making began.
Al-Idrisi explained that the disk merely symbolized the shape of the world: The earth is round like a sphere, and the waters adhere to it and are maintained on it through natural equilibrium which suffers no variation. By al-Idrisia€™s time, Muslim astronomers had made great strides in methods of reckoning latitude. Al-Idrisi himself gave three figures for the eartha€™s circumference, without deciding among them: Eratosthenesa€™ approximately correct estimate, a slightly smaller figure arrived at by Indian astronomers, and a still smaller numbera€”though larger than Ptolemya€™sa€”which was apparently agreed on by Sicilian scholars.
On the disk, according to al-Idrisia€™s own account, were incised a€?by skillful workersa€? lines marking the limits of the seven climates of the habitable world, arbitrary divisions established by Ptolemy running east and west and bounded by parallels of latitude, from the Arctic to the Equator.
The map, written in Arabic, shows the Eurasian continent in its entirety, but only shows the northern part of the African continent.
The resulting book and associated maps which took 15 years to amass are, for this and the above reasons, unquestionably among the most interesting monuments of Arabian geography.
Modern geographers have attempted to reconstruct the features of the silver planisphere by using a combination of the maps of Rogera€™s Book, which has survived in several texts, and its tables of longitudes and latitudes.
Distortions, omissions, and misconceptions notwithstanding, the superiority of al-Idrisia€™s map over the world maps of medieval Europe is striking. The first division of the first climate commences to the west of the Western Sea, which Idrisi called the Sea of Darkness. Following the Nile, still eastward, we find the nomadic Berbers who pasture their flock on the borders of a river flowing from the east, debouching into the Nile stream. It is clear that the part of southern Africa which is extended far to the east is a legacy from Ptolemy, but Arabian seafarers had taught Idrisi that the sea was open in the east, and in his own commentaries he writes: a€?The Sea of Sin [China] is an arm of the ocean which is called the Dark Sea [the Atlantic]a€?.
To the south al-Idrisi pictured a great river, the Nile of the Negroes, a composite of the Senegal and the Niger Rivers that flowed from Central Africa west to the Atlantic.
Sicily, naturally, came in for special praise; it was a pearl of the age, and al-Idrisi told the story of the Norman conquest of the island by Roger da€™Hauteville, the greatest of Frankish princes, followed by the succession of the great king who bears the same name and who follows in his footsteps. Idrisi was not, however, able to put the countries around the Baltic into proper shape, even though his notes show him to have been familiar with a great many places there, as in the rest of Europe. The impressive assemblage of facts from travelersa€™ accounts and geographical writings was interrupted now and then by fables, some taken directly from Ptolemy, some from popular folklore. Al-Idrisia€™s Rome had an oriental magnificence; ships with their freight sailed up the Tiber to be drawn thus loaded right up to the very shops of the merchants. The Arabs knew these islands through Ptolemy, and called them Jazaa€™ir al-Khalidat [The Eternal Isles], presumably a version of the Greek name. After telling us that the Canaries had been visited by Alexander the Great and that the tomb of a pre-Islamic South Arabian king, made of marble and colored glass, can be seen on one of them, al-Idrisi gives the names of two of the islands. Even more interesting is al-Idrisia€™s account of an actual voyage of exploration into the western Atlantic, undertaken by 80 brave men from Lisbon whom he calls the mugharrirun, best rendered as a€?intrepid explorers.a€? The expedition must have taken place before 1147 - the date Lisbon fell to the Christians - but it is impossible to be more precise. It was from the city of Lisbon that the mugharrirun set out to sail the Sea of Darkness in order to discover what was in it and where it ended, as we have mentioned before. The inhabitants of the island of al-Sua€™ali are shaped like women and their canine teeth protrude. The island of Qalhan is inhabited by animal-headed people who swim in the sea to catch their food. Al-Ghawr makes sense; it means a depression surrounded by higher land, and occurs elsewhere in the Arab world as a place name.
Al-Idrisi gives the names of 13 islands in the western Atlantic; a 14th, visited by the mugharrirun, is nameless. On his map, Idrisi shows a long string of islands in the Western Ocean reaching north from the equator to Brittany. However, Arab geographers and astronomers were much too accurate in their latitude calculations to mistakenly spread the Canary Islands so widely over the ocean. The three intermediate islands in the chain may be the first cartographic representation of the Azores. Idrisia€™s description of other islands in the Atlantic appear to have more to do with fanciful legends than with reality. Some of these islands resemble the islands of Irish legend, and the Arabs may have incorporated parts of the Celtic tradition into their own legends. At the latitude of Tangier, in the Grand Sea, there are situated islands named a€?The Fortunate Islands.a€? These are spread in the sea, not far away from the west coast [of Africa], the Barbary Coast. Al-Idrisi presented the planisphere, a silver celestial sphere and the book to his patron in 1154, just a few weeks before Roger died at 58, probably of a heart attack; he went on to compose another geographical work for William I, Rogera€™s successor. According to Arab sources, Idrisi composed yet another more detailed text and map in 1161 for Rogera€™s son William II. In 1160, however, Sicilian barons rose in rebellion against William and during the disorders looted the palace; in a great fire in the courtyard, they burned government records, books and documentsa€”including a new Latin edition of Rogera€™s Book which al-Idrisi had presented to William. Since the barons had attacked the Muslims of Sicily with particular ferocitya€”killing, among many others, a famous poet named Yahya ibn al-Tifashia€”al-Idrisi fled to North Africa where, six years later, he died. As he had brought the Arabic text with him, however, his great work lived on, winning widespread fame, serving as a model for Muslim geographers and historians for centuries and providing the great Muslim historian, Ibn Khaldun, with practically all his geographical knowledge. It is a curious thought that had Columbus been aware of the true distancea€”from al-Idrisia€™s estimatesa€”he might have hesitated to undertake his epoch-making voyage and might never have discovered that new world which came to light one morning on the far side of the Sea of Darkness.
Idrisia€™s works are of exceptional quality when considered in comparison with other geographical writings of their period, partly by reason of their richness of detail, but mainly because of the afore mentioned a€?scientific methoda€™ that was employed, a procedure which was indeed unlike that adopted by most Latin scholars of that era. There is, however, a markedly retrograde character to certain portions of his work, such as East Africa and South Asia; despite his narrative of the Lisbon Wanderers (see above and Beazely, vol.
In view of its modernity and high intrinsic worth, it is difficult to understand why Idrisia€™s work, composed as it was at the chronological and geographical point of contact between the Islamic and Christian civilizations, remained so long un-utilized by Christian scholars in Sicily, Italy, or other Christian countries, until we remember that the primary - we might even say the sole - interest of the Latin West in Arabic literature centered on the preparation of calendars, star tables and horoscopes, and, to some extent, the recovery of ancient lore. Al-Idrisia€™s map places Gog and Magog in northern China, behind a great wall with a tower and a door; at the wall is an inscription, translated as a€?belongs to the Kufaya mountain range which encloses Gog and Magoga€?. The first translation known of Idrisia€™s work was published in Rome only in 1619, and then in a very much shortened form (the translator did not even know the authora€™s name). On the other hand, there is no question but that the Sicilo-Norman enthusiasm for geography exerted an indirect influence on the evolution of geographical knowledge, an influence that was to make itself felt more especially after the close of the Crusades period.
Detail of the a€?The large Idrisi Mapa€? showing Europe and North Africa,a€? re-oriented with North at the top.
Reproduction and re-orientation of a map of the world adapted from the Muqaddimah [Introduction] to Ibn Khalduna€™s monumental work, The History of the World, 1381; derived from the 1154 al-Idrisi map.
Its historical significance arises from the fact that it is the oldest surviving globe from the post-1492 period and the oldest surviving globe to illustrate any portion of the New World. Thus, in this respect, the small globe does not convey the awareness that there had to be a distinct second ocean (the Pacific) as the WaldseemA?ller map (#310) clearly does.
Harrisse believed that the Lenox Globe was made in France derived from a€?an Italian modela€? and he detected what he thought were some features or nomenclature reminiscent of a sketch map allegedly from the hand of Leonardo Da Vinci (#327) now kept in the Library at Windsor Castle. He was one of the first scholars to make the astute observation about how quickly and how inevitably it was that the Europeans would connect the dots, would grasp the continuous unbroken coastline from Labrador to Argentina as seen in the Stobnicza map of 1512 (#319).
He remarked in his Narrative and Critica1 History of America that a€?its date is fixed at 1510-1512, but by some as early as 1506-1507.a€? Curiously Winsor, who died in 1897, never identified which scholars favored the earlier date that would place the creation of the Lenox Globe before the WaldseemA?ller map.
When he published his critical assessment in a long article for The Magazine of American History in September 1879, he was ahead of his time. There in fact are several other maps, globes, or globe gores - associated with the names Boulengier (#324), Green (#342.1), Hauslab-Leichtenstein (#310), Nordenskiold (#311), Stobnicza (#319), and the well-known globes and maps of Johannes SchA¶ner (#328) from the 1515-1520 period - which show this continent having a strait or cape like the African continent and also having a distinctive a€?ice cream-conea€? shape quite unlike Africa. And this evidence should raise doubts and did in fact raise doubts among some late-19th century scholars such as De Costa, Nordenskiold, Varnhagen and Winsor concerning the conventional wisdom that everyone in Europe was in the dark prior to Magellana€™s famous expedition. And Humboldt based his conclusion in the 1830s, on the fact that the little essay Cosmographiae Introductio published to accompany WaldseemA?llera€™s world map in 1507 and which names for the first time the New World as America in Vespuccia€™s honor, also describes the new continent in the southern hemisphere as being like an a€?enormous island in it that it is found to be surrounded on all sides by watera€?.
Therefore, unlike Harrisse who curiously was not willing to date the globe before 1511, De Costa was firm in his conclusion that the Portuguese must have found the strait no later than 1510. It seems probable that it was made after the publication, in 1503, of Vespuciusa€™ letter to Lorenzo de Medici, in which he gave an account of his third voyage, when he followed the Brazilian coast 34A° south latitude. De Costa, Justin Winsor and Henry Harrisse have assigned a date of 1510-11, for the reason, amongst others, that, while several of its representations are in advance of the published knowledge of 1508, they are behind that of 1511-12. In 1508, on the map of John Ruysch (#313), Newfoundland also appears as a part of Asia, being marked Terra Nova.
In its New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names, Mundus Novus, Terra Sanctae Crucis, and Terra de Brazil.
The ordinary observer must have perceived that the great bodies of land on the globe terminated towards the south in points. The principle in accordance with which the age of this globe is to be deduced is now therefore quite clear. The globe shows very distinctly a large island, without any name, lying in the Indian Ocean.
This excuse, however, cannot be offered for those who later represented Zanzibar as a great island out in the ocean. Acting, however, in accordance with the suggestion offered, it would prove an easy task to bring order out of the confusion. Nevertheless it is probable that Australia was known centuries before, when the Chinese, with the marinersa€™ compass, navigated those seas. Amongst these might be mentioned the peculiar configuration of the Asiatic coasts, the style of the lettering, the drawing of the ships, and the aspect of the marine monsters.
He also puts Simarum Situs on the border of the Gulf of the Ganges, where Sinarum Situs is put by Ruysch, Sinarum, like Serica, or silk, being a name applied to China, which on the globe is called East India. The globe-maker, however, should have placed the province where Polo and the Nancy Globe (#363) place it, on the Coromandel coast. Below South Africa is a grotesque monster, intended for a whale, the creature being delineated with much care.
He may have heard of the Vinland of the Northmen, but the story of the Cabots had already been locked up in depositories where it was destined to lie too long; while Martyra€™s map of Beimeni, or Florida, together with the publications of 1512, 1513, 1515, had not come from the press. The word Getulia and Zamor point to the influence of the Goths and Moors in Africa, while Paludes Nile show that, in common with the geographers of that period, the globe-maker had anticipated the discoveries of Livingstone and Stanley. Cuba, on the other hand, is correctly laid down as an island, being called Isabel, in honor of Queen Isabella. The name America was first proposed in 1507 by Martin WaldseemA?ller, known under the Greek pseudonym of a€?Hylacomilus.a€? It appears in his Cosmographiae Introductio, where, having called attention to the fact that the old continents were named after women, he observes that the new one should be called after a man.
Hylacomilus was entirely friendly to Columbus, as was the case with Vespucci in his relations to the Genoese; nevertheless the geographer of St.
He says that three times in his second voyage Vespucci calls the country terra del Asia, but in the third voyage calls it una€™ altro mondo and Mondo nuovo.
This map shows the separation of America from Asia, but we believe that the Lenox Globe is earlier. Or the Lenox Globe indeed was made prior to 1507 that would or could mean that its amazing depiction of the new southern continent was derived from highly valued geographical knowledge that also made possible the brilliant synthesis that we see in the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507. The main reason for De Costaa€™s waffling is that he remained intrigued with the notion that there was a€?some connectiona€? between the Lenox Globe that refers to the New World as Mundus Novus, and Vespuccia€™s 1501-1502 voyage.
Curiously, for some reason, even though De Costa lived until 1904, there is no record of what he thought after the discovery of this map in 1901, which might well have prompted him to date the Lenox Globe prior to 1507.
The Baron had no doubt that the globe was made well before Magellan since its depiction of Asia was more primitive than what one sees on the Ruysch map included the 1507-1508 Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia.
The Ruysch map was inserted in the widely available Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia which published in 1507-1508, the first such edition of this work since 1490.
Instead, in sharp contrast, the Lenox Globe shows what the Cantino and Caveri maps do not show: namely, the coastline from Venezuela around Panama then upward to Honduras with no hint of a strait in the region of Panama. Ita€™s amazing depiction of the southern continent, essentially in its entirety as a land mass totally separate from Asia and surrounded like an island virtually on all sides by water makes the Lenox Globe a strange hybrid. In Spanish maritime circles, knowledge of the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico, Florida, and even much of the coast north of Florida (all of which fell within the Spanish maritime zone) was fairly complete by 1502-1504.
At the same time, we know that in the Spring of 1501, after Cabral had found the east coast of Brazil the previous year, the Portuguese focused intensely on exploring the eastern coastline of South America in order to determine if there was a cape and if it fell within Lisbona€™s maritime zone. The globe reflects a pro-Portuguese political bias and here we come to what is perhaps the most astonishing and revealing feature of the globe. We can also see this same eastward twist of the coastline in the Cantino (#306) and Contarini (#308) maps both of which date to before the WaldseemA?ller map.
Based on this evidence, Fite and Freeman felt compelled to conclude (again like De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld) that this a€?suggests a water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519a€?. In any case, the preponderance of evidence and the historical contextualization seems to validate the Fite-Freeman argument that the Lenox Globe dates to sometime between late 1503 when the first editions of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novos were published and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller world map and globe gores appeared.
The globe illustrates how geographers of that time struggled to reconcile the discoveries of new lands with orthodox Ptolomaic cosmography. The discussion over this puzzle may be dated from 1786, when Alexander Dalrymple first drew attention to the resemblance between the shape of Jave la Grande on the Dauphin, or Harleian map (#378) and the shape of the coastline of New South Wales as it had been charted by James Cook in HMS Endeavour in 1770. This map, which is on parchment, appears from the characters, and other circumstances, to have been made about the beginning of the 16th century. This had been described in the 9th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica and discussed in an article by Benjamin Franklin De Costa in the Magazine of American History. Estreicher pointed out that the western coasts of both this continent and the MUNDUS NOVUS in the Western Hemisphere are schematic and without detail, in contrast to the eastern coasts which show bays, rivers and promontories, indicating that they are the result of actual discovery by voyagers.

Diese Annahme wird zur Gewissheit, als wir auf dem Jagellonischen Globus finden, dass die Insel die Inschrift tragt: AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. The Tross Gores also bear the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA, but in this case placed over South America (WaldseemA?llera€™s America), and there is no continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. The depiction of the continents on the globe in this clock is similar to the globe or gores made by Louis Boulengier in 1514, indicating how globe makers could persist in using cosmographical concepts that were decades out of date. Unlike the Lenox Globe, the Jagellonian Globe has engraved on it the lines of latitude and longitude with the prime meridian passing through the island of Ferro. However, as mentioned above, he oddly applies this name, not to the new fourth continent in the Western Hemisphere but instead to an unsubstantiated mythical island in the southern portion of the Indian Ocean. For his part, Estreicher drew the sensible and logical conclusion that the use of the name America clearly indicates that the Jagellonian Globe was made after the spring of 1507. One distinct possibility consistent with the other indication of a pro-Portuguese political bias, is that the Jagellonian Globe was made by someone with that same bias and who was furious that Amerigo Vespucci had revealed far too much in Mundus Novus for Lisbona€™s liking and who may well have been dismissed in late 1504 from further service for Portugal for that reason. Hythlodaeus, the narrator, whose name perhaps recalls Hylacomylus (WaldseemA?llera€™s name in latinized form), is said to have accompanied Amerigo Vespucci on what, according to the perhaps apocryphal but widely read Soderini letter, was his fourth voyage (1503-1504). This analysis would suggest that the Jagellonian version of the Lenox Globe might have been a hostile reaction to what the mapmakers had done at St.
The maker of the Jagellonian Globe who inserted this erroneous inscription with regard to Americaa€™s location on a globe was dependent on a prior cartographic projection that had to have originated elsewhere. Writing of his 1499 voyage, Amerigo Vespucci said he had hoped to reach India by sailing westward from Spain across the Atlantic around the Cape of Catigara into the Sinus Magnus, the Great Gulf that lay to the East of the Chersonese Aureus [Malay Peninsula].
Johannes SchA¶nera€™s globe of 1515 (#328), like Boulengiera€™s of 1514 (#324), depicted America but, like the Jagiellonian and Lenox, showed another continent to the South West, labeled BRASILLIE REGIA.
This was a cosmographical concept, not based on actual surveys, but as Stevenson pointed out, assumed because the geographers of the time such as WaldseemA?ller, ignorant of the reality of the Pacific Ocean or of North America, thought Amerigo Vespuccia€™s newly discovered land was located in the Southern Hemisphere to the eastward of Africa. As an authentic document from the early sixteenth century incorporating and demonstrating the cosmographic concepts of that time, it deserves consideration in any discussion of how the Dieppe maps came into existence.
Frederick Pohl (1889-1991) accepted the Fite-Freeman position in an essay published in the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in September 1963. Pohl drew this conclusion in part because after he published a biography of Vespucci in 1944, Pohl seems to have become aware of the observations of German Arciniegas and Robert Levillier that the Portuguese map makers were in the habit of twisting the southern coastline of South America toward the southeast so that the cape or strait would fall on Lisbona€™s side of the Line of Demarcation established by treaty in 1494. Although Pohl in his 1963 essay curiously did not mention Levilliera€™s essay or Arciniegasa€™ well-known Vespucci biography, he had already argued in 1944 that someone must have tampered with Vespuccia€™s letters to Soderini in various passages, especially that conspicuous alteration from a€?southwesta€? to a€?southeasta€? to give the false impression that the eastern coastline shifted abruptly in that direction a€“ as we can see illustrated in the Lenox Globe in a quite dramatic fashion. This exaggerated geographical feature strongly suggests that officials in Lisbon were quite eager as early as 1502 to spread misinformation or disinformation about the true direction of the coastline below the Tropic of Capricorn at 23 degrees latitude south. We can say this because he buried a discussion of this specific issue in a long footnote on pages 225-226 at the back of his biography of Vespucci published in London in 1944.
However, the most telling observation is that if there was no European knowledge of a cape or a strait with regard to the new southern continent prior to Magellan, why do these globes a€?twista€? the southern portion of the continent to make people believe that a cape and water fall so far to the east, in the direction of, and therefore within the Portuguese maritime zone?
Hans Wolff who edited and also contributed to America: Early Maps of the New World (1992) made a passing remark about how the Lenox Globe a€?is slightly older than the Brixen-Hauslab globe of 1523a€? but his suggestion that the globe dates to around 1520 is not credible. While it is neither signed nor dated, there is scarcely a doubt that it is as old as the Lenox globe; indeed, the geographical features of the two globes are so similar that they appear to be the work of the same globe maker, or copies of a common original, yet it is note-worthy that the nomenclature of the Jagellonicus globe is somewhat richer. At the same time, the maker of the globe evidently and curiously was still not aware of the decision at Saint-Die to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci. First, the maker of this globe accepted or echoed Portuguese cartographic propaganda after 1502 concerning the configuration of the eastern coastline which was depicted as shifting or twisting in a highly exaggerated fashion in a southeasterly direction into the Atlantic. Third, despite all the evidence that the maker of the Lenox Globe was working almost exclusively with Portuguese sources, he oddly fails to provide the more accurate depiction of South Asia that we find in the Cantino, Caveri and Ruysch maps all of which were completed in the 1502-1507 time period.
Pohla€™s suspicion that this globe appeared around the time of the publication of the questionable Italian or Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters in 1505 or 1506 is a compelling argument.
Magellana€™s strange decision to turn and sail due west across the Pacific after having sailed northward to a considerable extent up the Chilean coast remains an intriguing fact. Instead, Magellan seems to have been acting on the assumption or belief that this new southern land, though quite huge, was either an enormous island or a new continent totally separate from Asia, which is precisely what both the Lenox Globe and WaldseemA?ller maps clearly suggest.
And surely at that time the Spanish had abandoned any hope in a strait in that region, otherwise they would not have backed Magellana€™s expedition to reach the Moluccas.
In this letter, Chauncey conveys what he was able to learn about Hunta€™s discovery of the Lenox Globe and its later acquisition by Lenox from conversations with Hunta€™s widow who was Chaunceya€™s sister-in-law. In der Jagellonischen Bibliotek, Bulletin lnternational de la€™Academie des Sciences de Cracovie, Comptes Rendus des Seances (March 1900), a€?Resumesa€?, pp. It conforms to the traditional type of world representation during the European Middle Ages and this representation of the known world accords with the contemporary monkish cartographic world view.
Most of the diagrammatic manuscript mappaemundi of the period 1150-1500 are oriented to the East. This late medieval mappamundi, represents a transitional type of cartography that was beginning to unfold in Western Europe before the Renaissance. Eastern Asia contains, interestingly enough, all red dots except for Zandala, the fake paradise. There are, however, two surviving original maps that Durand believes are based on this genre: this one and the Zeitz map of about 1470 (#251). Fra Mauro felt it necessary to apologize for not following the parallels, meridians, and degrees of the Geography on his world map of 1459 (#249), because he found them too confining to show discoveries (presumably in Asia) unknown to Ptolemy. This is the India which Columbus was looking for, because it was marked in the right place on his maps.
In the post-Columbian series, the isthmus of Panama is represented with its true width, because it had been heard of by Columbus and other explorers from the aborigines; in the pre-Columbian series, the union of the peninsula with Asia is much broader, because nobody had exact information about it.
The pre-Magellanic maps have South America extending only to some degrees South; on post-Magellanic maps the land extends to 53 degrees South. On these pre-Columbian maps, the drainage net is much better drawn than on any other representation made before 1850. So Gallez believes that the deep and sound European knowledge of South America before its exploration by Columbus and his Spanish and Portuguese challengers has been firmly established.
But the detail of its hydrographic features mapped by Martellus in 1489 (#256) is a fact, even if this fact remains historically unexplained.
In this way we have identified the Dragona€™s Tail on three maps drawn between 1440 and 1470. As cultured persons, both Pigafetta and Magellan would have seen such maps as Walspergera€™s or others of the same family, and they would surely have taken aboard some copies of them.
They mention respectively: dy Risen vechten und streiten wider dy lint wurm and Homines gigantes pugrant cum draconibus. An inscription on all the maps reads, a€?Ptolemy placed the inhabited world as 180A? from north to south.a€? Of course, Ptolemy did no such thing. Heinrich, a€?Eine neue mittelalterische Weltkarte der vatikanischen Bibliotheka€?, Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Wrdkunde 26 (1891), pp. Heinrich, Die Entdeckung Amerikas in ihrer Bedeutung fA?r die Geschichte des Weltbildes (Berlin: W. Heinrich, a€?Eine neue mittelalterische Weltkarte der Vatikanischen Bibliothek,a€? Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fA?r Erdkunde zu Berlin, XXVI (1891), 371-406.
The cartography of such maps is very poor: for instance, on the maps of Hieronymo Girava 1556, Johann Honter 1561, Giacomo Gastaldi 1562 and Francesco Basso 1571, the Rio Amazonas has its source in Patagonia and flows from south to north.
Gallez believes that the non-recognition of the sphericity of the earth on these mappaemundi was a definitive hindrance, because in such a flat and circular world, there seems to be no place for a large and protruding peninsula like the Dragona€™s Tail. More symmetrical than accurate, its partitions were the forerunners of parallels and meridians after DicA¦archus (#111).
And it is certain also that these had been embodied in the form of maps, which, however imperfect, were unquestionably very superior to anything that had preceded them. It is this enlarged and philosophical view of the subject that constitutes his special merit, and entitles him to be justly called as the a€?parent of scientific geographya€?. Once the idea of a spherical earth was accepted, and that it was a perfect sphere, the measurement of this body was a logical step, even to Greek scholars who were more given to philosophical speculation than to quantification and experimentation. The method pursued by Eratosthenes is fully stated and explained by the astronomer Cleomedes, in his work on the Circular Motion of the Heavenly Bodies. He observed that the rays of the sun, at midday, at the time of the summer solstice, fell directly over Syene [modern-day Aswan] and that the vertical rod of the sun dial (gnomon or style) would not cast a shadow (predicated on the assumption that Syene was situated exactly under the Tropic of Cancer). But, though these facts were perfectly correct as matters of rough observation, such as could be made by general travelers, they were far from having the precise accuracy requisite as the basis of scientific calculations.
Hence, as mentioned above, he felt himself at liberty to add 2,000 stades to the 250,000 obtained by his process, in order to have a number that would be readily divisible into sixty parts, or into degrees of 360 to a great circle. His measurement of 250,000 stades (the immediate result of his calculation) would be equivalent to 25,000 geographical miles, while the actual circumference of the earth at the equator falls very little short of 25,000 English miles. Thus Eratosthenes calculated that the parallel at Rhodes, 36A°N., was under 200,000 stades in circumference. And here it must be observed that the relation between the habitable world, which was alone regarded as coming within the scope of the geographer (properly so called), and the terrestrial globe itself, was, in the days of Eratosthenes, and even long afterwards, a very different one from that which we now conceive as subsisting between them. The first task of the geographer therefore, according to the notions then prevailing, was to determine the limits and dimensions of the map of the world, which was to form the subject of his special investigations.
India he suggested drawing as a rhomboid; Ariana [the eastern part of the Persian Empire] would be illustrated as approximating a parallelogram.
Just to the north of the Ganges the great mountain chain of Imaus, which he regarded as the continuation of the Indian Caucasus and the Taurus, descended (according to his ideas) to the shores of the Eastern Ocean; and he appears to have given the name of Tarnarus to the headland which formed the termination of this great range. Of the northern shores of Asia or Europe he had really no more knowledge than Herodotus (#109), but, unlike that historian, he assumed the fact that both continents were bounded by the Ocean on the north; a fact which is undoubtedly true, but in a sense so widely different from that supposed by Eratosthenes that a can hardly be held as justifying his theory. As mentioned above, he conceived it to be of a rhomboidal form, which may be regarded as a rough approximation to the truth, and he even knew that the two sides, which enclosed the southern extremity, were longer than the other two. In treating the mountain chains of Asia as one continuous range, to which he applied the name of Taurus, he may be regarded as having made a first attempt, however crude, at that systematic description of mountain ranges to which we now give the name of orography. In proof of this theory he alleged the presence of marine shells far inland in Libya, especially near the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and on the road leading to it, as well as the deposits and springs of salt that were also found in the Libyan deserts. Although the dimensions are not known exactly, as it was presented to the Egyptian court a may be assumed to have been fairly large. However, the cosmographical writings of this Archbishop of Cambrai, though immensely popular during the 15th century, were almost forgotten after the great discoveries of the early 16th century. Three years later, in 1413, the Cardinal, having acquired the new Latin translation of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, began writing another geographical work entitled the Cosmographiae Tractatus Duo, or the Compendium Cosmographiae (1414), especially to summarize the useful things contained in Ptolemya€™s work. The learned prelate, otherwise so orthodox, often allows a doubt to glimpse forth as to the geographical dogmas of the Church.
For da€™Aillya€™s personal opinion on this subject, or for that matter on any other, one is hard put to find them within his writings. Aristotle pretends, contrary to Ptolemy, that more than a quarter of the whole globe is inhabited, and Averroes sustains the same opinion. However uncertain the premises and unsound the conclusions may appear to a modern reader, they were seized on by Columbus and his contemporaries and stimulated exploration to the west and south. Not a discriminating scholar, Columbus took his arguments ready-made from old fashioned, handy compendia, but assumed an appearance of immense erudition by quoting passage after passage from classical authors, both Greek and Latin, to prove that the islands and mainland he had discovered are part of Asia. While he makes no attempt to incorporate or assimilate all of the Ptolemaic technique into his own system, he is not slow to exploit it. Again, whereas in his first treatise da€™Ailly describes Africa parem Europae longitudine, tamen multo angustiorem, now he tacitly refutes it by admitting it to be habitable as far as 16 degrees South and to extend still farther.
Occasionally he leans towards the arguments of Pliny and others, and this, so it would seem, less from caprice than from an appreciation of their intrinsic merit. There is not a single idea in any of his geographical writings which cannot be traced back, sooner or later to some impeccably orthodox source.
Unlike the more provocative text, this circular map itself would probably never have stimulated or inspired such exploration as that undertaken by Columbus. By omitting any real or speculative coastlines, the author could leave the interpretation of the textual material and speculation up to his reader. With this basis the Muslims combined the accumulated knowledge gained through exploration and travel. As his visitor entered the hall, the king rose, took his hand and led him across the carpeted marble to a place of honor beside the throne.
Born in Ceuta, Morocco, across the strait from Spain, al-Idrisi was then in his late 30a€™s.
Roger II, son of a Norman-French soldier of fortune who had conquered Sicily at the beginning of the 12th century, was an anomaly among Christian monarchs of his time. Captured by the Arabs in 831, the island had remained in Muslim control until the end of the 11th century. Four years later, he passed the territory on to his son, Roger, who in 1130 was crowned king as Roger II. His energy was a legenda€”one commentator remarked that Roger accomplished more asleep than other sovereigns did awakea€”and his court boasted a collection of philosophers, mathematicians, doctors, geographers and poets who had no superior in Europea€”and in whose company he spent much of his time.
Christian Europea€™s approach to map-making was still symbolic and fanciful, based on tradition and myth rather than scientific investigation, and used to illustrate books of pilgrimage, Biblical exegesis and other works. He wanted to know the precise conditions of every area under his rule, and of the world outsidea€”its boundaries, climate, roads, the rivers that watered its lands, and the seas that bathed its coasts.
Sicilya€™s busy and cosmopolitan ports provided an ideal place for such an inquiry, and for years hardly a ship docked at Palermo, Messina, Catania or Syracuse without its crew and passengers being interrogated about the places they had visited. This process of collecting and assessing material took 15 years, during which, according to al-Idrisi, hardly a day passed when the king did not confer personally with the geographers, studying accounts that disagreed, examining astronomical coordinates, tables and itineraries, poring over books and weighing divergent opinions. First, under al-Idrisia€™s direction, a working copy was produced on a drawing board, with places sited on the map with compasses, following the tables that had already been prepared.
Although Ptolemy had discussed several kinds of projection (Book I, #119), the problem of flattening out the surface of a sphere so that it could be represented on a flat map would not be solved until the 16th and 17th centuriesa€”the Age of Explorationa€”and none too satisfactorily even then. Zach states in 1806 that a€?the oldest terrestrial globe that is known was made for King Roger II of Sicily in the 12th century, and is especially remarkable for the value of the metal which was used in its construction, this being 400 pounds of silver.
Below the Equator, an unexplored southern temperate zone was thought to be separated from the familiar northern one by an impassable area of deadly heat.
Two are in the BibliothA?que Nationale de France, including the oldest, dated to about 1300 (MS Arabe 2221). From this reconstruction it is evident that, like Ptolemy, al-Idrisi pictured the habitable world as occupying 180 of the 360 degrees of the worlda€™s longitude, from the Atlantic in the West to China in the East, and 64 degrees of its latitude, from the Arctic Ocean to the Equator. Contrasted with the quaint and picturesque, but almost totally uninformative maps of the Christian scholars, the features of Europe, North Africa and the Middle East are easily recognizable in al-Idrisia€™s representationa€”Britain, Ireland, Spain, Italy, the Red Sea and the Nile. He had no doubt met travelers and merchants from Scandinavia at the court of King Roger and received important information from them, but we know that the Arabs too had connections with the Baltic peoples and also those in Russia at that time. In Russia, winter daylight periods were so short that there was hardly time for Muslim travelers to perform all five obligatory daily prayers. Paris (Abariz) earned a condescending reference as a town of mediocre size, surrounded by vineyards and forests, situated on an island in the Seine, which surrounds it on all sides; however, it is extremely agreeable, strong, and susceptible of defense. The Strait of Gibraltar, according to Rogera€™s Book, did not exist when Alexander the Greata€”as medieval legend had ita€”invaded Spain.
Discovered by Hanno in the fifth century BC, they were explored and colonized in 25 BC by Juba II, erudite king of Mauretania and husband of Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Antony and Cleopatra. Some sources speak of these islands as if they were legendary, telling us for example that on each of the six islands - there are in fact seven - there was a bronze statue, like the one in CA?diz, warning voyagers to turn back.
The mugharrirun were so famous for their exploit that a street in Lisbon was named after them. A street in Lisbon, near the hot springs, is still known as a€?The Street of the Intrepid Explorersa€?; it is named after them. It is hard to escape the impression that we owe the preservation of this account largely to the folk etymology in the last line.
The Azores are named after a kind of goshawk - in Portuguese, aA§or - prevalent there at the time of discovery. The inhabitants threw stones at the travelers and hurt several of Alexandera€™s companions. A small fresh-water river runs down from the foot of the mountain, where the inhabitants live. Al-Mustashkin is probably a corruption of al-mushtakin, meaning a€?the complainersa€? - appropriate enough for a population in thrall to a dragon. The Two Brothers could be the two small islands off Lanzarote in the Canaries, Alegranza and Graciosa, or indeed, any two prominent rocks off their coasts.
This unnamed island, together with Masfahan, Laghus, The Two Brothers and possibly Sawa, are almost certainly islands in the Canary group. After describing the Canary Islands, Idrisi refers to an island in the Western Sea named Raqa, which is the Isle of the Birds, Djaziratoa€™t-Toyour. Distinct from the Canary Islands were the Isle of Female Devils, the Isle of Illusion, the Island of Two Sorcerers, and the Isle of Lamentation [Gazirat al-Mustashkin], which was inhabited and fertile, with tilled fields, but controlled by a terrible dragon. An exchange of ideas and reciprocal influences between the two cultures certainly took place.
This work is said to have been even more extensive than his earlier one, but only a few extracts have survived.
At the same time, the silver planisphere and celestial sphere disappeared, apparently cut up and melted down.
Although the Arabic text of Rogera€™s Book was published in Rome by the Medici press in 1592, it was not again available to Europeans in Latin until the 17th century. Certainly the influence of Idrisia€™s Geography could not have been great in the world of letters or else traces of it would more easily be detected in Western literature.
An explicit reference to Dul-Karnaia€™in (an Arabic name for Alexander, among others) by the gate, leaves no doubt as to Idrisia€™s source. Displays a Ptolemaic construction with an arrangement of horizontal divisions into seven parallel climate zones, originally oriented with South at the top. The globe was first discovered in an antiques shop on the Quai Voltaire in Paris around 1854 by a New York architect named Richard Morris Hunt. Despite this fact, what makes the Lenox globe extremely important, indeed revolutionary, is that it depicts the continent of South America as a separate island-like continent. He argued that this globe was not part of the a€?cartographical familya€? with roots in Portuguese sources a€“ such as the Cantino (#306) and Caveri (#307) maps However, closer examination requires a major reassessment of that conclusion because the historical context and other cartogcaphic evidence imbedded in the Lenox Globe suggest that it is indeed of Portuguese origin, or inspiration, or was made to convey Lisbona€™s political perspective on discoveries in the New World. Harrisse correctly predicted in 1892 that the Stobnicza map was a derivative of the WaldseemA?ller world map of 1507 and argued that if and when it could be found, it also would show this same continuous unbroken coastline. However, it is probable that among the unnamed scholars was the agent Henry Stevens himself who stated that he favored the date of 1506-1507 in an undated letter in the possession of The New York Public Library. For example, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their folio-sized work entitled A Book of Old Maps published in 1921 by Harvard University Press essentially repeated much of what De Costa had said more than forty years earlier. These scholars were not entirely convinced that these maps and globes (including especially the Lenox Globe) were a€?provocative geographical cartoonsa€? as Lawrence Bergreen claims in his book on Magellana€™s famous voyage. He suggested that the Lenox Globe had a€?some connectiona€? with the voyage of Vespucci in 1501-1502 to South America in the service of the Portuguese King Manuel. The western coast of South America is drawn here, as in other maps that were constructed before the news of Magellana€™s circumnavigation had arrived in Europe, laid down not by direct observation but by estimation. Of course the simple fact that an instrument of this kind represents the condition of geographical knowledge at a certain period does not infallibly prove that it was produced at that particular period. On the Lenox Globe, however, Newfoundland appears as an island, though without any name, and at the same time no part of continental North America is laid down. In fact, the entire continent is laid down, though apart from the Lenox Globe, no analogous representation is found before that of the SchA¶ner Globe, 1520 (#328). Nevertheless the Lenox Globe gives all of South America, the drawing alone rendering it probable that the draughtsman was not unacquainted with the configuration of Terra del Fuego. Good reasons also exist for believing that Africa was accepted as the a€?modela€? for South America. To the northward of this island is another, called Madagascar, though the true Madagascar is laid down in its proper place without any name. This may be done by moving the great nameless island into the position occupied by Australia on the modern maps, carrying with it Certina, the so-called Madagascar, and the three islands without name.
From Lelewela€™s sketch of map of Idrisi (#219) it is evident that the region including Java was perfectly well known in 1154. In fact he made too long and too sudden a stride towards the truth to be followed, though Lelewel, while severely criticizing his work, admits that some of his delineations were not equaled for many years after.
The delineation of the Asian coast using the a€?Tiger Lega€? configuration carries on the tradition also employed by the Behaim Globe, and the Marlellus, King Hamy, WaldseemA?ller, Roselli, and Contarini maps.
In this region, near the equatorial line, is seen Hc Svnt Dracones, or here are the Dagroians, described by Marco Polo as living in the Kingdom of Dagroian. In the work entitled Globus Mundus, printed at Strasburg, 1509, the suggestion occurs again, Hylacomilas, evidently repeating himself. To break the force of this, Humboldt refers to the fact that Cadamosto calls the west coast of Africa Altro mondo.
The separation, however, on the map in question proves that it could not have been the work of Columbus, as it has been shown repeatedly that Columbus died in the belief that there was no separation. Third: It is the oldest instrument of any kind showing the entire continent of South America. And this connection, if correct, would suggest that a 1510-1511 date might be too conservative, especially when De Costa himself drew attention to one crucial fact.
As far as direct European knowledge of the west coast of South America which was implicit in the Lenox Globe, NordenskiA¶ld hesitated, even though in 1884 he had on his own discovered a fabulous set of globe gores very similar to the WaldseemA?ller globe gores that conveys the continenta€™s the distinctive ice cream- cone shape. The main reason that he shifted was that he was heavily influenced by the discovery in the 1890s of four copies of the WaldseemA?ller 1507 world map made by Heinrich Loritti (Glareanus). By the time the Ruysch map appeared, the Portuguese had established a presence in South Asia (India), which this map reflects. It conveys or mixes the sophistication of the 1507 WaldseemA?ller map with respect to the southern continent, with a retarded perception of the new lands in the northern hemisphere that lay within the Spanish maritime zone.
The Maggiolo world map (#316), which dates to January 1511, is the last known map to contain this curious geographical feature. According to Robert King it offers a clue as to where Thomas More located his Utopia, and may provide a cosmographic explanation for the Jave la Grande of the Dieppe school of maps. The names are in French, and it is adorned with Fleur de Lis, but most probably has been translated from the work of some Spanish Navigator, whose discovery being forgotten, left room for the new discoveries of the English and French Navigators. Petherick, Commonwealth Parliamentary Archivist, historian, collector of Australiana and bibliographer, whose name is commemorated in the Petherick Reading Room of the National Library of Australia. It is five inches in diameter and made of copperplate, manufactured probably in France to form the central feature of an astronomical clock or armillary sphere, like the Jagiellonian Globe. WaldseemA?llera€™s America referred to what later became known as South America, as the continental extent of the lands later known as North America was not understood in 1507. The formula AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA would indicate a common authorship, and therefore a French origin, for the Tross Gores and the Jagiellonian Globe. The relevant phrase on the Jagellonian globe is America novitert reperta [America, land newly discovered]. However, there is no way such a mistaken attribution to a island in the Indian Ocean could have been made if the maker of the Jagellonian Globe had in his possession the world map or globe gores made at St.
Amerigo set out from Lisbon in May 1503 in an unsuccessful attempt to reach Malacca (Melaka) by sailing westwards.
In sum, the Jagellonian borrowed directly from the Lenox Globe which does not refer to America. On the earliest of the Dieppe maps, that of Jean Mallard of c.1536-1540, La Catigare is located on that part of the Terre Australe occupied on later Dieppe maps by Jave la Grande. SchA¶ner said that his source of geographical information was the Newe Zeytung auss Presillg Landt [New Tidings from the Brazilish Land], printed in Augsburg, probably in 1514 and compiled from reports on the recent discoveries sent back to the Fugger banking house in Augsburg from their agents in Madeira.
Pohl went further and also argued that the globe in all probability was made in the immediate wake of the publication in Italy in 1505 of Vespuccia€™s letters concerning his four voyages ostensibly addressed to the Florentine leader, Piero Soderini.
Despite his personal fascination with European, especially Norse or Viking expeditions to the New World prior to 1492, Pohl declared in that footnote that while he was impressed by the accurate placement of the endpoint of South America at about 56 degrees latitude south in both the Lenox and Jagellonian globes, he concluded that this was a€?accidentala€? and that the depiction of a west coast was a€?imaginarya€?. Another contributor to this volume, Professor Uta Lingren (University of Bayreuth) preferred the 1511-1512 date.
We do know that Lenox Globe reflects the island-like conception or model for the new continent that in fact was articulated in Cosmographiae Introductio, in sharp contrast to Vespuccia€™s remarks in Mundus Novus.
Again, when we take all the facts into account, the analysis continues to point to the time period between 1503 and 1507 for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Fourth, the maker of the Lenox Globe was still not aware of the Spanish and also English exploration of significant coastline of the North American continent which we already find reflected in the Cantino and Caveri maps made by 1504 (#306 and #307). We believe that he made that decision based on inside knowledge which suggested to him that if he took the clearly safer route and followed closely this largely barren, mountainous coastline further northward, then he was not going to reach Asia and the Moluccas.
The knowledge that the region associated with the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean was a vast a€?cul-de-saca€? or a gulf - il grand golfo as both Peter Martyr and Vespucci described it - supplied the prime motivation behind Magellana€™s attempt to reach Asia in the alternative fashion that he proposed. A copy of this letter is in the possession of the Rare Book Division (Reserve Room) of The New York Public Library. It is now a prized possession of the New York Public Library, of which the Lenox Library now forms a part. The chart with a diameter of 57.5 cm is surrounded by circles representing the heavenly spheres and the a€?heaven of crystala€?. But among the maps contemporary with that of Andreas Walsperger is the 1459 world map of Fra Mauro (#249), the so-called Borgia world map (#237) of the first half of the 15th century, and the Zeitz mappamundi (#251) of the last quarter of that century are all oriented to the South. Its contributions to cartography were but a fraction of its legacy of scientific manuscripts, including astronomical treatises, star catalogs, and tables of planetary motions, eclipses, and conjunctions, as well as general works on mathematics, including trigonometry. Andreas Walsperger, in this mappamundi of 1448, stated a€?In this figure is contained a mappa mundi or geometrical description of the world, made from the cosmography of Ptolemy proportionally according to longitude, latitude, and the divisions of climate, and with the true and complete chart for the navigation of the seasa€?. Examples of such maps are those made in Florence and Rome in 1489 by Henricus Martellus (#256). There is no record extant of anyone reporting that they had seen any land or island south of the equator, nor did anybody pretend to have explored the inner part of a trans-Atlantic continent and to have mapped its rivers.
We may thus believe that this knowledge already existed before Martellus, and we should look at older maps in search of the sources which he could have had at his disposal. Then there is a small, almost square peninsula which bears the name Aurea Kersonesis, leaving no doubt about its identification.
They thus knew that, following their maps, they would have to sail to the south along the coast of the Dragona€™s Tail until they reached the Land of Giants, and that at the end of that land, they would find a passage to the West, to the Sinus Magnus, and thus a way to the Moluccas. Both maps confirm the fact that Walspergera€™s mention of giants in Patagonia was not a fancy of the cartographer: it was part of the geographical lore of the time. His maps showed the world only as far as 16A? south of the equator, and he opined that the rest was probably uninhabited or uninhabitable. Geographic information that was gathered by Alexander the Great and his successors was the primary source used by Eratosthenes, a scholar with vision large enough to put this information into a logical framework. The first use of world maps by the Greeks had been introduced at a very early period by Anaximander (ca. The materials at his command were still very imperfect, and the means of scientific observation were wanting to a degree which we can, at the present-day, scarcely figure to ourselves; but the methods which he pursued were of a strictly scientific character, and his judgment was so sound that he proved in many instances to be better informed and more judicious in his inferences than geographers of two centuries later. He was not indeed the first who had attempted the solution of this problem, which would naturally engage the attention of astronomers and geometers, as soon as it was agreed that the earth was of a spherical form.
Both the method and the accuracy of Eratosthenesa€™ well-known measurement of the earth have evoked the admiration of later workers, and his calculation is regarded as one of the greatest achievements of Greek science.
Syene is in fact situated in latitude 24A° 5a€™ 30a€?, or nearly 37 miles to the north of the Tropic. Ever since the discoveries of the great Portuguese and Spanish navigators in the 15th and 16th centuries opened out to us new continents, and extensions of those already known, far beyond anything that had previously been suspected or imagined, men have been accustomed to regard the a€?map of the worlda€? as comprising the whole surface of the globe, and including both the eastern and western hemispheres, while towards the north and south it is capable of indefinite extension, until it should reach the poles, and is in fact continually receiving fresh accessions. This question, which was taken up by Eratosthenes at the beginning of his second book, had already been considered by several previous writers, who had arrived at very different results.
Rather than a rectangle, he thought of the oikumene as tapering off at each end of its length, like a chlamys [short Greek mantle]. In fact the conclusion of Eratosthenes was mainly based upon the erroneous belief that the Caspian communicated with the Ocean to the north in the same manner that the Persian Gulf did to the south; a view which was adopted by all geographers for a period of three centuries, on the authority of Patrocles.
Yet the erroneous idea of its communication with the Ocean to the north sufficiently shows how questionable the information possessed by the Greeks really was. But as he supposed the range of Imaus that bounded the country to the north to have its direction from west to east, while the Indus flowed from north to south, he was obliged to shift around the position of his rhomb, so as to bring the other two sides approximately parallel to the two thus assumed. He also arrived at a sound conclusion concerning the causes of the inundation of the Nile, a subject that must naturally have engaged the attention of a geographer resident in Egypt.
It must have been drawn as closely as possible to scale, and its influence on subsequent Greek and Roman cartography was tremendous.
Thanks to the research of scholars such as Alexander von Humboldt, da€™Aillya€™s influence on subsequent exploration has received proper recognition and general acceptance. Da€™Ailly is, therefore, not only the last of the medieval geographers before the Ptolemaic revival, but also the first of the Western scholars who began that revival and thus had a great an influence on contemporary thought. He expounds on controversial theories and supports various arguments by quotations from famous Greek and Latin writers such as Aristotle, Ptolemy, Seneca, Pliny, Augustine, Esra; and even Arab authors like Averroes, Hali, Alfragan and Avicenna - obviously a remarkably well read scholar. Probably the most significant passages of da€™Aillya€™s writings are those in which he discusses the extent of the habitable globe. The Stagyrite affirms also that the extent of sea is small between the coast of Spain in the West and the shores of India in the East.
It has now been proved that practically the only books on cosmogony that were familiar to Columbus were two, the Ymago Mundi of da€™Ailly, an edition published between 1480 and 1487, and the Historia rerum ubique gestarum of Aeneas Silvius (Pope Pius II), published at Venice in 1477. He refers incidentally to da€™Ailly as an authority supporting his view, but he does not reveal the fact that almost every scrap of his classical learning is lifted bodily out of the Cardinala€™s pages.
Thus he finds the 22 parallels of the Alexandrine climatic division too cumbersome for his own use and reduces them to 12. Thus, for instance, in a passage made famous by its association with the name Columbus, he demonstrates that the length of the habitable earth is greater than that postulated by Ptolemy and points out, as a corollary, that the commencement of India in the East could not be very far distant from the western extremity of Africa. At the same time there is a keen sense of proportion pervading them all and an obvious sincerity of intention. A world map in the tradition of the medieval schematic zone-climate types, da€™Aillya€™s map is hemispherical (20.2 cm in diameter), and displays the entire habitable world within the northern half.
You've learned more about the world's most popular sport, where it is played, and its growth in popularity in our own country. Almost at once the two men began to discuss the project for which the scholar had been asked to come from North Africa: the creation of the first accuratea€”and scientifica€”map of the entire known world.
After studying in Cordoba, in Muslim Spain, he had spent some years in travel, covering the length of the Mediterranean, from Lisbon to Damascus. His co-religionists, commenting on his oriental life-style, complete with harem and eunuchs, disparagingly referred to him as the a€?half-heathen kinga€? and a€?the baptized Sultan of Sicily.a€? Educated by Greek and Arab tutors, he was an intellectual with a taste for scientific inquiry, and relished the company of Muslim scholars, of whom al-Idrisi was one of the most celebrated. Like Muslim Spain, it was a beacon of prosperity to a Europe caught in the economic slow-down we call the Dark Ages. In mathematics, as in the political sphere, al-Idrisi wrote of his patron, the extent of his learning cannot be described. Picturesque and colorful, European maps showed a circular earth composed of three continents equal in sizea€”Asia, Africa and Europea€”separated by narrow bands of water. While medieval Europe had become fragmented and parochial, both politically and commercially, the Muslim world was unified by a flourishing long-distance commerce as well as by religion and culture.
The commissiona€™s agents haunted the ports, and if they discovered a traveler who had visited any particularly exotic region, he was conducted to the palace at Palermo to be questioned by al-Idrisi or even by Roger.
Then a great disk almost 80 inches in diameter and weighing over 300 pounds was fabricated out of silver, chosen for its malleability and permanence. The great geographer Gerardus Mercator commented, If you wish to sail from one port to another, here is a chart .
A knowledge of this globe would not have come down to our day had not Idrisi, a famous geographer of that time, given an especial description of the same, under the title Nothatol mostak [Pleasure of the Soul].a€? According to other scholars it is more probable that the reference here is to a circular disc or planisphere made by Idrisi, or an armillary sphere, but not to a terrestrial globe.
Following the rough sketch prepared by al-Idrisi, the silversmiths transferred the outlines of countries, oceans, rivers, gulfs, peninsulas and islands to the planisphere.
The planisphere showed the sources of the Nilea€”not explored by Europeans until the 19th century, but evidently known to 12th century Muslim travelersa€”and the cities of central Sudan.
Al-Idrisi described the lost city of Ghana (near Timbuktu, on the Niger) as the most considerable, the most densely peopled, and the largest trading center of the Negro countries. Few cities are comparable in the solidity and height of buildings, the beauty of the surrounding country, and the fertility of the lands watered by the Tagus.
The Norwegians had to harvest their grain when it was still green and dry it at their hearths since the sun shines very rarely upon them.
Because the inhabitants of Africa and Europe waged continual warfare, Alexander decided to separate them by a canal, which he cut between Tangier and al-Andalus (southern Spain). A passionate art collector, Juba was also interested in science and technology, inventing a new method of making purple dye from the orchil plant - and the export of orchil from the Atlantic islands was of economic importance until early this century. But al-Idrisi tells of an attempted expedition to the Canaries in the late 12th century, during the reign of the Almoravid amir Yusuf ibn Tashafin. This is probably Tenerife, and the round mountain would be the 3,600-meter-high (12,000-foot) volcano called Pico de Teide. Eighty men, all ordinary people, got together and built a large ship and stocked it with enough food and water for several months.
The sheep are a problem, for the Azores were uninhabited when settled in the 15th century, and even if we slightly stretch the meaning of the word ghanam, which can also mean a€?goats,a€? we are still left with the problem of the origin of the creatures.
There are many rivers and pools, and thickets where donkeys and long-horned cattle take refuge. There used to be a dragon in the area, and the people were forced to feed it with bulls, donkeys or even humans, according to the legend; when Alexander arrived, the people complained to him of the dragona€™s depredations.
Al-Sa€™ali is a word that refers to a kind of female demon or vampire; judging by al-Idrisia€™s description of the female inhabitants of the island, it is apt. This story of Alexander and the dragon echoes the Eleventh Labor of Hercules, the Golden Apples of the Hesperides, guarded by the dragon Ladon. It could be argued that the first six islands, spread over three entire climate zones between the equator and the Strait of Gibraltar, represent the six known Canary Islands, forced into this north-south alignment by the physical constraints of the circular map with its narrow band of the Surrounding Ocean. The first two islands are the Canary Islands, properly shown in the first climate zone and carried forward from Ptolemya€™s map as the Fortunate Islands or Islands of the Blest. This story may be a borrowing from Greek mythology, where a dragon guarded the golden apples of the Hesperides.
In the 1400a€™s, therefore, Christopher Columbus had to rely on other sources of information.
Unlike a multitude of Arabic writings of far less intrinsic value, the Rogerian Description found no Gerard of Cremona (translator of Ptolemy into Latin) to put it into Latin, and the authoritative geographical knowledge of the Western world was destined to develop unenriched by the treasures which Roger and Idrisi together had amassed.
Gog and Magog appeared on Arabian maps as Yajoj wa Majoj from the 10th century; they appear on Al-Idrisia€™s map of 1154 under the same names. The climate numbers are given along the vertical axis, and the ten longitudinal divisions are given across the top. The text was accompanied by 71 part maps, a world map and 70 sectional itinerary maps, representing the seven climates each divided longitudinally into 10 sections. In the late 1860s Henry Stevens, an agent for James Lenox and other collectors of rare books and other historical artifacts, became aware of this special globe and recognized its historical significance.
We can even detect the suggestion of a cone-shape in the lower latitudes below the equator and a cape or water passage at the far southern end. Given his perspicacity, it remains odd that the Lenox Globe with its distinct image of the South America as a real a€?islanda€? - totally disconnected from other landmasses - and with no depiction of North America at all a€“ was still not enough to persuade Harrisse to date the globe prior to 1507. Stevens must have taken this position by the late 1870s, because an entry under a€?Globesa€? in the Encyclopedia Britannica edition of 1879 quotes him as assigning the date of 1506-1507 to the Lenox Globe. This total separation from Asia is exactly the cartographic projection we find on the Lenox Globe.
And De Costa astutely pointed to Vespuccia€™s repeated assertion in Mundus Novus that he had reached 50 degrees below the equator which means the Italian navigator would have fallen just short of the strait by only two degrees on this voyage. Under peculiar circumstances, it would be possible for an instrument like this to possess many of the marks which indicate an early origin, simply through the failure of the designer to incorporate the results of the latest explorations, concerning which he might have been ignorant; but this suggestion, in order to have any weight in the present case, should be supported by some proof of such ignorance. In Peter Martyra€™s work (Legatio Babylonicd) of the following year, Florida appears as Beimeni, while the Stobnicza map in the Ptolemy of 1512 (#319), gives a rough view of North America, similar to that found in the Ptolemy of 1513 (#320).
This circumstance might, therefore, lead some to conclude that the globe originated at a late period. How, then, could the globe-maker have known that South America terminated in such a form near latitude 55A° S.? But it is by no means unreasonable to suppose that the termination of South America was known in 1510, even though its circumnavigation had apparently not been accomplished.
Perhaps it is not too much to believe that this globe has some connection with the third voyage of Vespucci, which brought him to the latitude of the Straits of Magellan. When this is done, the student will have before him a tolerable indication of the geography of that region. In the 13th century Marco Polo traveled with a map of the world in his hand, by the aid of which he appears to have described Madagascar. The a€?Tiger Lega€? is Catigara which was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
These people, as once charged against the Irish, feasted upon the dead and picked their bones. That country is called TERRA SANCTO CRVCIS, as upon the Ruysch map, and MVNDVS Novvs, a name given by Sandacourt, a Canon of St.
The name occurs in SchA¶nera€™s Luculentissima, etc., 1515, but the idea that it was generally used is a mistake. It is probable that he had resolved upon this course before Columbus died, while there is nothing whatever to indicate that Vespucci took any action to secure the honor awarded to him, or even that, any more than Columbus, he was solicitous upon the subject. This, however, he confesses is a mere adaptation of the old classic use, the alter orbis of Pomponius, Mela and Strabo. The Genoese, at the end of Cuba, on his second voyage, required his companions to declare on oath that Cuba was not an island the person maintaining the contrary being liable to a fine of ten thousand maravedis, and to have his tongue cut out. Fourth: It is the oldest instrument showing that the discoveries of Columbus formed no part of the Asiatic Continent, and that America was absolutely Mvndvs Novvs, or the New World. That fact is the absence of America on the globe as a name for the new continent - a name which caught on quickly at least in Italy and northern Europe after Cosmographiae Introductio was published in many editions following the first edition in St Die in eastern France in April, 1507. Glareanus states that he had followed the projections of WaldseemA?ller whose large map still had not been found but whose globe gores were well known since the early 1870s. The other crucial factor that Fite and Freeman cite as in favor of an earlier date prior to 1508 is the fact that the Lenox Globe does not show any portion of the North American mainland - meaning, as observed earlier, that the maker of the little globe was still wedded to the Ptolemaic concept of only one ocean separating Europe and Asia. Although there is in fact a curl in that direction, it is quite exaggerated on the globe which is a strong hint that someone wanted to be sure that others would conclude that the cape or strait fell inside the Portuguese maritime zone as defined by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494.
In the interview, Petherick referred to the work of Tadeusz Estreicher, a professor at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. On both globes South America is shown, bearing the names MUNDUS NOVUS, TERRA SANCTAE CRUCIS and TERRA DE BRAZIL.
This conclusion becomes a certainty when we find that on the Jagiellonian Globe the island bears the inscription: AMERICA-NEWLY-DISCOVERED].
The fact remains, the Lenox Globe and the Jagiellonian Globe are evidence that there was an authoritative map made around 1507-1508 that showed, albeit mistakenly, a continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. Having gone with Amerigo as far as the farthest point he reached (ad fines postremae navigationis) on the coast of the new continent, Hythlodaeus left the expedition and after passing through unknown lands proceeded on to the Portuguese base at Calicut in India by way of Taprobana (Ceylon, present day Sri Lanka) discovering the fabulous island of Utopia on the way. The reverse sequence - the notion that a€“ the Lenox Globe could appear after the Jagellonian Globe, the WaldseemA?ller map and also the many editions of Cosmographiae Introductio a€“ and deliberately drop the name America - makes no sense whatsoever. On the Harleian mappemonde, CATIGARA is not to be found on the western coast of IAVE LA GRANDE but, as noted by Petherick, is located on the western coast of LA TERRE:DVBRESILL, indicating a pre-Magellanic lack of knowledge of the existence of the Pacific Ocean and the notional character of IAVE LA GRANDE.
And last but not least, he refused to follow or more likely did not know of the decision at St.

All the foregoing analysis means that Magellana€™s main claim to fame as a navigator rests not with the discovery of the strait - an achievement which he disavowed - but to his bold decision like that of Columbus in 1492 to cross an ocean whose real breadth was unknown. The small globe is composed of two copper-engraved hemispheric sections closely fitted along the equator, as in the case of the Ulpius Globe (#367), and pierced for an axis.
To the East, left on the chart, where the earthly Paradise is established as a city with towers and walls, are the sources, going from left to right, of the rivers of Paradise: Pison, Tigris, Euphrates and Gichon.
Some belong to a subgroup of maps called the Vienna- Klosterneuburg map corpus, the world maps, according to Dana Benett Durand, which were compiled with the help of coordinates.
There is one lone red dot on the West African coast, but there is no place-name given - could this be a relic of the Portuguese voyages?
Most of these were recopied versions of earlier medieval works, but nevertheless Klosterneuburg constituted a seed-bed of scientific innovation.
The best preserved copy is in the British Library and there is also a poorer copy in the University of Leiden.
Then there is a bay with the same position, form and extension, as the Sinus Magnus on the Martellus map and on Behaima€™s globe, which has been identified as the Sinus Magnus.
Considering that in 1489 Martellus knew about the inner courses of many South American rivers, we have no reason to doubt that, forty years earlier, Walsperger knew of the Patagonians. The meeting with the Tewelche in Saint Julian was the full confirmation, for Magellan and Pigafetta, of what they already knew from their maps.
The 180A? on his maps was the measure of longitude from the Fortunate Islands to the east coast of China. Some belong to a subgroup of maps called the Vienna- Klosterneuburg map corpus, the world maps, according to Dana Benett Durand, which were compiled with the help of coordinates.A A  After its translation into Latin by Jacobus Angelus about 1406-7, the popularity of Ptolemya€™s Geography increased steadily throughout the 15th century, as reflected in the frequency of printed editions from 1475 onward. Crone it fails to reach the standard to which the public of the time was already accustomed. He regarded the earth as a sphere, placed in the center of the universe, around which the celestial sphere revolved every twenty-four hours: besides which, the sun and moon had independent motions of their own.
Aristotle refers to the calculation of a€?mathematiciansa€? who had investigated the subject (without naming them) that the earth was 400,000 stades in circumference. Secondly, Alexandria, instead of being exactly on the same meridian with Syene, lay in fact not less than three degrees of longitude to the west of it: an error of no trifling moment when the distance between the two was assumed as the basis of calculation.
Thus was established the basis of a fairly accurate system of coordinates for any sectional mapping of the Mediterranean based upon the Rhodes parallel.
With the Greek geographers on the contrary, from Eratosthenes to Strabo, the known or habitable world was conceived as a definite and limited portion of the eartha€™s surface, situated wholly within the northern hemisphere, and comprised within about a third of the extent of that section.
On one point indeed they were all agreed, that the length of the habitable world, from west to east, greatly exceeded as breadth, from north to south. Moreover, Strabo tells us that to the above total of 74,000 stades Eratosthenes, using another mathematical ploy, added 2,000 at each end, to prevent the width being more than half the length.
Hence he conceived the projecting angle of India to have a direction towards the southeast instead of the south, and even supposed it to advance farther towards the east than the mouth of the Ganges. On the other hand he stated a strange hypothesis: that the surplus waters of the Euphrates were carried by subterranean channels to Coele, Syria, and thence again underground so as to feed the streams which broke out near Rhinocorura and Mount Casius.
Indeed, with Ptolemya€™s inaccurate alterations to the overall dimensions of the world and the oikumene, it can be said to have affected world maps right down to the Age of Discovery.
Overall, the text, generally referred to only as Ymago Mundi, is actually a series of twelve short treatises which contain geographical and astronomical speculations and a reform of the calendar, all of which are bound up with four contributions by Jean Gerson. Besides these two treatises the Cardinal also drew a mappamundi to illustrate his geographical ideas and wrote a short explanatory note, the Epilogus Mappe Mundi, to accompany it. A singularly significant literary source frequently quoted by da€™Ailly, often verbatim, is the Opus Majus by Roger Bacon. We are not concerned here with the actual Spain, but with the Further Spain, which is Africa. There are still preserved in the Library of the Colombine at Seville the original copies of these books that were used by Christopher and his brother Bartholomew, and their margins are filled from end to end with remarks and notes in their own hands.
Seven of these correspond to seven of Ptolemya€™s climata; three, namely, Montes Barditi, Raptum and Cattigara, are adopted from the ante-climata, while the remaining two, Britain and Thule, pass through the post-climata. From this same passage we learn that da€™Ailly favors the concept of an open, rather than an enclosed Indian Ocean, and, in consequence, a sea-girt Africa, although this is nowhere stated categorically. Thus, the Cardinal refuses to have anything to do with such superstitions as the monstrous one-eyed giants, the Monoculi, and the a€?umbrella-footeda€™ folk, the Sciapodae, who were commonly reputed to be inhabitants of central Africa. It is one of the earliest medieval maps from Europe that was oriented with the North at the top. As a young man with poetic pretensions he had written student verse celebrating wine and good company, but in the course of his journeys he had discovered his real passion: geography.
The occupying Arabs had built dams, irrigation systems, reservoirs and water towers, introduced new cropsa€”oranges and lemons, cotton, date palms, ricea€”and exploited the islanda€™s mines and fishing grounds. Nor is there any limit to his knowledge of the sciences, so deeply and wisely has he studied them in every particular.
The Garden of Eden and Paradise were at the top and Jerusalem at the center, while fabulous monsters occupied the unexplored regionsa€”Sirens, dragons, men with dogsa€™ heads, men with feet shaped like umbrellas with which they protected themselves from the sun while lying down (see #205, #207, #224, #226). The mission he entrusted to al-Idrisi was intellectually Herculean: to collect and evaluate all available geographical knowledgea€”from books and from on-the-spot observersa€”and to organize it into an accurate and meaningful representation of the world.
Muslim merchants, pilgrims and officials used so-called a€?road booksa€?, itineraries that described routes, traveling conditions and cities along the way.
What was the climate of the country, its rivers and lakes, mountains, coastal configurations and soil? All creatures are stable on the surface of the earth, the air attracting what is light, the earth what is heavy, as the magnet attracts iron. The mathematician al-Khwarizmi reduced Ptolemya€™s estimate of the length of the Mediterranean Sea from 62 to 52 degrees; the Spanish Muslim astronomer al-Zarqali further adjusted the figure to the correct 42 degrees.
Roger II of Sicily had his world map drawn on a six-foot diameter circle of silver weighing about 450 pounds.
The Baltic area and Poland were represented much more precisely than on Ptolemya€™s maps, showing the fruit of the geographersa€™ investigations.
In the fourth section of the first climate, al-Idrisi located the sources of the Nile in their approximately correct position, though he pictured the Nile of the Negroes as joining the Egyptian Nile at that point. The gardens of Toledo are laced with canals on which are erected water wheels used in irrigating the orchards, which produce in prodigious quantity fruits of inexpressible beauty and quality. Juba populated the Canaries with Berber-speaking colonists, perhaps the ancestors of the Guanches. The admiral in charge of the expedition died just as it was about to set out, so the venture came to nothing. Then they set sail with the first gentle easterly and sailed for about eleven daya€™s, until they came to a sea with heavy waves, evil-smelling, ridden with reefs and with very little light. The a€?sea with heavy waves, evil-smelling, ridden with reefs and with very little lighta€? can probably be ignored, for the passage is influenced by the a€?land of darknessa€? thought to exist in the farthest West, and the reefs may echo a passage in Platoa€™s Timeus which speaks of the shallows in the Atlantic marking the site where Atlantis sank. No large mammals are indigenous to the Azores, and sheep or goats could only have been brought to the island by previous mariners.
In the Arabic-speaking world, popular legend transferred a number of the heroic deeds of Hercules to Alexander - including the building of a land bridge across the Pillars of Hercules.
The wood is deep black, and merchants come to the island to harvest it and then sell it to the kings of the farthest West.
The same linear arrangement of islands appears on 14th century maps such as the 1351Laurentian portolano (Book III, #233), and, a full century later, on the Bartolomeo Pareto map (1455), since it was still impossible to determine longitude.
The sixth island, shown opposite the entrance to the Mediterranean, would be al-Ghanam [Island of Sheep], Madeira. I think that Babcock comes close, but, rather than the cormorant, the bird referred to is the goshawk [Afar], a species of hawk that closely resembles an eagle and abounds in the Azores, and from which the entire archipelago gets its name. On the Island of Two Heathen Brothers, two pirates lived until they were turned into rocks, and the inhabitants of the Island of Kalhan had the bodies of men and the heads of animals. Using a globe prepared by a German cartographer named Martin Behaim (Book III, #258), based on Ptolemya€™s miscalculations, Columbus also added in Marco Poloa€™s equally misleading estimates of distances and concluded, incorrectly, that by sailing west from Spain he could reach Japan or India after no more than a 4,000 mile voyage.
The consecutive numbers sometimes used to refer to the sectional maps are shown in the upper right corner of each section. In 1869, he persuaded Hunt to permit the Coast Survey Bureau in Washington DC to make an accurate facsimile projection which has been used by many subsequent scholars. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find any explanation from Stevens as to why he chose this date.
For all these reasons, De Costa at several points in his essay conveyed his strong suspicion that the Portuguese learned a great deal more about the continenta€™s configuration in the years that followed and well before Magellana€™s expedition.
Respecting the points on which the globe gives no light, information was, nevertheless, so wide-spread in 1511 as to render it difficult to believe that any globe or map maker of the period could have failed to know of its existence. The very early map attributed to Leonardo da Vinci (#327) shows Florida as an island, but since the map was not published, no inference can be drawn from it. If, however, it were to be argued that the Lenox Globe belongs to a period subsequent to SchA¶ner, it might be necessary to assign its date to the 16th century.
How, in fact, could he have known that it terminated at all, especially since sketches later than 1515, with one or two unimportant exceptions, represented Terra del Fuego as joined to a great continent, supposed to cover the entire region around the south pole? Peter Martyr, writing to the Pope in 1514, seems to have a definite view of the shape of South America quite in advance of published maps. Since, however, this part of the Indian Ocean contains no such vast island, and since Australia does not appear in its proper place, it has been suggested by De Costa that, though we do so with extreme diffidence, that Australia is represented by the great island in question, which was misplaced; while the so-called Madagascar and Certina are simply Sumatra and Java. Borneo and Celebes (called Java Minor by Ramusio), having their proper place, New Guiana, without any name, also appearing.
At that period the great island of Australia, lying close to well-known islands, could hardly have remained unknown to geographers. At the same time the maker of the globe, in common with Sylvanus, in forming the outline of what we venture to offer as Australia, appear to have made a certain use of those outlines characteristic of the Java Major of the Fra Mauro map and the Behaim Globe (#249 and #258), which lay on the east coast of Asia. Loac is the Locac of Marco Polo, and Seilan is the Borneo of our day, the former name having been taken from its proper place near India to make room for Taprobana, which was often applied to Sumatra. 568), believes it necessary to refute what Sebastian Munster said in his Cosmography, to the effect that it sometimes falleth out that Mariners, thinking the Whales to be Islands, and casting out ankers vpon their backs, are often in danger of drowning. Die, when he framed the title of the Latin version of Vespuccia€™s letter, which described Brasil. The name was first published on a map made by WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (#310) and later by Appianus, 1520 (#331), in the work of Gamers, but the Ptolemy of 1513, in a legend on the map made by Hylocomilus himself (#320), attributes the discovery of the new world to Columbus.
He then shifts the argument, and shows that Peter Martyr in 1493-4, while speaking of the novis orbis, did not recognize its separation from Asia, and that this use was long continued. And the date of April 1510 on one of these Glareanus copies made it impossible for the Baron to support von Wiesera€™s attempt to push these maps to the 1520s.
This strange level of ignorance on both points seems puzzling for any map or globe made as late as 1510- 1512, and defies a good explanation. Professor Estreicher described a globe which he dated to between 1509 and 1511 held in the Library of the University. De Costa noted a large land mass depicted in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere, unnamed on the Lenox Globe and suggested, a€?with extreme diffidencea€?, that this land represented Australia, misplaced to this location. The Jagiellonian Globe shows that its maker believed this continent to have been the New World discovered by Amerigo. Is it possible that this globe-maker was simply confused because he did not have the benefit of the world map and only had a copy of Cosmographiae Introductio in front of him? This placed the land discovered by Amerigo and the island of Utopia which lay contiguous to it to the south of Taprobana and India. When we also note that the Lenox Globe was made by someone who amazingly still seems to be in the total dark about basic geographical knowledge concerning North America a€“ well-known by 1507 to many scholars, not just those involved with WaldseemA?ller - then this would lend considerable weight to the conclusion that the Lenox Globe should date to a time period prior to or no later than Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller map - namely, to the 1503-1507 period as Fite and Freeman argued in 1926. In other words, the Brazilish Land, Presillg Landt, was differentiated from Brazil proper, otherwise known as America. Given her exclusively technical approach to this globe, she complained about the bending of the tip of the continent towards the east, but it never occurred to her than this feature might have been part of an attempt to deceive, an effort to spread disinformation to make persons think that a cape would fall on the Portuguese side of the maritime demarcation line established in 1494. Die that became widely known after April 1507 to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci who had re-entered Spanish service in early 1505.
Around Alpha and Omega they form a group (Seraphim, Cherubim, Throne and Dominationes), the very first beginnings (Principatus), the archangel and angel. Thus it is not surprising that, around the mid-15th century, a mappamundi was oriented to the South. In particular, the maps and coordinate tables associated with this school help to fill in a period of relative cartographic obscurity between the Claudius Clavus map of about 1425 and the tabulae modernae of the later Ptolemaic manuscripts about 1450. Walspergera€™s map testifies generally to an enduring belief in fables and monsters: a€?And around this pole [the Antarctic one] are most amazing monsters not only of the animal variety but even among humansa€?.
The Walsperger map comes with a statement of purpose, announcing that it has been a€?made geometrically from the cosmography of Ptolemy proportionally according to longitude and latitude and the divisions of the climates.a€? Yet latitude and longitude do not appear on the map. One of the earliest world maps showing such influence by displaying, for example, the closed Indian Ocean of Ptolemy, is the 1414 Pirrus de Noha map (#239) accompanying a manuscript of Pomponius Mela. In particular, the maps and coordinate tables associated with this school help to fill in a period of relative cartographic obscurity between the Claudius Clavus map of about 1425 and the tabulae modernae of the later Ptolemaic manuscripts about 1450.A  Between 1425 and 1430, Mustinger and his collaborators were working on a map genre that assimilated the Jerusalem-centered medieval world map with elements from Ptolemy and the portolan [nautical] charts, which when reconstructed are similar in their general geographical configuration to the circular Vesconte-Sanudo maps (#228). 24, #115) to whom we are indebted for much of our knowledge of geography in antiquity, including the work of Eratosthenes whose relevant works, neither of which have survived, were On the Measurement of the Earth and Geographica, Cleomedes summarized the former, Strabo criticized the latter. The obliquity of the suna€™s course to that of the celestial sphere was of course well known; and hence the great circles of the equinoctial, and the ecliptic, or zodiacal circle, as well as the lesser circles, called the tropics, parallel with the equinoctial, were already familiar to the astronomers of Alexandria. But a much graver error than either of these two was that caused by the erroneous estimate of the actual distance between the two cities. Towards the north and south it was conceived that the excessive cold in the one case, and the intolerable heat in the other, rendered those regions uninhabitable, and even inaccessible to man.
Democritus, two centuries before Eratosthenes, had asserted that it was half as long again as it was broad, and this view was adopted by DicA¦archus (#111), though recent discoveries had in his day materially extended the knowledge of its eastern portions. On the parallel of Rhodes, this total of 78,000 stades corresponds to about 140A° longitude, which is roughly the distance from Korea to the west coat of Spain. He appears in fact to have obtained, probably from the information collected by Patrocles, a correct general idea of the great projection of India in a southerly direction towards Cape Comorin, but was unable to reconcile this with his previously conceived notions as to its western and northern boundaries, and was thus constrained altogether to distort its position in order to make it agree with what he regarded as established conclusions. The most important and influential treatise, called Tractatus de Imagine Mundi, is the first one in the published volume. Although da€™Ailly compiled his Tractatus de Imagine Mundi 140 years after the time of Roger Bacon, the Cardinal chooses not to name a single medieval explorer, whether Asiatic or African. However, according to them, there can be no communication between the Antipodes and us because of the impossibility of crossing the intervening Torrid Zone and the Tropics. One was underestimating the unknown waters to the west of Europe because he adopted Marinus of Tyrea€™s concept of the world through da€™Aillya€™s work; the other error Columbusa€™ acceptance of Ptolemya€™s calculation of distance around the world and, of course the size of a degree of longitude. Out of the thousands of places tabulated in the Geographia, da€™Ailly selects 353, the choice of which hardly commends itself from a geographical standpoint, giving them their Ptolemaic latitude and longitude. Conversely, it is regrettable that his preoccupation with classical erudition should have blinded him to the importance of events nearer his own time. He is responsible for singular innovations and for marvelous inventions, such as no prince has ever before realized.
His purpose was partly practical, but mostly scientific: to produce a work that would sum up all the contemporary knowledge of the physical world.
Other Muslim scholars, like the Iraqi astronomer al-Battani and the Persian al-Biruni (#214.3), composed tables giving the latitudes of leading cities. The works of Al-Idrisi include Nozhat al-mushtaq fi ikhtiraq al-afaq - a compendium of the geographic and sociological knowledge of his time as well as descriptions of his own travels illustrated with over seventy maps; Kharitat al-`alam al-ma`mour min al-ard [Map of the inhabited regions of the earth] wherein he divided the world into seven regions, the first extending from the equator to 23 degrees latitude, and the seventh being from 54 to 63 degrees followed by a region uninhabitable due to cold and snow. The British Isles also were treated with a surprising insight, probably due to contacts between Norman England and Norman Sicily.
It is a considerable island, whose shape is that of the head of an ostrich, and where there are flourishing towns, high mountains, great rivers and plains. Gradually, knowledge of the location of the Canaries was lost, even though Lanzarote, the island nearest the North African coast, lies less than 100 kilometers [60 miles] west of the mainland. Al-ldrisi says the admirala€™s curiosity was aroused by smoke rising from the sea in the west, probably the result of volcanic activity.
Neither name is Arabic, nor do they appear to be transcriptions of Greek, Latin or Romance - but the fact that these two islands had names at all means mariners must have visited them, and the names are either native designations or hark back to some lost, perhaps oral, source. They were sure they were about to perish, so they changed course to the south and sailed for twelve days, until they came to Sheep Island, There were so many sheep it was impossible to count them, and they ranged freely, with no one to watch them.
The Azores lie almost 1,300 kilometers (about 800 miles) west of the coast of Portugal - one-third of the way to America. Some Greek mythographers thought the Islands of the Hesperides lay off the coast of North Africa, and we have already seen how al-Idrisi associates Alexander with two of the Atlantic islands.
The island is said to have been inhabited in the past, but it fell to ruin and serpents infested the land. Al-Sua€™ali and al-Mustashkin both sound completely legendary, but there is nothing legendary about Hasran and Qalhan, which sound as if they might belong together. During the period of rediscovery of the Azores under Prince Henry the Navigator, these birds were supposedly responsible for guiding the sailors to these distant islands. According to one historian, friendly relations were established between the Sultan of Spain and the invaders.
At the time, Stevens hoped to conclude a purchase for the British Museum and was prepared to pay Hunt the handsome sum of A?2,000, according to Hunt's widow. To get some clue as to why that date might have made sense to Stevens we need to turn to a contemporary scholar who pondered more deeply and put his thoughts in writing as to when this globe might have been made. The maps of 1511, 1512 and 1513 nevertheless must have been known to every intelligent person engaged in globe making, and if the Lenox Globe had been made during those years, or later, it would have reflected information published to the world. On his map is found a Latin legend, translated as follows: Portuguese mariners discovered this part of this territory, and proceeded as high as the fiftieth degree of South latitude, but without reaching its southern extremity. Being secretly together in a chamber with the Bishop of Burgos, Martyr says that they examined many sea charts, one of which Vespucci was said to have set his hand, while another had been influenced by both Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus. In accordance with this view, it would be necessary to conclude that, though misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, even Australia was known to the geographers of that early period.
It would appear that the Java Minor of Marco Polo, a term applied by him to Sumatra, came eventually to include the entire region.
The maker of the Lenox Globe may have misunderstood his instructions, and thus pushed Australia into the Indian Ocean. In Northern India is Sacha- vvm Regno, the sugar region described in the Ptolemy of Patavino (1596). It would appear as though Milton found his own Leviathan on the page of Hakluyt, in whose works he had read the treatise signed Arngrimus Ionus. This has been alluded to as very curious, though the course pursued by Hylacomilus was altogether consistent. The Lenox Globe appears to have been made at a time when geographers regarded the matter with unconcern, as neither Columbus nor Vespucci have any honor awarded. He forgets, however, that Martyr describes South America as land never known by the ancients.
145.) Pinzon on the first voyage understood Cuba to be a city, and that the land here was a continent of great size, which extended far to the north (First Voyage of Columbus, Boston, 1827).
That said, NordenskiA¶ld was still content in Periplus to give the Lenox Globe a date of about 1510 that just happened to be the same year for the Glareanus copies of WaldseemA?llera€™s work. Fortunately, it has survived the vicissitudes of the 20th century and is still held in the Treasury of the Jagiellonian Library, now the Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego Collegium Maius. If so, a€?it would be necessary to conclude that, although misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, Australia was known to the geographers of that early perioda€?. Not likely because Vespuccia€™s detailed letters concerning all his voyages were attached to Cosmographiae Introductio. This is just where Amerigoa€™s newly discovered land is shown on the Jagiellonian Globe, indicating that Sir Thomas More probably had such a globe before him when he wrote Utopia.
The Zeytung described the voyagers passing through a strait, like the Strait of Gibraltar, between the southernmost point of America or Brazil, and a land to the South West, referred to as vndtere Presill (in Latin, Brasilia inferior). In sharp contrast, Rudolf Schmidt in the 1991 reprint of Konrad Kretschmera€™s famous 1892 atlas of facsimile maps underscored the crucial question in his brief commentary where he remarked: a€?How does the unknown author of the Lenox Globe arrive at a quite good representation of South America, if we disregard the eastward kink, which after all persisted for a long time in drawings of Africa as well?a€? Schmidt at the time was the President of the International Coronelli Society that promotes the study of globes. Andreas Walsperger, in fact, did not even think it necessary to address the issue, probably considering it congruent with the wider culture of his readers and patrons. Sweden is an island with the towns Stockholm and Upsalia; and in Russia there is Norgadia [Novgorod]. Another red dot is found on Taprobana and the island where Saint Thomas is thought to be buried, and another marks the stone tower on the narrow land bridge to East Asia.
Konrad Kretschmer, who discovered the Walsperger map back in the 1890a€™s, said with disgust, a€?Not a single line of the map is from Ptolemy!a€? This is not quite fair, as random features from Ptolemy appear, such as the Aurea Kersonesus [Golden Chersonese] in the Far East, an enclosed Caspian Sea - though a Caspian gulf is also retained - and the stone tower that marks the border with India.
Nor can it be doubted that the discoveries resulting from the conquests of Alexander the Great (ca. Future scholars, however, would have a higher opinion of Eratosthenes, regarding him, a€?as the parent of scientific geographya€? and at least a€?worthy of alphaa€? in that subject, particularly for his remarkable measurement of the circumference of the earth.
Moreover it appears that these conceptions, originally applied to the celestial sphere, had been already transferred in theory to the terrestrial globe.
What mode of measurement had been resorted to, or how Eratosthenes arrived at his conclusion upon this point, we are wholly without information: but it may well be doubted whether he had recourse to anything like actual menstruation. That there might be inhabitants of the southern hemisphere beyond the torrid zone, or that unknown lands might exist within the boundless and trackless ocean that was supposed to extend around two-thirds of the globe from west to east, was admitted to be theoretically possible, but was treated as mere matter of idle speculation, much as we might at the present day regard the question of the inhabitants on Mars. The astronomer Eudoxus on the other hand maintained that the length was double the breadth; Eratosthenes went a step farther and determined the length to be more than double the breadth, a statement that continued to be received by subsequent geographers for more than three centuries as an established fact.
It was doubtless from the same source that he had learned the name of the Coniaci, as the people inhabiting this southernmost point of India; a name that hence forward became generally received, with slight modifications, by ancient geographers. It was written in 1410 when da€™Ailly knew the astronomical work of Ptolemy through his Almagest, but had not yet read his other work, Geographia, which was being translated into Latin for the first time by Jacobus Angelus almost concurrently with da€™Aillya€™s production of his twelve treatises. That all knowledge of recent explorations should have escaped his notice is hard to believe. According to this opinion, the population of this region would be ignorant of the teachings of Christ and the Apostles, which is contrary to the sacred affirmation that a€?their sound went into all the earth and their words unto the ends of the worlda€™. Again, Pliny teaches us that ships from the Gulf of Arabia can arrive in a short time at Gades in the South of Spain.
Thus, according to authorities such as Humboldt, Newton, and Vignaud, Columbus in 1498 cribbed his views from da€™Ailly who wrote in 1410, da€™Ailly cribbed from Roger Bacon whose work dates from 1267, Roger Bacon derives through the Arabs from the Greeks. Instead various countries are indicated by name only, with their relative positions to one another thus conveyed. Others belonged to a later tradition of systematic geography, like the 10th century scholars Ibn Hawqal (#213) and al-Masa€™udi (#212), who produced books intended as something more than practical guides for the tax collector or the postman: as additions to the fund of human knowledge. An element of subjectivity entered into the fact that southern Italy was represented as larger than the north, and that Sicily occupied a substantial part of the Western Mediterranean, in contrast to Sardinia and Corsica, which shrank in scale.
This country is most fertile; its inhabitants are brave, active and enterprising, but all is in the grip of perpetual winter. The Greeks called the Canary Islands TA?n MakarA?n NA“soi [The Islands of the Blessed], and they were regarded as the furthest known land to the west. In another passage al-Idrisi gives more details of this island - incidentally showing that a longer account of the voyage of the mugharrirun must have existed. In the 19th century, Carthaginian coins were found on the most westerly of the islands, Corvo - 31A° west longitude - and although the find has been questioned, the origin of the coins has never been satisfactorily explained. But if the word is Arabic, one would expect it to be preceded by the definite article a€?ala€?. Since the only inhabited islands in the western Atlantic just before the coming of the Europeans were the Canaries, Hasran may belong to that groupa€”unless, of course, it is to be sought in the Caribbean! If the isle of Raqa is indeed one of the Azores, then the discovery of these islands occurred as early as the 10th century.
But before Stevens could make this offer, Hunt already had already decided to give the globe as a gift to Lenox out of admiration for him.
This was the case with many of the early geographical works; but in every such instance it is easy to show that the map is not in accordance with the text, and that the map was introduced by the publisher in lieu of something better.
According to this argument, this globe, therefore, takes its place in the year 1510, or the beginning of 1511.
But this question is one that may be disembarrassed, for it will not prove a difficult task to show how the globe- maker may have obtained, in 1610, the knowledge which he exhibits. Speaking of South America, he says it reaches forth into the sea even as Italy doth, although not like the leg of a man, as it does.
That this was so appears from the fact that names belonging to Java and the neighboring islands are given on maps of a later period. The attention of the designer of the globe may have been directed to the subject by the voyage of Gonnville, who sailed from Honfleur in June 1503, for the East, and fell upon a great country, not far from the direct route to the Indies, which they called Southern India. Near Persia is Carmenis, the Kermann of Marco Polo, who does not refer to the neighboring Calicut, or Calcutta. The history of this name, however, is not quite so clear as the others, though Navarrete calls attention to Muratoria€™s notice of the fact that brazil, signifying a red dye-wood, was an excisable article at Ferrara and Modena in 1193 and 1306. The really curious thing remains to be stated, and for the special consideration of those writers who have had so much to say about the ingratitude shown to Columbus by early geographers.
Certainly Vespucci never gave the impression in these letters or in the earlier publication known as Mundus Novus that he was sailing in the Indian Ocean. A very similar globe, belonging to an astronomical clock and apparently of about the same age as the Lenox Globe, is in the library of the Jagiellon University at Cracow in Poland. Some explanations also include the influence of the contemporary Islamic cartography, the cosmographical concepts of Aristotle, and, of course, the maritime commercial focus of Walspergera€™s time of the Indian Ocean and thus towards the South.
Reality is recognized in the Holy Land, where all dots are black, and Russian orthodoxy is apparently considered beyond the pale, as all places in Russia are also marked with black. It had not yet freed itself from the fabulous appurtenances and the ancient monastic pattern. No wonder that, having regard to his maps, he concluded that this river flowed from Paradise. On the other hand, Heinrich Winter blames the pernicious influence of Ptolemy for the mapsa€™ abandonment of the accurate geographic forms of the contemporary sea charts.
Thus the idea of the globe of the earth, as it would present itself to the mind of Eratosthenes, or any of his more instructed contemporaries, did not differ materially from that of the modern geographer. But as a mathematical ploy, in order to achieve a number divisible by 60 or 360, so as to correlate stades with his subdivisions or degrees, he emended this to 252,000 stades [a stade, stadion, stadia], originally the distance covered by a plough before turning, was 600 feet of whatever standard was used]. Indeed the difficulty which modern experience has shown to attend this apparently simple operation, where scientific accuracy is required, renders it highly improbable that it was even attempted; and the round number of 5,000 stades at once points to its being no more than a rough approximation. Had not his own countrymen, Jean de Bethencourt and Gadifer de la Salle, for instance, attempted to conquer and evangelize the Canary Islands at the very beginning of the 15th century? The most famous of the explorers of the new age, in fact, drew none of his ideas directly from the newly recovered geographical literature of the Greeks as did the true Renaissance thinkers like Peter Martyr or Damian Goes. In addition, scientific expeditions were dispatched to areas on which information was lacking. Contrary to a still popular misconception that up to the time of Columbus everyone believed the world was flat, many scholars and astronomers since at least the fifth century B.C.
Not surprisingly, the best part of both map and text, accurate and detailed, dealt with Sicily itself. It forms an island 300 miles long by 150 miles wide: this is surrounded by the Nile on all sides and at all seasons . Al-Idrisi gave the names of many English towns, principally ports, with the distances between them.
They caught some of the sheep and slaughtered them, but the flesh was so bitter they could not eat it.
He says Sheep Island is large, shrouded in shadows, and filled with small sheep whose flesh is bitter and inedible.
Corvo is marked on the Canterino map of 1351, where the name occurs as Corvini - considerably before its official discovery. Hunt had a close relationship with Lenox because Lenox had hired him to design a large mansion in Manhattan to house his private collection. After passing this year, and reaching 1520, the newly found lands are so well known as to be celebrated in an English poem, entitled the Four Elements. 7) calls attention to the fact that in the fourteenth chapter of the work, in which the map of Ruysch appears, there is a separate statement, to the effect that the Portuguese had surveyed the coast of South America as far as 37A° S., and that it was known as far as 50A° S. The Globe of Ulpius (#367) illustrates this phase of the question, Java Minor appearing as a very large island, and the true Java not being laid down at all.
He also quotes from Capmanya€™s Memorias sobra la antiqua marina, commercio, y artes de Barcelona, which contains references to this wood connected with the years 1221, 1243, 1252 and 1271. The point is this, that though Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, lived until 1539, and for many years was an owner and diligent reader of the Cosmographise Introductio, which he annotated and rebound, he is not known to have written or spoken a syllable, or to have caused any one else to write so much as a word, expressive of any sense of injustice done to his father by the naming of the New World after Vespucci. It has invariably been used by mapmakers to represent the coast of North America, whatever may have been its origin. Winsor, neither of who had seen the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was only discovered in 1901, fixed the date at 1508-11 and 1510-12, respectively. The globe consists of two gilded copperplate calottes, inscribed with the Eartha€™s principal features as understood at that time, including a continent inscribed AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA.
The Zeytung said that Malacca was only six hundred miles from the western point of this Brazil. This feature is reminiscent of the sea charts, which found it useful to put religiously keyed symbols or flags on the various ports. A scale for calculating distances is found at the bottom of the Walsperger map [it is more decorative than trustworthy].
The same thing was the case in ancient times, and it is highly probable that if you could now recover the map of the world as it was generally received in the time of the first Ptolemies, we should find it still retaining many of the erroneous views of Herodotus and HecatA¦us (#109 and #108).
For all geographical purposes, at least as the term was understood in his day, the difference between the geocentric and the heliocentric theories of the universe would be unimportant.
A conversion to modern units of measure finds Eratosthenesa€™ calculation to be somewhere between 45,007 km (27,967 miles) to 39,690 km (24,663 miles), as compared to actual equatorial circumference of 40,075 km (24,902 miles), there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade as used by Eratosthenes. But even considered as such, it exceeds the truth to a degree that one could hardly have expected, in a country so well known as Egypt, and in an age so civilized as that of the Ptolemies.
The whole work, with the exception of a few Arabic citations, mainly from Latin translations of the works of Avicenna and Averroes, might have been composed a thousand years previously. Esdras affirms in his fourth book that six parts of the earth are habitable and inhabited and that the seventh part alone is covered by the waters. Therefore, according to some scholars, his discovery of a new world was accomplished not with Greek or modern geographical concepts but with medieval concepts. Exceptions in this regard being the Nile River, indicated by wavy vertical lines extending from Alexandria to Meroe, the Mons Athlas in Africa sketched half-heartedly near the Hesperides, and a few wavy lines called Oceanus.
Draftsmen and cartographers accompanied these expeditions so that a visual record of the country could be made. The greater part of the country is only habitable on the borders of the Nile for the rest of the country . Hastings was a considerable town, densely populated, with many buildings, markets, much industry and commerce; Dover, to the east, was an equally important town not far from the mouth of the river of London, the broad and swiftly flowing Thames. In 1402 the Normans partially conquered them, meeting stiff resistance from the indigenous Guanches. They took some sheepskins and sailed on to the south for another twelve days until they sighted an island. Nearby is another island, called Raqa, which is the home of a red bird the size of an eagle, which catches fish in its claws and never flies far from the island. Certain adventures of Sinbad the Sailor, from Tales of the Arabian Nights, are almost identical to those of Saint Brendan. The offering of the globe as a gift was evidently timed with the completion of the construction of this mansion in 1870.
The scholar Henry Harrisse, in his Life of Fernand Colomb, also calls attention to the fact that the partisan Life of the Admiral, which has been attributed to his son, while exceedingly severe upon those who detracted from the fame of Columbus, does not mention either Hylacomilus or his book. It is the earliest surviving globe on which the name America appears, a name invented by Martin WaldseemA?ller and published in his Cosmographiae Introductio, St. In SchA¶nera€™s 1520 globe, AMERICA had evolved into TERRA NOVA, AMERICA vel BRASILIA sive PAPAGALLI TERRA [Land of Parrots], while BRASILLIE REGIO had become BRASILIA INFERIOR (a translation of vndtere Presill). Alexandria is in fact situated at a distance of about 530 geographical miles (5,300 stades) from Syene, as measured on the map along the nearest road but the direct distance between the two, or the arc of the great circle intercepts between the two points, which is what Eratosthenes intended to measure, amounts to only 453 miles or 4,530 stades. The authority of that work has been recognized by the saints, who have made use of it for confirming the sacred verities.
Otherwise, there are only carefully ruled climate zones and a few legends among the jumbled typography and no display of monsters or mythical figures that could often be distributed throughout other medieval and even Renaissance maps. You may get there sooner or you may not get there as soon as you expected, but you will certainly get there.
In the mid-15th century, the Spanish took control of the Canaries and continued the conquest. The settlers quickly burned down all the forests, so it is now hard to know for certain, but some sort of scented wood may have once grown there. But whether the Irish borrowed these myths from the Arabs, or vice versa, or if they both obtained them from an earlier common source is a matter of conjecture. Thus in 1508 there existed at Rome a general understanding of the coast to within about two degrees of the entrance to the Straits of Magellan. Major discusses four maps with similar characteristics, belonging to same period, in the Hakluyt Societya€™s work on Australia, and the matter is also touched upon in his Prince Henry. It would appear, therefore, that the indignation referred to is, upon the whole, a modern thing, of which the immediate friends of the famous Genoese had no experience. The Lenox Globe, though giving no lines of latitude, represents the coast as far south as about 55A° south latitude, the correct latitude of Cape Horn. SchA¶nera€™s 1533 globe showed the BRASILIAE REGIO as part of the TERRA AVSTRALIS, with an enormous peninsula, the REGIO PATALIS, attached to its southeastern part. Above Jerusalem, which in accordance with the traditional manner is placed at the center of the world sphere, the Red Sea is depicted. But we have no information as to the data on which these first crude attempts were based, or the mode by which he authors arrived at their results. Eratosthenes, therefore, in fixing the length of this arc at 5,000 stades, was 470 beyond the truth. Beyond Thule, the last island of the Ocean, after one daya€™s sail the sea is frozen and stiff. Al-Idrisia€™s silver disk, or planisphere, was a form of projection considerably in advance of others of its time. Fighting was still going on when Columbus used the islands as the first stop on all four of his voyages to the Caribbean. They headed toward it in order to explore and when they were not far offshore, they suddenly found themselves surrounded by boats, which forced their ship to land beside a city on the shore. A king of the Franks heard of this, al-Idrisi adds, and sent a ship to the island to bring him that fruit and some of the birds, but the ship was lost and never returned.
With such facts before him, Humboldt came to the conclusion that between the years 1500 and 1508 a succession of attempts were made by the Portuguese along the coast of South America, beginning at Porto Seguro in latitude 16A° S.
Some of the geographers endeavored to set off Java, reduced to proper proportions, SchA¶ner, 1520, being amongst the number; but in the attempt Australia in some cases disappeared altogether. Moreover, it places open water to the south of this new continent and thus suggests that the water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519. Oronce Finea€™s 1531 map exhibits this cosmography, and the Dieppe maps show its further evolution, even though it was out of date by the time they were made in the 1540s and 1550s.
In approaching this controversy, da€™Ailly states it with such clarity that we expect to hear him assert the truth. The Guanches were not finally subdued until the end of the 16th century, when they and their language virtually disappeared. They saw the men who lived there; they were light-complexioned, with very little facial hair. Brazil appears on a map of the 15th century, but the Catalan map of 1375 (#235) also shows an island in the Atlantic bearing the name. The SchA¶ner globes of 1515 and 1520 (#328), on which South America is separated from an Antarctic continent by a strait connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, give further evidence of this fact. The difference in latitude between Alexandria and Syene really amounts to only 7A° 5a€™, so that the direct distance between the two cities, supposing them to have been really situated on the same meridian (as Eratosthenes assumed them to be) would not have exceeded 425 miles or 4,250 stades, instead of 5,000. Water abounds there, because those places are cold, and cold multiplies humors [or vapors]. And in the ninth century, 70 Muslim scholars, working under the patronage of Caliph al-Maa€™mun, gathered in the Syrian Desert to determine the length of a degree of latitude.
There are arid wastes where one must walk two, four, five, or twelve days before finding water . From the few words of Guanche preserved in the Spanish chronicles, we know they spoke a form of Berber, and were therefore probably descended from Jubaa€™s colonists. Still the student is not justified, with such data, in declaring precisely how far the navigators knew the region by actual observation. Perhaps, therefore, the Lenox Globe may be regarded as showing one of the earliest attempts to correct a misunderstanding. Rather than rely on travelersa€™ guesses of distance, as previous astronomers had done, they used wooden rods to measure the road they traveled until they saw a change of one degree in the elevation of the polestar. Yet when Europeans encountered them, they had no memory of the mainland; having no boats, they were unaware that the other islands in the group were inhabited. The inference is that the navigators who passed along that region viewed the strait afterwards discovered by Magellan as an inlet, and that they learned from the natives the configuration of Terra del Fuego. It is reasonable, however, to conclude that the name was applied to South America, because the first navigator found there an abundance of desirable dye-wood.
Their calculation resulted in a figure for the eartha€™s circumference equivalent to 22,422 miles, an error of 3.6 percent, almost as accurate as Eratosthenesa€™ estimate and a considerable improvement over Ptolemya€™s.
On the fourth day a man who spoke Arabic entered and asked them who they were and where they were going and what was the name of their country. They told him everything and he said not to worry, and that he was the kinga€™s interpreter.
The eastern prolongation of the continent, extending as far as Java Insula, and separated from Asia only by a narrow strait, once again brings us back to the true Ptolemaic tradition of an enclosed Indian Ocean, as does the placement of the Nile River in the heart of Africa. The next day they were taken into the kinga€™s presence and he asked the same questions they had been asked by the interpreter. The Hudsona€™s Bay Company possess at their House important sketches made by the Indians; while Balboa, called the a€?Discoverer of the Pacifica€? had the Pacific discovered for him by the Cacique of Zumaco, who, upon the arrival of the Spaniard in the Bay of Panama, figured for him the coasts of Quito, and described the riches of Peru. They told him what they had told the interpreter the day before, of how they had embarked upon the ocean in order to find out about it and see the wonders it contained, and how they had come to this place. This was all that the Spanish and Portuguese navigators needed to have done for them by the natives of Terra del Fuego. When dawn broke and the sun rose, we found we were in great pain because we had been so tightly bound. One of them asked us: a€?Do you know how far you are from your country?a€™ a€?No,a€™ we answered.

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