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Traditional Turkish Miniature & Paintings Workshop,Turkish Miniatures are he oldest surviving illustrations belong to the Uighur Turks. We have an Art Studio in Sultanahmet area and our teachers are professional in Traditional Turkish Miniature & Watercolor Paintings.
Turkish Miniature & Painting Workshops,(2 Hours Lesson - Per Student ) ,2 - 5 Student,55 Euro ,6 - more 40 Euro ,1 Student,65 Euro ,Lesson Includes. The Historical Development of the Ottoman Court Miniature In the Ottoman era, miniature art was produced for more than three hundred years. Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror was not only a truly great statesman but a cultured man of liberal outlook. In addition to portraits, a number of manuscript illuminations have survived from this period. Following his victories over the Safavids and Mamluks, which had hitherto been the two most powerful states in the Islamic world, Sultan Selim I (1512-20) brought a large number of artists to the Ottoman court in Istanbul, most of them from the Tabriz palace. Besides the matchless illustrations in the Suleymanname, the reign of Suleyman has also left us important examples of portraiture. The Oldest Turkish Illustrated Documents,The oldest illustrated documents on paper among Turkish tribes, are from the period succeeding Akhuns. Moslem Miniatures,The oldest miniatures found in Moslem circles are from the 9th, 10th, 11th centuries and they have been found in Egypt. The 16th Century Ottoman Miniatures,The conquest of Istanbul was the first step into a new phase of the Ottoman cultural life.
The beginning of the eighteenth century was the start of both opening to the Western world and increasing the necessary self-renovation efforts for the Ottoman Empire.
Levni Abdulcelil Celebi is the most accomplished and famous Ottoman painter of the early eighteenth century.
Levni has made a series of sultans’ portraits, ending with that of Sultan Mustafa II’s for Demetrius Cantemir’s book, The History of the Growth and Decay of the Ottoman Empire.
Levni was both a painter and a poet; he has expressed his artistic personality both visually, in his paintings and rhythmically in his poems. The point of view developed by Levni has both influenced later artists and opened a path of innovations in the Ottoman art of depiction. At different periods, depending on the centre of calligraphy at the time, the Arabic script was known variously as anbari, hiri and mekki in pre-Islamic times, and after the Hegira these were qualified by the term medeni. Ottoman - Turkish Calligraphy, also known as Arabic calligraphy, is the art of writing, and by extension, of bookmaking. Ottoman Turkish calligraphy is associated with geometric Islamic art on the walls and ceilings of mosques as well as on the page.
The traditional instrument of the Turkish - Ottoman calligrapher is the kalem, a pen made of dried reed or bamboo; the ink is often in color, and chosen such that its intensity can vary greatly, so that the greater strokes of the compositions can be very dynamic in their effect. The first of those to gain popularity was known as the Kufic script, which was angular, made of square and short horizontal strokes, long verticals, and bold, compact circles.The Diwani script is a cursive style of Arabic calligraphy developed during the reign of the early Ottomans (16th and early 17th centuries).
Due to its rich subject matter, longevity, and freshness, Turkish miniature painting of the Ottoman period occupies a special place in the history of Islamic painting. We have an Art Studio in Sultanahmet area and our teachers are professional in Traditional Turkish Miniature & Watercolor Paintings.
In our studio, we provide all the materials for our students including old miniature papers. Ottoman miniatures and illuminated manuscripts were prepared mostly for sultans but also for important and powerful figures in their retinues. A distinctive feature of Ottoman miniature art is that it portrays actual events realistically yet adheres to the traditional canons of Islamic art, with its abstract formal expression. The nakka?’s (designer-painters), of the Ottoman court were required to illustrate daily events.
Ottoman miniature painting, which was periodically affected by different artistic influences, was essentially a form of what can be called “historical painting”. There has been quite a bit of misinformation published for this family, and so I think it is important to put down in writing a summary of the documentation that may help researchers find the correct trail to our ancestors. In this document, I will merely summarize a bit of our family history in Germany to clarify our heritage so as to address some of the errors made by others. Another error that has been perpetuated is that our a€?Hans Martina€? must have been a young boy, under age 16, when he came to North America, and that his name was therefore not recorded, but that the a€?Hans Martin Kirschmana€? listed on the passengera€™s list must have been his father. But, to help convince others of that claim, leta€™s begin our story with actual confirming documents from Germany.
In this paper, we will start with: Johann a€?Hanssa€? Martin Kirschenmann, who was born on 26 Feb.
Anna Marie born 29 May 1737 -- she had, in 1771, an illegitimate child [male] named Christian born in Pfalzgrafenweiler.
Again, the above record comes from the Pfalzgrafenweiler Jakoba€™s Church record, which was the home parish of Hanss. Now, there is a very interesting item noted for this young woman in her own parish record, which says that: she was married on 28 Jan. This clearly establishes the birth of Johann a€?Hansa€? Martin Kirschenmann (our immigrant ancestor) as the son of a€?Hanss Martin Kirschenmann and his wife, Anna Catharina Schmid, who were married about eleven months following his birth. Not far away, in the village of Goettelfingen (about 6-7 miles northwest of Pfalzgrafenweiler)--as the crow flies, lived the family of Christian Schwarz.
Their oldest daughter, Agnes Schwartz is the one who is of the greatest interest to us, as our immigrant grandmother, but also take note of the names of her brothers, as two of those will come up again later.
Sometime after the birth of their second child, this family moved to Kaelberbronn, which is about four miles to the south of where they were living, and about half way to Pfalzgrafenweiler. For the source of much of the following information, see: History and Genealogy of the German Emigrant Johan Christian Kirschenmann, Anglicized Cashman by Arthur Weaner and William F. Hans Martin Kirschenmann and his young bride, both about 20 years old, began their migration together down the Rhine River in 1752.
This Hans Martin Kirschman was the 20 years old father of our American family by this name. In all of Pennsylvania there were only two Kirschman (Kirschenmann, even by other variant spellings) families that can be found in the time frame between 1752 and 1776.
In 1761, after living in PA for nine years, and after succeeding waves of immigrants had arrived in Berks Co. The other family by that name living in Pennsylvania at about that time was that of Johan Christian Kirschman (Kirschenmann) who boarded a ship a€?Hamiltona€?, Charles Smith, Commander, in Rotterdam, Netherlands, and sailed to Cowes, England, arriving at Philadelphia, PA on 9 Nov. Both of the above men were thought to have come from the same general area in Wuerttemberg, Germany. We know the names of the following children of Johann Martin Cashman and his wife, Agnes Schwartz, who were still living in 1804 when Martin made his will in Bedford Co., Virginia--from the gaps between their birth years, there could have been additional children who died earlier than this date.
Martin Kirschman was listed as a carpenter, and paid taxes on 1 horse and two cows in Berks Co., PA in 1767 [Tax List of Berks County] and was also listed in the tax list for 1768.
During this period, Hans Martina€™s oldest son, George, married in Washington County, MD and had a daughter on 13 Nov.
In 1778 (during the war years) Men were asked to take an a€?Oath of Allegiancea€? to the new United States of America.
There was also a mention of Adam Bumgartner as a resident of Washington Co., MD, in 1778, the year prior to his marriage. I have seen a claim that Martin Kirschman may have moved to Bedford County, PA about at this time and paid taxes there in 1779. As the Revolutionary War drew towards its close with the surrender of General Cornwallis to George Washington at Yorktown, VA in 1781 thousands of British soldiers were taken as prisoners. We have not been able to find any other records for our Hans Martin Kirschman after this date--except for his will.
This surname is just not close enough to say that this was our a€?Martin Kirschmana€? but it is given here only as a point of interest. Now, we have an even longer stretch without any documentation, but in 1803, Hans Martin & Agnesa€™s youngest daughter, Elisabeth Kirschman, or a€?Betsya€? married Jesse Orendorff in Bedford Coounty, VA (or Botetourt County, VA). At least by 1804, and probably earlier, our Hans Martin Kirschman and Agnes Schwartz had moved to Bedford County, VA., which occupies most of the area between Roanoak and Lynchburg, VA in southwestern Virginia. This last Will and Testament of Martin Kershmon, deceased, was exhibited in Court and proved by the oath of James Ripley, a subscribing witness and continued for further proof and a Court held for said County the 24th day of September 1804a€”this will was further proved by the oath of Presley Sinclair another subscribing witness and ordered to be recorded. In the 1820 US census, there was only one Cashman family still in the area and this was for a George Cashman in Providence Twp, Bedford Co., PA.
As discussed above, Catherine Kirschman was born about June of 1752 in Amsterdam while her family was en route from Germany to America. Catherine spent her early years in Berks County, PA until she was in her mid-teens, when the family moved to York County, PA, and about 25 years old when they moved to Washington County, MD. There were only two Catherine Kirschmans (by any spelling) that we can find in the USA at that time.
It is not clear where and how Catherine next met David Buck, but since he was absent from his home in Bedford Co., PA from 1785 till about 1789.
Shortly after their marriage, they returned to Davida€™s home in Bedford County, PA, where this couple had Davida€™s first child, a son, Thomas Buck, named after Davida€™s father. We do not know the birth years of any of these, but they all would have been born between 1780-86 and probably in Washington Co. David and Catherine remained on Brush Creek in West Providence, Bedford, PA for the rest of their lives.
According to David Buck's will, there are two daughters younger than Elizabeth Buck, who was born 2 May 1795.
There were many political and religious difficulties multiplied by physical hardships in continental Europe during the 16th, 17th an 18th centuries to make the mind fertile to emigration to America. In 1681 William Penn received from King Charles II of England, 40,000 square miles of land in America, in liquidation of a debt of 16,000 pounds the British government owed William Penna€™s father. The journey to Pennsylvania consumed from eighteen to twenty six weeks.[3] The first part was the journey from the Palatine down the Rhine River to Rotterdam, in our case, or to some other seaport {note that for the family of Johann Martin Kirschman, the embarkation port was Amsterdam}. The Passengers were usually crowded, with insufficient and improper food and water, subjecting many to all sorts of diseases which resulted in the death of many, especially the children. It was of early concern to the rulers of the Province of the emigration of the Germans to English Pennsylvania. From the dock, the arrivals go to the City Hall, sign the above oaths, and square their account with the Captain.
To what extent Christian Cashman, his wife and family participated in these sufferings is not known, but it is safe to assume that they endured many trials.
It is on these ship and oath lists above referred to, that is found the name of JOHAN CHRISTIAN KIRSCHENMANN. The Foreigners whose names are underwritten, imported in the Ship Hamilton, Commanded by Charles Smith, from Rotterdam, did this day take and subscribe the usual Qualifications. Only the names of males above age sixteen appear, but tradition states he was accompanied by his wife, Catharan (whose maiden name has not been ascertained), and five of his six children,[7] viz: Christian, Barbra, George, John and Susanah. On the Ship Edinburgh, James Russell Commander, from Rotterdam, {Note: the author made an error here. At the same source for the year 1767, under name Martin Kirschman, a carpenter, 1 horse and 2 cows, tax L2.[4] The surname Kerschner appears frequently in Berks County records.
Martin Kirschman and his wife Agnes, Daughter Elizabeth, born September 14, 1775, baptized November 26, 1775. This is all the data found on this family, and no descendants have been ascertained at the time of writing. List of inhabitants of Providence Township, Bedford County, Pennsylvania, made subject by law to the performance of militia duty, taken by Peter Morgert, the 27th Jany. Martin Cashman a€“ The Ancestral File of the LDS Church contains a family from a€?Paa€?, where the fathera€™s name is a€?Martin Cashmana€? born 1764 in Pa.
I know that Martin Jr and Elizabeth (wife of Jesse Orendorff) moved their families to Breckenridge County Kentucky in the early 1800s. Martin Sr's wife Agnes Schwartz had two brothers, Frederick and Chrisian who located in Botetourt County Virginia around 1790-1800. There has been quite a bit of misinformation published for this family, and so I think it is important to put down in writing a summary of the documentation that may help researchers find the correct trail to our ancestors.A  For additional information on this family while living back in Germany (Wuerttemberg) before their immigration to America, please see Our Kirschenmann Haritage in Wuerttemberg, Germany by Lionel Nebeker also available on this web-site in the a€?Librarya€?. Another error that has been perpetuated is that our a€?Hans Martina€? must have been a young boy, under age 16, when he came to North America, and that his name was therefore not recorded, but that the a€?Hans Martin Kirschmana€? listed on the passengera€™s list must have been his father.A  Indeed, the man listed on that passengera€™s list (and wea€™ll discuss that below) was our only immigrant by that name--and he was 20 years old at the time of his migration. Not far away, in the village of Goettelfingen (about 6-7 miles northwest of Pfalzgrafenweiler)--as the crow flies, lived the family of Christian Schwarz.A  He was not born there, and we do not have any indication of his homeland, but he moved there in time to marry Anna Maria Kuhn (b. DESCRIPTION: The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Although copies of Agrippaa€™s map were taken to all of the great cities of the Roman Empire, not a single copy has survived.
Shown here are three continents in more or less symmetrical arrangements with Asia in the east at the top of the map (hence the term orientation). Note that most scholars, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. The only reported Roman world map before Agrippaa€™s was the one that Julius Caesar commissioned but never lived to see completed. We may speculate whether this map was flat and circular, even though such a shape might have been considered a€?unscientifica€™ and poorly adapted to the shape of the known world. Augustus had a practical interest in sponsoring the new map of the inhabited world entrusted to Agrippa. In point of fact Augustus may have delegated the detailed checking to one of his freedmen, such as his librarian C. We may treat as secondary sources Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos, and the Irish geographical writer Dicuil (AD 825). It is also claimed that Strabo (#115) obtained his figures for Italy, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily from Agrippa. Although the term chorographia literally means a€?regional topographya€?, it seems to include fairly detailed cartography of the known world.
For a more complete assessment of what Agrippa wrote or ordered to be put on his map, we may again turn to passages where Pliny quotes him specifically as reference.
It is a pity that Pliny, who seems to be chiefly interested in measurements, gives us so little other information about Agrippaa€™s map. It is the sea above all which shapes and defines the land, fashioning gulfs, oceans and straits, and likewise isthmuses, peninsulas and promontories. A serious point of disagreement among scholars has been whether the commentarii of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny were published at the time of construction of the portico.
Another element in this problem that demands some explanation is the origin of the two later works the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum which are both derived from Agrippa, probably through a common source. Apart from the information supplied by Pliny, our chief evidence for the reconstruction of the map is provided by the two works already mentioned, the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum. Dicuil, in his preface, promises to give the measurement of the provinces made by the envoys of the Emperor Theodosius, and at the end of chapter five he quotes twelve verses of these envoys in which they describe their procedure. According to Tierney, Detlefsen regarded these two works as derived from small-scale copies of Agrippaa€™s map. Tierney believes however, that the west to east movement supposed by Klotz is, in fact, correct, but not for his reasons.
Our idea of the detail of the map of Agrippa must be based on a study of the references in Strabo, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio.
There are twenty-four sections in the Divisio and thirty in the Demensuratio, the difference being mainly due to the absence from the Divisio of the sections on the islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. These sections are largely identical with passages in Plinya€™s geographical books (Books III to VI), and show that many passages in Pliny are taken from Agrippa beyond those where he is actually named.
The consensus of the views of modern scholars on Agrippaa€™s map, is that it represents a conscientious attempt to give a credible version of the geography of the known world. But this consensus is not quite complete and therefore I now turn to consider the view of Agrippaa€™s map put forward by Professor Paul Schnabel in his article in Philologus of 1935. Schnabel does not himself take up the general question of the use of Agrippa by Marinus and Ptolemy. Schnabel here refers to the last chapter of the geographical books of Plinya€™s Natural History, that is, Book VI, cap. Schnabel continues with the negative argument that the Don parallel cannot belong to the school of Hipparchus.
We may speculate as to whether Plinya€™s phrase regarding the a€?careful later students,a€? does not refer to Nigidius himself.
Schnabel next moves on to a more ambitious argument, making the assumption that Ptolemy has used some of Agrippaa€™s reckonings to establish points in his geography. It is sad to think that this elegant piece of reasoning must be thrown overboard, but Tierney believes it must be rejected on at least three different counts. In the second place Schnabela€™s statement that Agrippa reduced the itinerary figure of 745 miles to a straight line of 411 cannot be accepted. Thirdly, it may fairly be objected that the very method by which Schnabel obtains the figure of 411 miles is faulty. Tierney passes over Schnabela€™s reasons for thinking that Agrippa established lines of meridian in Spain and in the eastern Mediterranean, all of which Tierney finds quite unconvincing. Schnabela€™s attempt to present us with a scientific Agrippa and indeed to reconstruct a scientific Roman geography may be regarded a complete failure, and the older view of Detlefsen and Klotz must be regarded as correct. From another well-known passage in Strabo (V, 3, 8, C, 235-236) that contains a panegyric [a public speech or published text in praise of someone or something] on the fine buildings of Augustan Rome, we know that he was well acquainted with the dedications of Marcus Agrippa that he specifically mentions. Strabo shows the contemporary Roman view of the purely practical purposes of geography and of cartography by everywhere insisting on restricting to a minimum the astronomical and mathematical element in geographical study. This would mean then that Agrippaa€™s map was based on the general scheme of the Greek maps which had been current for upwards of 200 years, since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and that it presumably attempted to complete and rectify this scheme by using recent Roman route-books and the reports of soldiers, merchants and travelers. Towards the end of the fourth century two important events greatly enlarged the scope of geography.
About a century later the famous astronomer Hipparchus subjected the geography of Eratosthenes to rather stringent criticisms.
The next geographer whose views are well known us is Strabo (#115), who was writing at the time of the construction of Agrippaa€™s map or some years later. If, then, progress was no longer being made or to be expected from Greek geographers using various astronomical instruments, was anything to be expected from the other tradition, the Roman roads and their itineraries?
We must then approach the map of Agrippa on a purely factual basis realizing that it provides us merely a list of boundaries followed by a length and breadth, for the areas within the Empire and beyond it.
Fundamentally, therefore, Agrippaa€™s figures allow us to construct a series of boxes or rectangle with which to deck out the shores of the Mediterranean and the eastern world and whose dimensions should be reduced by an uncertain amount. Spain consists of three boxes, the square of Lusitania and the rectangle of the Hispania citerior [Roman province] east of it being placed over the rectangle of BA¦tica.
In Gaul [France] a large rectangle lies over a small one, that is Gallia Comata over the province of Narbonensis. The islands of the Mediterranean are not forgotten, at least the major ones, just as Italy lies too far to the southeast, so do Corsica and Sardinia lie too far to the southwest. The eastern Mediterranean is faced by Syria whose longitude Pliny (V, 671 states as 470 miles between Cilicia and Arabia, and whose latitude is 175 miles from Seleucia Pieria on the coast to Zeugma on the Euphrates.
We have now either reached or gone beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the north, south and east, as it was in Agrippaa€™s day. The most important achievement of the map, to Agrippaa€™s mind, consisted in its measurements, and it is possible that he spent very considerable pains in getting these exactly, although we cannot take the account given by Honorius (ca. The exact correspondence between Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, in giving many of the boundaries of the sections, shows, according to Detlefsen, that these boundaries also were inscribed upon the map. Klotz, in his final review of Agrippaa€™s methods of work, has made some illuminating points that supplement Detlefsen. Within the Empire he chiefly used the itineraries without the overt use of an astronomical backing, although astronomical data, of course, already formed the basis of the Greek maps that were the real foundation of his. Klotz, A., a€?Die geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Uberrestea€?, Klio 25, 1931, 35ff, 386ff.
Note that most scholar, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular.
According to Fisher seeing that this is a Roman world map sharing many similarities with the mappaemundi, it is logical to assume that SchA¶nera€™s southern landmass is a copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, the Roman world map upon which the mappaemundi were based. Within the context of the early 16th century, it seems apparent that SchA¶ner found himself caught up in the perfect cartographic storm. All these parts were in place when an errant 1508 report of a strait at the tip of South America with a large southern continent lying beneath inspired SchA¶ner to unwittingly preserve the only copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum on the bottom of his 1515 world globe. When medieval Christians began creating the mappaemundi they borrowed heavily from Agrippaa€™s map as well as Greek designs. This design adjustment may also explain the Expositio mappemundi (EMM), manuscripts which are a collection of the data items appearing on the mappaemundi.
It was reverse engineered from the mappaemundi, but plays it relatively safe in its assumptions.
The new found design also provides for the first time insights into the inspiration for key design aspects on the mappaemundi such as the tribute to Jesus at the top of the map, the transition from a separate commentary requiring locative terminology to commentary overlain onto the mappaemundi no longer requiring spatial references, and the distribution of images from a consolidated arced matrix lying above Africa on SchA¶nera€™s design to areas throughout the mappaemundi.
In conclusion, Fisher believes that he has presented a solid logical case for the historic discovery of a long lost 2,000-year-old Roman world map at the bottom of the world, SchA¶nera€™s world that is. Last April 15 Luis Torres CA?diz a€?Joseleroa€? died in his house on MA?laga Street number 66 in the Pantano neighborhood; the most important flamenco singer to come out of MorA?n de la Frontera in recent decades. Space does not permit a list of the awards and tributes Luis deservedly received, but only to say that of the few accorded him in life, noteworthy is the concession of the gold insignia of the Tertulia Cultural Flamenca of MorA?n de la Frontera. Photos courtesy of Steve Kahn from the book Flamenco Project: Una ventana a la visiA?n extranjera 1960-1885.
The eight and nineth century paintings found at Chotcho, there capital in Turfan, are the earliest examples of Turkish book illustrations known. In our studio, we give beginner, intermediate & advanced level of traditional Turkish Miniature & Watercolor painting lessons.
For more info please send us an E-MAIL,history of Ottoman & Turkish Minature Paintings,Ottoman miniatures and illuminated manuscripts were prepared mostly for sultans but also for important and powerful figures in their retinues. The earliest Ottoman Turkish miniatures were created under the patronage of Sultan Mehmed II some 150 years after the establishment of the Ottoman state.
In spite of the fact that there was no tradition of portraiture in the Islamic world, he had his likeness painted just as Western monarchs did and for this reason invited Italian painters to his court. These works, which were probably produced in Edirne, bear traces of the Timurid and Karakoyunlu Turkmen miniature styles found in mid-fifteenth century Shiraz.
A significant number of these artists had been those who the Safavids had earlier brought from Herat to Tabriz, along with the last Timurid sultan.The lengthy sultanate of Suleyman the Magnificent (1520-66), witnessed a gradual expansion and strengthening of the Ottoman borders. A number of these, noteworthy for their great originality, were both written and illustrated by a certain Nasuh al-Silahi, nicknamed Matraki because of his expertise in a sport called matrak. Turkish portrait painting, which began during the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror but suffered a decline under his immediate successors, was revived during these years by the Turkish navigator Haydar Reis, who used the pseudonym Nigari and whose most important works are preserved in the Topkapy Library. These documents dating from 717-719 are in Turkish, Chinese and Arabic and they belong to a Turkish emir who battled with Moslem armies in Pencikent near Samarkand. The characteristics of the period in the field of paintings and miniatures may be summed up as the meeting of the eastern and western painting schools, as the widespread interaction and communication and as the widespread availability of display. The famous miniature painters of the age were master Osman, Ali ?elebi, Molla Kasim, Hasan Pasa and Litfi Abdullah.
Although this period during which cultural relations with Europe were increasing is named “the westernization” or “the renovation” period, it is much too complicated to be explained in a single phrase. The originals of these engraved portraits printed in the book have not survived to our day. The fact that the title ‘Celebi’ is used with Levni’s name, shows that he was an educated, elegant, well mannered, respectable gentleman from a high social class within the Ottoman society. The Koran, which was the first Islamic text compiled in book form, was first written in mekki-medeni hand in black ink on parchment, without diacritics or vowel signs.
In Persia and further east, meanwhile, kufi was transformed into a script known as mesrik kufisi, which was used until superseded by the aklam-i sitte scripts. It was invented by Housam Roumi and reached its height of popularity under Suleyman I the Magnificent. The most important of these works are still preserved in the place in which they were produced, for example, Topkapy Palace in Istanbul, and other palaces of the Ottoman sultans. Nearly all these paintings are concerned with important events of the day, such as Turkish victories, the conquest of fortresses, state affairs, festivals, formal processions, and circumcision feasts.
To preserve the freshness of the works they prepared and to ensure that the orders of the sultan were carried out, they worked very rapidly, with the result that the Turkish miniature is devoid of fine and elaborate ornamentation.
The bulk of Turkish miniatures comprise works of documentary value deriving from the depiction of actual events. 1733 in Pfalzgrafenweiler to Johann Martin Kirschenmann, a rafter there, who was the son of Jacob Kirschenmann, who was a baker there. And on the motion of Isaac Sinclair, the Executor therein named, who made oath together with Alexander Simmons his Security entered into and acknowledged their Bond in the Penalty of Five Hundred Dollars conditioned as the Law directs Certificate is granted him for obtaining Probate thereof in due form. It was the largest tract of land ever granted in America, under which Penn was made the proprietor and invested with the privilege of creating a political government. Pleasant township, Adams County, Pa., in 1788, it seems highly improbable this entry could refer to him. 1733 in Pfalzgrafenweiler to Johann Martin Kirschenmann, a rafter there, who was the son of Jacob Kirschenmann, who was a baker there.A  This date matches exactly with the record in the Pfalzgrafenweiler parish given above.
The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South. The reconstructions shown here are based upon data in the medieval world maps that were, in turn, derived from Roman originals, plus textual descriptions by classical geographers such as Strabo, Pomponius Mela and Pliny. The emphasis upon Rome is reflected in the stubby form of Italy, which made it possible to show the Italian provinces on an enlarged scale.
We are told by late Roman and medieval sources that he employed four Greeks, who started work on the map in 44 B.C. That is the form of the Hereford world map (Book IIB, #226), which seriously distorts the relative positions and sizes of areas of the world in a way we should not imagine Julius Caesar and his technicians would have. On the re-establishment of peace after the civil wars, he was determined on the one hand to found new colonies to provide land for discharged veterans, on the other hand to build up a new image of Rome as the benevolent head of a vast empire.
It was erected in Rome on the wall of a portico named after Agrippa, which extended along the east side of the Via Lata [modern Via del Corso]. Orosius seems to have read, and followed fairly closely both Agrippa and Pliny, as well as early writers from Eratosthenes onwards. His source was clearly one commissioned by Romans, not Greeks, as his figures for those areas are in miles, not stades.
The Agrippa map probably did not, in the absence of any mention, use any system of latitude and longitude. These include both land and sea measurements, though the most common are lengths and breadths of provinces or groups of provinces.
But on the credit side, Agrippaa€™s map, sponsored by Augustus, was obviously an improvement on that of Julius Caesar on which it is likely to have been based.
The general history of ancient cartography and our knowledge of Roman buildings in the Augustan period would appear to be our surest guides. The German philologist and historian Detlev Detlefsen always clung steadfastly the view that there was no such publication and that the inscriptions on the map itself provided all the geographical information that was available to later times under the name of Agrippa. Detlefsen had explained their origin by assuming the production of smaller hand-copies of Agrippaa€™s map, their smallness then making a written text desirable. Small discrepancies were to be explained by differences in the copies of the map used by each.
Strabo used Agrippa only for Italy and the neighboring islands, so that our chief evidence comes from the other three sources.
Detlefsen believed that the island sections were later added to the Demensuratio, but according to Tierney there can be little doubt that he is wrong in this and that Klotz is right in thinking that these sections have rather fallen out of the Divisio. It relies on the general scheme of the Greek maps that had been current since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and attempts to rectify them, particularly in Western Europe, with recent information derived from the Roman itineraries and route-books. We have to thank Professor Schnabel for providing in the same article a new critical text of both the Demensuratio and the Divisio. He sets out, at first, to prove that Agrippaa€™s map possessed a network of lines of longitude and latitude.
39, sections 211-219, where Pliny mentions evidently as a work of supererogation, a€?the subtle Greek inventiona€? of parallels of latitude, showing the areas of equal shadows and the relationship of day and night Pliny then gives seven parallels, running at intervals between Alexandria and the mouth of the Dnieper, with longest days running from fourteen to fifteen hours.
Hipparchus had made the Don parallel the seventeen-hour parallel, corresponding to 54A° N latitude, whereas Pliny here puts it at sixteen hours or 48A° 30" N latitude, which is nearly correct.
39, section 211, refers obviously to all that follows as far as the end of Book VI and shows that the complete passage is taken from Greek sources. In the first place, Schnabel has apparently overlooked Ptolemya€™s method of establishing the longitude and latitude of particular geographical points.
Pliny gives this itinerary as running at the base of the Alps, from the Varus through Turin, Como, Brecia, Verona and other towns on to Trieste, Pola and the Arsia. For the reduction, of longitude he uses, as I have said, the factor of forty-three sixtieths derived from Ptolemya€™s fifth map of Europe (Book VIII, cap.
Tierney turns to his last main argument in which lie tries to prove Agrippa to be the author of a new value of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia, Pliny (V, 59) gives the distance of the island of Elephantine from Syene as sixteen miles and its distance from Alexandria as 585 miles. If we accepted it we might as well accept that everyone in antiquity who either sailed or traveled in a north-south direction in the eastern Mediterranean was also engaged in establishing a new degree value. On the general question of Roman proficiency in geographical studies some light is thrown by a passage of Strabo (Book III, C 166) who says: a€?The Roman writers imitate the Greeks but they do not go very far. The phrase which he uses of Agrippaa€™s aqueducts is exactly echoed in Plinya€™s phrase tanta diligentia.


Before entering into the details of Agrippaa€™s map it will be useful to examine briefly these two traditions, the Greek and the Roman, in order to grasp more clearly the problem which confronted Agrippa or whoever else might wish to construct a world map in the age of Augustus.
We are told that it was Democritus who first abandoned the older circular map and made a rectangular one whose east-west axis, the longitude, was half as long again as the north-south axis, the latitude. The campaigns of Alexander and the new Greek settlements pushed the Greek horizon far to the east while in the west the intrepid Pytheas of Massalia circumnavigated Britain and sailed along the European coast from Gibraltar at least as far as the Elbe, publishing his investigations in a work which included gnomonic observations at certain points, and remarks on the fauna and flora of these distant areas. He made devastating attacks on the eastern sections of the map, as being seriously incorrect, both on mathematical and on astronomical grounds. Sad to relate, the gradually accumulating mass of details concerning roads and areas did not add up to any great increase in geographical knowledge. Our three main authorities, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, have suffered a great deal in the transmission of these latter figures, the longitude and latitude, so-called.
Klotz has argued that Agrippa did not use the word longitudo in the technical sense of the east-west measurement, nor the word latitudo in the technical sense of the north-south measurement, but rather in the more general sense of length and breadth.
To evaluate the map we must take a glance at each of these boxes in turn, and the most convenient order would appear to be that of the Greek geographers and of Agrippa himself, if we can trust the order of the Divisio that has Europa, Asia, Lybia, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa.
The internal line of division ran south from the estuary at NA“ca between the Astures and the Cantabri, down to Oretania and on to New Carthage. Off the coast of Gallia Comata lies an enormous Britain, 800 by 300 miles, and north of it an equally exaggerated Hibernia [Ireland]. Corsica, in fact forms the eastern boundary of Sardinia and this explains why the long axis of both islands is described as the longitude. Tierney believes that it is possible to remove the difficulties felt about Agrippaa€™s Syria by both Detlefsen and Klotz. Only a few more boxes or rectangles are left to the east of the line, formed by Armenia, Syria and Egypt, but now they begin to grow portentously large. Spain has three sections and Gaul two, while in the east of Europe Dacia and Sarmatia run off to the unknown northern ocean, and further east again the sections are quite enormous.
Natural features such as the mountains and rivers that divided provinces were shown also, but in what exact way is not clear. He points out that just as Eratosthenes had divided the inhabited earth into his famous a€?sealsa€?, so also Agrippa divided the earth into groups of countries without reference to their political or geographical conditions.
Any attempt to draw the map of Agrippa from the figures that have survived without some astronomical backing is entirely hopeless.
Wherever itineraries did not exist he made use of the estimated distances of the Greek geographers, and outside the Empire he had to rely on them altogether. Proceeding in our evaluation with this in mind we can gain insights into how the mappaemundi arrived at their final design.
Fisher believes that the central zones on Agrippaa€™s map had to be eliminated when the Christians decided to adopt and adapt from Greek maps the concept of cartographic centricity by distorting the map to position the holy city of Jerusalem at the mapa€™s center. Some believe that these manuscripts were instruction sets used to construct a mappa mundi based on the fact that the text is spatially specific.
The reconstruction acknowledges that the waterway originated on Agrippaa€™s map as it is common to most mappaemundi, but it assumes that the Roman original was far less imposing, whereas SchA¶nera€™s design suggests that the mappaemundi are far more accurate in their depiction of the waterway spanning most of the continent. All three adjustments were based on their Roman counterparts, but reflect necessary adjustments as the makers of the mappaemundi opted for a Christocentric design. His evaluation, however, is based on the fact that copies of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum did indeed exist and were at one time distributed throughout Europe becoming the model for the medieval mappaemundi.
A And among them, especially noteworthy is that wonderful valuable audiovisual document Spanish television recorded for the first series devoted to flamenco, and titled Rito y GeografA­a del Cante. A But through numerous conversations maintained in fiestas and gatherings, often simply over coffee at the Rayos X in the Pantano, or Retamares cafeteria, when he would be accompanied only by his shoe-box full of combs and wallets, I was able to appreciate his openness and desire to talk, and his free spirit regarding flamenco. The most famous of these artists was Gentile Bellini, who is known to have painted a portrait of the young sultan when he visited Istanbul from September 1479 to December 1480. The clothing and usage of color prove that these paintings were produced during the Ottoman period. Portraits of Sultan Suleyman, the great Barbarossa, and Sultan Selim II are among his works painted on single sheets. Seljuk Turks established the first school of miniatures in Baghdad within their vast empire covering Turkestan, Iran, Mesopotamia and Anatolia in the 12th century. While the Hisrev and Shirin, Sheraz school in the beginning of the 15th century, Iran Italian painters called by Mehmet the Conqueror continued their activities, Turkish artists on the other hand, carried on the domestic traditions. We should also mention the Persian, Albanian Bogdanian and Hungarian artists who largely contributed to the art of miniature in the cosmopolitan Ottoman society. Contrasting colours were used side by side with warm colours with an avant-garde approach in colour selection. In the beginning of this process, Ottoman Art progressed along a path balanced between the traditional and the new. There is only a short piece of information about Levni in the ‘Mecmua-i Tevarih’ that Hafyz Huseyin Ayvansarayi wrote in the second half of the eighteenth century.
Kebir Musavver Silsilname (A3109) in the Topkapy Palace Museum Library is a series of sultans’ portraits that constitutes a turning point in Ottoman portraiture. In one of his poems, the artist states that the pseudonym ‘Levni’ was attributed to him by others. The large scale form of kufi known as iri kufi, which was mainly used on monuments, was reserved for decorative purposes in combination with some elements of embellishment. Calligraphy is especially revered among Islamic arts since it was the primary means for the preservation of the Qur'an. There are examples of miniature painting which date from the middle of the fifteenth to the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Other museums and libraries in Istanbul also house rare manuscripts containing outstanding examples of Turkish miniature painting. The Ottoman painter arrived at a spare mode of expression, free of superfluous detail and focused on the essence of its subject. 1770 -- little is known of his life, but he was listed as one of Johanna€™s sons in the 1804 will.
Johna€™s Evangelical Lutheran Church in a€?Elizabeth Towna€? (now Hagerstown) Maryland on 13 Nov. Liberty being granted the other Executors to join in the probate thereof when he shall think fit. 1681 in Tumlingen, Schwarzwaldkreis, Wuerttemberg, as the son of Hans Jacob Schmid and Anna Maria Helber) who had married on 2 Aug. This leads him on to the advantages of the northern half from the point of view of agriculture.
The original was made at the command of Agrippaa€™s father-in-law, the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. These were no doubt freedmen, of whom there were large numbers in Rome, including many skilled artisans.
A late Roman geographical manual gives totals of geographical features in this lost map with recording names, but even the totals, on examination, turn out to be unreliable. Mapping enabled him to carry out these objectives and to perfect a task begun by Julius Caesar. This portico, of which fragments have been found near Via del Tritone, was usually called Porticus Vipsania, but may have been the same as the one that Martial calls Porticus EuropA¦, probably from a painting of Europa on its walls. Dicuil tells us that he followed Pliny except where he had reason to believe that Pliny was wrong.
It is through such features that continents, nations, favorable sites of cities, and other refinements have been conceived, features of which a regional [chorographic] map is full; one also finds a quantity of islands scattered over the seas and along the coasts.
The fact that such an insignificant and distant place as Charax was named on the map shows the detail that it embodied. His sister, Vipsania Polla, began the work, and we know from Dio Cassius that it was still unfinished in the year 7 B.C. There can be no reasonable doubt that the map was a rectangular one with the east-west measurements running horizontally and the north-south measurements running vertically.
Though Strabo does not mention Agrippaa€™s name here he is probably merely being tactful with regard to the Emperor who, presumably, took a large part in the completion of the portico with its map. One must grant Detlefsen that in Plinya€™s main reference there is talk only of a map and the commentarii are merely the basis of the map. Partsch on the contrary, had assumed an original publication, contemporary with the original map, of a Tabellenwerk, that is, a series of tabulated lists. 1475, and, according to Paul Schnabel (Text und Karten des PtolemA?us, 1938) the thirteen manuscripts of the 15th and 16th centuries and a further manuscript of the 13th century all derive from the ninth-century codex in the library of Merton College, Oxford. What they show is rather that on the orders of Theodosius two members of his household composed a map of the world, one written and the other a painting.
The classical scholar Alfred Klotz, however, in his articles on the map has shown that a number of correspondences between the two works as against Pliny point rather to a common source from which both works are derived. Greek cartography, like Greek writing, ran from left to right and perhaps the former practice was promoted by the fact that the western boundary of Europe was well known, at least from the time of Pytheas (ca.
The numerals are much more corrupt than those in Pliny, and there is usually a presumption, therefore, that Plinya€™s figures preserve a better version of Agrippa. Schnabel, while expressing appreciation of the earlier work of Alfred Klotz, yet criticizes Klotz severely on two grounds. For the sixth of these parallels he gives a slight correction due to the Publius Nigidius Figulus (ca. Therefore, Schnabel argues, the incorrect latitude of Hipparchus was corrected by Agrippa who had experience of the Black Sea in his later years. His proximate source, moreover, he names in section 217, according to his usual custom, as Nigidius Figulus.
The parallels of Meroe and Thule were both equally useless in astrological geography although they may well have been mentioned by Nigidius, as they are by Strabo simply by way of clearing the decks. H, 10, 1.) for the mouth of the river Varus (the frontier of Gaul and Italy), that is, 27A° 30a€™ E longitude and 43A° N latitude, and again his position for Nesakton (Geog.
This method Ptolemy has described quite clearly and unambiguously in the fourth chapter of Book I of his Geography.
It is difficult to see how Schnabel imagined that this line could be reduced to a straight line of 411 miles.
What they have to say they translate from the Greeks but of themselves they provide very little impulse to learning, so that where the Greeks have left gaps the Romans provide little to fill the deficiency, especially since most of the well-known writers are Greek.a€? On a comparison of this passage with Straboa€™s usual sycophantic admiration of things Roman we can rate it as very severe criticism. He was, therefore, well acquainted also with the map or Agrippa to which, or to whose content he refers no less than seven times in his Books II, V and VI.
In the fourth century the study of spherical geometry was pushed forward rapidly by Eudoxus in the Academy, and again by Callippus. This new knowledge was then exploited geographically by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (#112) in the latter half of the third century. His delineation of the Near East, of Egypt, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was reasonably correct, and this was also true of his sketch of the Atlantic coast of Europe and the Brettanic islands in which area he followed Pytheas.
Hipparchus further indicated the theoretic requirements for establishing the exact location of points on the eartha€™s surface.
Despite his criticism of earlier geographers such as Pytheas, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it has long been recognized that he does not advance their work except in providing some details in regard to the map of Europe, while his general map of Europe has more faults than that of Eratosthenes.
Without the stiffening of astronomical observation the Roman road systems were like a number of fingers probing blindly in the dark.
The variation in the figures is aggravated by the fact that our later authorities do not entirely understand the Roman method of expressing large numbers as used by Agrippa and Pliny.
This is, however, a serious error on the part of Klotz and to accept it would be a very retrograde step in our appreciation of the map. Therefore the word longitude could reasonably he used of its full length, and the measurements at right angles to this, that is, the latitudes, varied so much that Agrippa thought it necessary to give at least two, one in northern Italy and the second from Rome to the river Aternus. Since the Pyrenees are supposed to run north and south the longitude of Hispania citerior is really the latitude, as was noted before. Over the Rhine lies a small Germany, only half the size of Gaul, and southeast of it an Illyricum and Pannonia of about the same size as Germany. Cross measurements of the Mediterranean are given at three points, from the Italian coast by way of Corsica and Sardinia to Africa, from southern Greece through Sicily to the same place, and from Cape Malea in Greece to Crete and Cyrenaica. Mesopotamia measures a fairly modest 800 by 320 miles, but further east Media measures 1,320 by 840, Arabia to the south is 2,170 by 1,296 and, finally, India represents the Far East with 3,300 by 1,300.
He must have taken over the map of Eratosthenes as revised by people such as Polybius, Posidonius and Artemidorus, and made it the basis of his own. Pliny understood these measurements as being the prime value of the map and that is why he copies them so exhaustively.
Sometimes simple dividing lines were used, such as that used in central Spain, or wherever natural features of division were not present. Thus Agrippaa€™s India corresponds generally to the first a€?seala€? of Eratosthenes, and Agrippaa€™s Arabia, Ethiopia and Upper Egypt corresponds to the fourth a€?seala€?. Even with an astronomical basis they only provide us with a set of rectangles mostly scattered at haphazard about the Mediterranean. At the boundaries to the north, east and south he had to content himself with qua cognitum est. This water feature is significant not only in the fact that it is completely landlocked, unlike most waterways which empty into a surrounding sea, but also notably both waterways are 1) truncated at each end by circular lakes 2) are similarly arced away from the center of their C-shaped surrounding, and 3) span the portion of their C-shape lying opposite the Greek and Italian peninsulas, the portion of the map which coincides with Africa.
First century Roman maps like Agripaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, which had existed throughout Europe, disappeared during the medieval period, but at least one copy was discovered in Germany just a few years prior to the arrival of Schonera€™s 1515 globe, the Peutinger Table (#120), and therefore it is not unreasonable to believe that SchA¶ner might have had access to an unfinished copy of Agrippaa€™s map. When Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum was originally created and put up for display on the wall of a portico, extensive commentary was likely consolidated within the center circular zone (2), but extending Jerusalem and Asia Minor into the mapa€™s center displaced much of the central text and necessitated the text's redistribution about the mappamundia€™s new design, relocating comments within the region to which each pertained, which is why we find the mappae mundi littered with commentary. But it may actually be that the EMM were based on the original text found on Agrippaa€™s map with the locative terms such as a€?above,a€? a€?opposite,a€? and a€?to the south ofa€? being necessary for a consolidated text set apart from the map, while the mappaemundia€™s placement of these data items directly onto the map logically allowed the removal of the spatial references.
The mappaemundi maintained this orientation because medieval Christians held Eden, which they believed resided in the east, in high esteem. The reconstruction also omits completely the lateral mountain range above the waterway, which seems like a rather large oversight as both the Peutinger Table and Ptolemya€™s map, two ancient Roman maps, incorporated a trans-African range as does SchA¶nera€™s design. It also maintains a more realistic belief that ancient maps did not maintain the accuracy of modern maps, but retained a basic design and set of elements common to nearly all ancient maps.
The people in these miniatures, especially male figures, have portrait quality, with their names inscribed below. In addition to these artists who had been brought from cities like Herat and Tabriz in the east, artists of other nationalities such as Hungarians, Albanians, Bosnians, Circassians, and Georgians were also found. One of them relates to events from the time of Bayezid II and its illustrations depict conquered fortresses and cities (R. His use of dark green, bordering on black as the backround of his portraits is one of the distinguishing features of the artist’s personal style. This school has continued until the end of the 14th century, but the most important works and examples are from the 13th century.
We can see this dual influence in the works of Sinan Bey from Bursa, who was the pupil of Hisamzade Sunullah and Master Paoli. According to the registers of the 16th century, the number of miniaturists in Sileyman the Magnificent's court only were 29 instructor-masters and 12 apprentice-pupils. The finish consisted of egg-white, starch, lead carbonate, gum tragacanth, salt of ammonia. Between the years 1703 and 1730, under the patronage of Sultan Ahmed III and his famous and powerful Grand Vizier, Nev?ehirli Damat Ibrahim Pasha, opportunities were provided in all art fields. The author says that Levni Abdulcelil Celebi, started work as the apprentice of an illuminator when he came to Istanbul from Edirne; that he showed progress in his work and became a master working in the saz style. While painting these portraits, ending with that of Sultan Ahmed III, Levni used creative novelties taking traditional elements as a base. Meaning both ‘colorful’ and ‘varied’, the name ‘Levni’ truly describes his personality reflected in his very colorful and diverse style. Calligraphy is especially revered among Islamic arts since it was the primary means for the preservation of the Qur'an.Ottoman Turkish calligraphy is associated with geometric Islamic art on the walls and ceilings of mosques as well as on the page. In time this style of writing divided into two forms; the sharply angled form being reserved for Korans and important correspondence. The form of mensub hatti known as verraki mentioned above, which was generally reserved for copying books and therefore known as neshi (a derivation of the verb istinsah, "to copy"), was the prototype for the muhakkak, reyhani and nesih scripts which emerged in the early eleventh century. As decorative as it was communicative, Diwani was distinguished by the complexity of the line within the letter and the close juxtaposition of the letters within the word.In the teachings of calligraphy figurative imagery is used to help visualize the shape of letters to trace.
In addition, Ottoman miniatures can be found in museums, private collections, and libraries around the world, most notably the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin. Ottoman miniatures are also records of contemporary events, filtered through the artists’ own concepts of reality. 1777 [Washington County, Maryland Church Records of the 18th Century, by Family Lines Publication, 1988. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. The speakers compare Italy with Asia Minor, a country on similar latitudes where Greeks had experience of farming.
India, Seres [China], and Scythia and Sarmatia [Russia] are reduced to small outlying regions on the periphery, thus taking on some features similar to the egocentric maps of the Chinese. He first became prominent as governor of Gaul, where he improved the road system and put down a rebellion in Aquitania. Thus Agrippa is said to have written that the whole coast of the Caspian from the Casus River consists of very high cliffs, which prevent landing for 425 miles. Such a word certainly ties up with Divisio I: a€?The world is divided up into three parts, named Europe, Asia, Libya or Africa.
It is, as one might expect, more accurate in well-known than less-known parts, and more accurate for land than for sea areas. Moreover it seems to have been the first Latin map to be accompanied by notes or commentary. In regard to the materials of construction I think we have to choose between the painted type of wall-map mentioned by Varro and the construction of marble slabs that is used in the forma urbis Romae of two centuries later, of which considerable parts are extant.
Detlefsen, as against the view of Partsch, effectively quoted the passage of the younger Pliny, on the 160 volumes of his unclea€™s commentarii, which he describes as electoruma€¦ commentarios, opisthographos quidem et minutissime scriptos, annotated excerpts, written on the back in a minute hand. It is, of course, possible to imagine that tabulated lists were put up as an adjunct to the map at the short ends, but the references to Spain and the Caspian seem somewhat out of place even here, and the balance of probability on this problem seems to lie, although rather precariously in favor of a contemporary, or nearly contemporary, publication of at least a selection of Agrippaa€™s material comprising something more than mere lists of names and figures. Detlefsena€™s view that both works were the transformation of actual maps into a written record had the advantage that the differences in the order of the material in the two works was of little consequence, the map giving merely the visual impact, and the writer a€?being free to begin his description at whatever point on the map he preferreda€?.
First come the boundaries of the province given in the constant order east, west, north, south. Firstly, Klotz has not discussed the possible use of Agrippa in Ptolemya€™s Geography, and secondly, and much more fundamentally, he has not recognized the scientific importance of the world-map of Agrippa as a link between Eratosthenes and Hipparchus on the one hand and Marinus and Ptolemy on the other, but has merely repeated traditional views dating from the end of the 19th century. It follows further, says Schnabel, that Plinya€™s seventh parallel, that of fifteen hours, belongs equally to Agrippa. Detlefsen pointed this out in 1909, and Kroll (after Honigmann) throws further light on the subject in his article on Nigidius in R. Plinya€™s final phrase about these scholars adding half an hour to all parallels denotes rather the astronomer than the astrologer. III, 1, 7) on the river Arsia, that is, 36A° 15a€™ east longitude arid 44A° 55a€™ N latitude. It would be fairer to use the reduction factor from Ptolemy's third map of Europe, referring to Gaul (Book VIII, cap.
Hipparchus however, reckoned the distance from Syene to Alexandria as seven and one-seventh degrees of latitude. The most important of these passages is the first (II, 5, 17, C 120) where he refers to the important role played by the sea and secondarily, and by rivers and mountains in the shaping of the earth. Yet we may be sure that maps still continued to be made as rectangles on a plane surface, although the relation of the spherical to the plane surface must have begun to appear as a problem.
His calculation of the length of the eartha€™s circumference and of the degree length of 700 stadia was a notable event in the advance of geography. For latitude he described the celestial phenomena for each individual degree of the ninety degrees running north front the Equator to the North Pole, giving for each the length of the longest day and the stars visible.
He tells us that the lack of gnomonic readings in the east, of which Hipparchus complained, was equally true of the west (IL 1, C 71). When one considers the variants within the MSS groups it follows that one may have a dozen or more variants for a single number.
The corresponding Greek words had, of course, originally meant length and breadth with no particular sense of direction.
In Spain again the Pyrenees were always regarded as running north and south, parallel to the Rhine, while the east coast as far as the straits and Cadiz was regarded as running more or lees in a straight line to the west. Detlefsen accepts that Agrippaa€™s figure is an error without being able to explain why, while for Klotz Syria is an obvious proof that Agrippa assigned no definite direction to his longitude.
India alone, therefore, has a longitude as great as the whole Mediterranean, while its latitude is comparable to that of Europe and Africa combined. His chief pride would seem to have been in his measurements, and indeed it is only for the exactness of these that Pliny praises him when he refers to BA¦tica in Book III, 17. Again the horizontal spine of Mount Taurus plays an important role in both as a line of division between the northern and southern areas, Agrippa, however, follows the Eratosthenic method of division only in a general way and not in detail.
It is quite certain that the waterway made its way onto the mappaemundi via Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum as this landlocked waterway represents the Roman belief that the Nile River originated in the mountains of Mauritania and ran laterally across the continent dividing the African continent in two with Libya to the north and Ethiopia to the south. And finally, based on SchA¶nera€™s design Agrippaa€™s map was built around a concentric grid that resembled a polar projection which he as a globe maker would have readily recognized.
Ancient Roman maps like the Peutinger Table, however, oriented the map with north to the top similar to the reconstruction based on SchA¶nera€™s design. But should some doubts still linger, he offers one last review two earlier images comparing the landmass to other C-shaped maps, the Greek Hecataeus (#108) and medieval Hereford world maps, and ask that you consider the mathematical probability that SchA¶ner would incorporate the precise elements of these maps in their precise order and placement without an ancient world map as his template. A This is how Joseleroa€™s contribution must be seen, because there is no doubt whatsoever that he represents an important link in the chain begun by Silverio Franconetti, and later continued by Andonda, Fillo, Cantorala, Tenazas, Diego del Gastor and so many others who have contributed to the flamenco history of MorA?n. After tese earliest examples, there was almost four centuries of time gap, which no book illustrations survived, until the preiod of the Suljuks in Anatolia. From documentary evidence we know that Sinan Bey and his student Siblizade Ahmed were the two artists singled out for training. All rooted in different artistic traditions, all working together on a salaried basis to carry out the directives of the palace. Nigari was to become, next to Sinan, the master architect, the greatest Turkish portrait painter. Meanwhile, upon closure of the Heart academy for painting in the beginning of the 16th century, its famous instructor Behzat was met with a deserved esteem in Tabriz in 1512. Levni is the artistic extension of the tendencies and directions summarized as “westernization” that started to appear in the beginning of the eighteenth century. He has introduced new understanding of painting his figures, compositions and his technique, in his miniatures that depict the circumcision ceremonies of Sultan Ahmed III’s heirs to the throne (1720).
Since this was most often used in the city of Kufa, it became known as kufi.The other form, which did not have sharp angles and could be written at far greater speeds, was employed in day-to-day uses, and due to its rounded, flexible character was suited to artistic application. The fact that Ottoman art fostered more portraiture than the art of any other Islamic culture, with the exception of Mogul India, is another indication of this trend towards realism. Within this round frame the Roman cartographers placed the Orbis Terrarum, the circuit of the world. This shape was also one that suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. If Romans were planning this, they would place the northern section much further west, whereas the cartographers were Greeks, and they followed a tradition which originated in Rhodes or Alexandria.
He pacified the area near Cologne (later founded as a Roman colony) by settling the Ubii at their request on the west bank of the Rhine. Agrippa was an obvious choice as composer of such a map, being a naval man who had traveled widely and had an interest in the technical side. The date at which the building was started is not known, but it was still incomplete in 7 B.C.
If the commentary had not been continuous, but had merely served as supplementary notes where required, there is a possibility that by Plinya€™s time, some eighty years later, it might have gone out of circulation. Augustus was the first to show it [the world] by chorography.a€? Evidently there is a slight difference of meaning between this and Ptolemya€™s definition, by which chorography refers to regional mapping.
From the quotations given by Dilke, there would appear to be a general tendency by Agrippa to underestimate land distances in Gaul, Germany and in the Far East, and to overestimate sea distances. Although the words used are longitudo and latitudo, they have no connection with longitudinal and latitudinal degree divisions.
Romans going to colonies, particularly outside Italy, could obtain information about the location or characteristics of a particular place. We know that the campus Agrippae was in the campus Markus on the east side of the Via Flaminia and that it was bordered towards the street on the west by the Porticus Vipsania. In view of the widespread use of marble facings that characterizes the age of Augustus, the marble slab method appears more probable.
Riese and Partsch had argued that certain references to Agrippa in Pliny, in particular the reference to the inaccessibility of part of the coast of the Caspian Sea and also that to the Punic origins of the coastal towns of Baetica refer more naturally to a published work than to the map in the Porticus Vipsania. We do not know the size of this map that has perished, or whether its descent from the map of Agrippa was through a series of hand-copies as Detlefsen supposed.
In actual fact Pliny and the Divisio both begin their description from the straits of Gibraltar, moving east, while the Demensuratio, on the contrary, begins with India moves west.
Following on this and connected there with come the longitude and latitude, in that order, expressed in Roman miles with Roman numerals.
These views stated that Agrippaa€™s work was constructed on the basis of Roman itinerary measurements and took no note of the scientific results of the astronomical geography of the Greeks.
Pliny then adds a€?from later studentsa€? five more parallels, three of them, those of the Don, of Britain, and of Thule, running north of the original seven, and two, those of Meroe and Syene, running south of them.
What is new in Plinya€™s parallels may be referred to the Greek astronomers of the age of Hipparchus or the two or three generations after him. By subtraction we get the difference in longitude between the two places as 8A° 45a€™ and the difference in latitude as 1A° 55a€™. This third class was to be manipulated as intelligently as possible so as to fit in with the basic evidence of the first two classes. But in every case instead of a geometrical definition a simple and rough definition is enough. He also established a fundamental parallel of latitude, following the example of DicA¦archus. The north, the far east, and Africa south of the Arabian gulf, were practically unknown, and even in the Mediterranean and the land-areas surrounding it, major defects were due to the great uncertainties of measurement, whether by land or by sea.
Straboa€™s aversion to the mathematical and astronomical sick of geography has already been described and considered as typical of the age that he lived.
Much toil has been expended by scholars such as Partsch, Detlefsen and Klotz in attempting to divine which, if any, of these figures belong to Agrippa. They became technical terms for longitude and latitude with a strict directional sense in the filth century B.C. The north coast, however, was usually thought to run from Lisbon (Cabo da Roca) to the Pyrenees, the northwest capes, Nerium and Ortegal, being ignored. Detlefsen held that the map was not drawn to scale and that the measurements were merely inscribed upon it. Unfortunately, in nearly all cases we know neither the beginning nor the end of the routes measured, nor do we know, with any exactness, the direction of the route. Eratosthenes determined the sides of his a€?seals,a€? that were irregular quadrilaterals, by the points of the compass.
It is clear that he gave the itinerary stages in Italy and Sicily in addition to the coastal sailing measurements.
He believes such a notion is impossible and with the presentation of a sound argument for the circumstances contributing to SchA¶nera€™s error, there remains little reason to doubt that because of his grand error we are able to gaze upon Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum for the first time in many centuries.
Another work of the same period is an undated copy of the Kulliyat-i Katibi (Complete Works of Katibi) (TSMK, R.989).
At first, the Persian influence, especially that of the Herat school during the Timurid period, was apparent. The second illustrates Sultan Suleyman’s military expedition against Hungary in 1543 and the Mediterranean campaign of Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha, the famous admiral Barbarossa, which took place in the same year 1608.
The age of Suleyman the Magnificent made visible to us through the portraits of Nigari, Matraki’s city topographies, and the Suleymanname was an extremely important period in Ottoman miniature painting, firmly establishing its subject matter and giving birth to a new style.The most characteristic examples of Ottoman miniature art were produced in the second half of the sixteenth century as a result of the patronage of Sultans Selim II (1566-74) and Murad III (1574-95). Samarkand was renowned during 6th-8th centuries by its drawing workshops where illustrations on wood, plaster and leather were made. After the text and tables were completed, the paper was handed to the miniaturists to be painted. His personality and artistic talent, and the period’s conditions have mutually affected each other, opening the way for a new point of view in the Ottoman art of painting.
Ayvansarayi continues to declare that he was the leading painter, until Sultan Mahmud Khan ascended the throne and depictions with perspective was introduced. Surname-i Vehbi (A3593), in Topkapy Palace Museum Library, is named so after the poet of its text, Seyyid Vehbi. Turkish paintings, calligraphy, photography, music.When we speak of Turkish calligraphy, we refer to writing of aesthetic value in characters based on the Arabic script, which the Turks had adopted as their writing medium after their conversion to Islam. From the fifteenth to the twentieth centuries, royal portraits formed an integral part of the art of the book.
As a visual aid to this discussion, the temple map will have been envisaged as particularly helpful.
He must have had plans drawn, and may even have devised and used large-scale maps to help him with the conversion of Lake Avemus and the Lacus Lucrinus into naval ports.


Two late geographical writings, the Divisio orbis and the Dimensuratio provinciarum (commonly abbreviated to Divisio and Dimensuratio) may be thought to come from Agrippa, because they show similarities with Plinya€™s figures.
If West Africa is any guide, in areas where distances were not well established, they were probably entered only very selectively.
Also the full extent of the Roman Empire could be seen at a glance.a€?Certain medieval maps, including the Hereford and Ebstorf world maps (see monographs #224 and #226 in Book IIB) are now believed to have been derived from the Orbis Terraum of Agrippa, and point to the existence of a series of maps, now lost, that carried the traditions of Roman cartography into Christian Europe. Varro, in the following century, tells us of a map of Italy that was painted on the wall of the temple of Tellus. Remains of the portico are stated to have been found opposite the Piazza Colonna on the Corso at about the position of the column of Marcus Aurelius and further north. The volumes of commentary referred to by the younger Pliny were not published, but were clearly digested to the point where little further work was needed to prepare them for publication, and the same situation may well be accepted for the commentarii of Agrippa. The text, however, had long previously been known from its reproduction in the first five chapters of the De Mensura Orbis Terrae, published by the Irish scholar Dicuil in A.D.
But it did quite clearly derive from that map, whether in the map-form or in a written form, with its list of seas, mountains, rivers, harbors, gulfs and cities. On Klotza€™s view that both works derive from a common written source this major divergence becomes a problem to he explained, but Klotz can offer no explanation. The boundaries are marked by the natural features, usually the mountains, rivers, deserts and oceans, only occasionally by towns or other features. Of these parallels Schnabel tries to establish that at least two are due to Agrippa, to wit, the first of the new parallels passing through the Don, and the seventh of the old parallels passing through the mouth of the Dnieper. Using Ptolemya€™s reduction factor at 43A° N latitude which is forty-three sixtieths we find that with Ptolemya€™s degree of 500 stadia the difference in longitude between the two places in question is 3,135 and five-twelfths stadia and the difference in latitude is 958 and one-third stadia. It was this third kind of evidence which gave Ptolemy his positions for the Varus and the Arsia. He thinks the 411 miles represents the itinerary measurement from the Varus to Rimini through Dertona, and that the Arsia has got attached to it by a slight confusion in Pliny's mind in thinking of the boundaries between the mare superum and the mare inferum, with which, in fact, he equates the Varus-Arsia measurement.
This factor of forty sixtieths or two-thirds gives a distance of approximately 384 miles from Varus to Arsia and the striking coincidence on which Schnabel has built this elaborate theory simply vanishes. Therefore, argues Schnabel, Agrippa made a new reckoning of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia. Such features as these brought into existence the continents, the tribes, the fine natural sites of cities and the other decorative features of which our chorogaphic map is chock full.a€? The map of Agrippa displayed, therefore, all the natural features just mentioned and, in addition, the names of tribes and of famous cities. Only a combination of the practical measurements with astronomical observation could have affected a real progress and our evidence shows only too clearly that this happy union did not take place.
Some light has been thrown on the subject by comparison with later Roman itineraries for the particular areas. The result of this misconception was that the figures for longitude and latitude were simply interchanged.
Agrippa regarded the Syrian coast running northeast from the boundary of Egypt, as running much more in an easterly direction than it actually does.
His map represents, says Detlefsen, a moment of historical development, a point in the process of crystallization of the lands of the Mediterranean into the Roman Empire.
Agrippa defines the boundaries of his groups of countries in the same way, by the points of the compass, but as regards size he supplies only the length and breadth, thus agreeing with Strabo, already quoted. It is a question whether these itinerary measurements were given, in detail on the map for all the western provinces, not to mention the eastern ones. The minatures illustrate a fantasy world of demons, evil spirtis and sceens from nomadic life.
This work which contains the greatest number of miniatures from this early period is a copy of the Iskendername (Book of Alexander the Great) by the Turkish poet Ahmedi (Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Cod. Paintings in this style were found mostly in the works of the famous poet Ali ?ir Nevai, written in an eastern dialect of Turkish. The reigns of these sultans mark the classical period of Ottoman miniature art and the most productive era in historical painting.
The miniatures were divided as 1)Illustration of books, compositions (depiction of certain subjects and events) and 2)portraits. The author states that Levni died in 1732, and that he is now buried across the Sadiler Tekkesi, opposite Akturbe, near the Otakcylar Mosque. In this work there are 173 miniatures by Levni, exhibiting his talent for observation and his documentative attitude.
It was this form which began to give rise to new scripts after the development of pens with nibs of different widths in the eighth century.
The Arabic characters gradually assumed an aesthetic function after the advent of Islam, and this process gathered momentum from the mid-eighth century onwards, so that calligraphy was already a significant art discipline by the time the Turks joined the Islamic world.
But whether it was only intended to be imagined by readers or was actually illustrated in the book is not clear.
The map was presumably developed from the Roman road itineraries, and may have been circular in shape, thus differing from the Roman Peutinger Table (#120).
The theory that it was circular is in conflict with a shape that would suit a colonnade wall.
What purpose was served by giving a width for the long strip from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea is not clear. Dilke provides a detailed discussion of Agrippaa€™s measurements using quotes from the elder Plinya€™s Natural History. We do not know the occasion of this dedication, but since it was meant to celebrate a victory it may been intended for the geographical instruction of the Roman public. They are said to allow the conclusion that it had the same dimensions and construction as the adjacent porticus saeptorum, whose dimensions were 1,500 ft. The twelve lines were inscribed on this map and also on an obviously contemporary written version thereof, and it is this written version that has been preserved for us both by Dicuil and in the various manuscripts of the Divisio orbis terrarum, whereas the map has perished.
Klotz, however, believed that be could determine the original succession of countries and groups of countries as treated in the published work of Agrippa by criteria. The Demensuratio on one occasion gives the fauna and flora of Eastern India, which it calls the land of pepper, elephants, snakes, sphinxes and parrots.
He argues that the Dnieper was used as a line of demarcation between Sarmatia to the east and Dacia to the west only on the map of Agrippa, and neither earlier nor later, and that therefore the parallel from the Don through the Dnieper must derive from that map. Plinya€™s seven klimata are a piece of astrological geography and derive through Nigidius from Serapion of Antioch, who was probably a pupil of Hipparchus, or if not was a student of his work. But there is no vestige of probability or proof that Agrippa made new gnomonic readings to correct Hipparchus.
Schnabel now treats the spherical triangle involved as a plane right-angled triangle, and using the theorem of Pythagoras, he finds that the hypotenuse, that is, the distance between the Varus and the Arsia is 3,291 stadia or 411 Roman miles. Gnomonic readings were often inaccurate, measurement of time was still very vague, and a degree length one-sixth too large did not help. He used the circle of 360 degrees, giving up the hexecontads [a 60-sided polygon] of Eratosthenes. But since we normally do not know by what route Agrippaa€™s measurements were taken, this light may prove to be a will-o-the wisp. Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny all insist on the technical directional sense, as there was the possibility of ignorant people misunderstanding them. The same thing occurred in the British islands that were regarded as running from northeast to southwest. 1,200, 720 and 410 miles, respectively, running from the unknown north down to the Aegean, but all having approximately the same latitude of just under 400 miles. Therefore the longitude was to him the east-west direction, and the latitude from Seleucia Pieria to Zeugma was the north-south direction. Partial distances were given from station to station along the Italian coast, but Detlefsen thinks that the summation of the coastal measurements appeared elsewhere on the map. Where this process is complete we have ready-made provinces, where it is still in progress we find the raw materials of provinces-to-be, which are still parts of large and scarcely known areas, and finally, where Roman armies have never set foot we find enormous, amorphous masses lumped together as geographical units. It is notable, as Detlefsen points out, that Strabo must have recognized this lack of scientific value. It appears from passages in Pliny that Varro had already used the Roman itineraries in his geographical books and Agrippa was only following his example. There are also other Seljuk works in different styles showing evidence of Byzantian influence.Due to its rich subject matter, longevity, and freshness, Turkish miniature painting of the Ottoman period occupies a special place in the history of Islamic painting. However it was under Suleyman’s reign that Turkish painting began to acquire its distinctive and fundamental character. Throughout most of these years, the Turkish and Persian works of Seyyid Lokman, the court-appointed ?ahnameci, were illustrated in rapid succession by selected painters working in the imperial studio. The most important development of the 9th century Uygur Turks in the art of painting, was accomplished by the painters and their school in the town of Kizilkent. Moslems used these original illustrations in the translations; but although the text were not changed in the later translations, the miniatures were made differently. Sultan Selim Iran and Aleppo to Istanbul after the seizure of Tabriz and he ordered his men to create favourable conditions for those artists' work. Information on each page of the Surname-i Vehbi is given, yet details are included only about the miniatures which have been chosen due to both their distinction in the manuscript and the importance of the characters in the depicted scenes. Among the earliest of these were the celil reserved for large scale lettering, and tomar or tumar which was the standard large size pen used in official correspondence. Therefore it is necessary to begin with a brief review of the structure of Arabic characters and their development during the early centuries of Islam. Contemporary artists in the Islamic world draw on the heritage of calligraphy to use calligraphic inscriptions or abstractions in their work. The same applies to possible cartographic illustration of Varroa€™s Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, of which Books VII-XIII dealt with Italy. The map of Agrippa, however, was set up, not in a sacred place, but in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsania. Dicuil worked and wrote probably at the Frankish palace at Aix-la-Chapelle in the time of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. The date of the making of the map was probably the fifteenth consulate of Theodosius II, that is, A.D. One of these was the direction shown in the order of naming several particular countries where several are included in the same section, or the direction shown in the list of the boundaries of the section. This argument, however, is unsound for a number of reasons, of which the most obvious in this context is that whereas the Dnieper is given by our sources as the west boundary of Sarmatia, it is never given as the east boundary of Dacia. Nigidius was a notorious student of the occult and his astrological geography was contained in a work apparently entitled de terris. At right angles to this he established a meridian running from Meroe northwards to the mouth of the Dnieper, and passing through Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium.
Yet he did not try to get a more exact value for the degree, although this was the point where theory could most easily have affected practice. Moreover, although the Roman roads may often have rationalized the native roads by new road-construction or by bridging, yet in general they continued to be town-to-town roads, and if the itineraries ever correctly represented the longitude and latitude of a province it would be by pure chance. But, you may object, this technical sense is only suitable for describing rectangles and not all countries fall into that convenient form. Here again longitudo is the long axis and latitudo the short axis, not because of a misuse of these technical terms, but simply because their general position was misconceived. Further east again Sarmatia [Russia], including the Black Sea to the south, measures 980 by 715 miles, Asia Minor 1,155 by 325, Armenia and the Caspian 480 by 280. Any doubt on this matter is removed when we look at Pliny (VI, 126), where he gives the latitude from the same point, Seleucia Pieria, to the mouth of the Tigris. It is probable that Italy and the neighboring islands were given in greater detail than other areas. Of the first class, the ordered provinces, we have eight in Europe, three in Africa, and three in Asia. He gives us from Agrippa, a few lines along the coasts of Italy and Sicily but not a single one of his reckonings for the provinces. Since so little of the materials of the ancient geographers bas been preserved it is mostly a matter of chance whether we know or do not know whether Agrippa agreed or not with the measurements of a particular earlier geographer. To preserve the freshness of the works they prepared and to ensure that the orders of the sultan were carried out, they worked very rapidly, with the result that the Turkish miniature is devoid of fine and elaborate ornamentation. After his ten years on the throne, topographies of cities and fortresses and miniatures documenting the life of the Sultan gradually gained importance. By taking the name of the Persian heroes in Firdausi’s famous epic poem, the original ?ahname, the Ottoman sultans sought to supplant-metaphorically-their Persian counterparts. Foremost among them was the master Osman, the greatest name in Ottoman historical painting and the artist who mostly shaped Turkish miniature art during the classical period.
Their sense of light in pictures and their search for the influence and impression of shadow and light, served largely for the formation of Seljuk miniature school and canalized it.
Soon after Shah Kulu from Tabriz was leading these artists in an academy which was called by the Turks "Nakkashanei-i Irani" (The Persian Academy of Painting).
The head painter used to draw the main composition with thin brushes and then his assistants and pupils painted in part by part. In such cases, ones should know the different styles of the other Moslem miniatures such as Iran and India.
Gild was used in architectural details, in the background and the ground of calligraphic works.
This information clarifies that the artist went to the palace atelier, nakka?hane, when he arrived from Edirne, and at first worked in the saz style.
Levni has also shown his sensitivity to the subject of human figures in an album of full body portraits now in the Topkapy Palace Museum Library (H.2164) of the period’s typical characters, depicted in his personal style.
Pens with a nib width two thirds of that of the tomar pen were known as suluseyn, and those with nibs one third in width were known as sulus. The most succinct definition of calligraphy formulated by Islamic writers is, "Calligraphy is a spiritual geometry produced with material tools." The aesthetic values implied by this definition held true for centuries. But at least we know that he was keen on illustration, since his Hebdomades vel de imaginibus, a biographical work in fifteen books, was illustrated with as many as seven hundred portraits.
Plinya€™s most specific reference to the map is where he records that the length of BA¦tica, the southern Spanish province, given as 475 Roman miles and its width as 258 Roman miles, whereas the width could still be correct, depending on how it was calculated. It was not a map of a part of the Empire, not even a map of the Empire as a whole, but rather a map of the whole known world, of which the Roman Empire was merely one part. The Porticus Vipsania was, therefore, an enormous colonnade and it follows that the map with which we are concerned was only one decorative item among the many that adorned it. Thus he says that the order Cevennes-Jura for the northern boundary of Narbonese Gaul shows motion from west to east, and again the list Macedonia, Hellespont, left side it the Black Sea shows the same movement. This work seems to have included his commentary on the sphaera Graecanica describing the Greek constellations and his sphaera barbarica on the non-Greek constellations.
From the coincidence of the figures Schnabel strongly argues that Ptolemy must have taken over the figure of 411 miles from Agrippa. The establishment of these two lines provided the theoretical basis for a grid of lines of parallels and meridians respectively, points being fixed by longitude and latitude as by the coordinates in a graph.
The measurements of Agrippa should, therefore, be reduced but it is not easy to say by what factor. This is true indeed, and here we have to consider a few ancient misconceptions about the shapes and positions of particular countries. The distance is 175 miles from Seleucia to Zeugma, 724 miles from Zeugma to Seleucia and Tigrim and 320 miles to the mouth of the Tigris, that is, 1,219 in all. Of the second class, where the Romans had recent military campaign we have three in Europe, that is, Germany, Dacia and Sarmatia, one in Africa, Mauretania, and one in Asia, Armenia. Klotz has shown that he used Eratosthenes very often, but that on occasion he disagreed with him, and that Artemidorus apparently he did not use at all. The illustrations in this book dealing with Ottoman history constitute the earliest examples of ‘historical painting,’ which was to become the essence of Turkish miniature art. Though the tradition was already well established by the time of Suleyman, it was during his reign that the ?ahname acquired its formal character and bequeathed us some of the most magnificient examples of Turkish miniature art. It is known from documentary sources that Osman occupied a position in the court atelier from the first years of Selim II’s reign, becoming its most productive and prominent member during the years 1570-90. The miniatures of the antique age are disorganised and most of them have descriptive qualities. Kaaba depictions, sports and especially horse-riding scenes took place in the Turkish miniatures. Under this writing system most of the letters underwent a change of form according to whether they were positioned at the beginning, middle or end of a word.
Since we are told that this work was widely circulated, some scholars have wondered whether Varro used some mechanical means of duplicating his miniatures; but educated slaves were plentiful, and we should almost certainly have heard about any such device if it had existed. Pliny continues: a€?Who would believe that Agrippa, a very careful man who took great pains over his work, should, when he was going to set up the map to be looked at by the people of Rome, have made this mistake, and how could Augustus have accepted it? The second criterion is that the use (the alleged use) of the term longitudo for a north-south direction or for any direction other than the canonical one of east-west, shows us the direction of Agrippaa€™s order in treating of the geography.
Nigidiusa€™ a€?barbaric spherea€? was derived from the like-named work of Asclepiades of Myrlea. The two main passages from Straboa€™s second book may reasonably be regarded as a transcript of contemporary geographical practice and since between them they give an exact description of the methods followed in the ancient remains of the map of Agrippa, Tierney thinks that they may rightly be regarded as a strong proof that the views held on this map by Detlefsen and Klotz are generally correct. In somewhat similar circumstances Ptolemy reduced the figures of Marinus in Asia and Africa by about one-half. This distance, he adds, is the latitude of the earth between the two seas, that is, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf.
Following the death of Mehmed the Conqueror, during the reign of his son Sultan Bayezid II (1481-1512), artists were brought to the palace in Istanbul and set up in the nakka?hane (imperial studio). Suleyman appointed Arifi, who had gained renown for his poetry in Persian, to the position of ?ahnameci and assigned him the task of writing a complete history in verse of the Ottoman sultans. In addition to working with Lokman, he was responsible for illustrating the works of other writers as well.
Among thousands of books in the library there are the oldest Turkish gilded and miniature manuscripts. It goes without question that the period beginning with Mehmet the Conqueror and ending with Sultan Selim I, was one of the most interesting and important phases in Turkish painting and miniatures. The head painter, the author and writer of the story were also depicted in some of the miniatures. They portrayed people in straight profiles or from the front instead of the three fourth profile seen in Persian miniatures. Turkish art of miniature, as all the other handcrafts, followed the historical line of the state and had its golden age during the 16th century. It is thought that Levni must have settle in Istanbul before 1710 and never left Istanbul after 1718. Other new writing styles which emerged (although all later fell into disuse) were riyasi, kalemu'n-nisf, hafifu'n-nisf and hafifu's-sulus. The idea of cutting the nib of the reed pen at an angle instead of horizontally was his, and an innovation which contributed enormous elegance to writing. When transformed into an art the characters took on highly elaborate shapes, and the rich visual impact attained when they were joined together, and above all the fact that the same word or phrase could be written in various ways opened the door to the infinite variety and innovation which is a prerequisite of art. For it was Augustus who, when Agrippaa€™s sister had begun building the portico, carried through the scheme from the intention and notes [commentarii] of M.
Tierney does not believe that either of these criteria can show us the order of treatment in the original publication, presuming, that is, that there was an original publication. The detailed extension of the Greek parallels into the Roman west is apparently due to Nigidius. Agrippa, he thinks, took the itinerary figure for the distance from the Varus to the Arsia, which is given as 745 miles by Pliny (III, 132) and reduced it to a straight line of 411 miles by astronomical and mathematical measurement. In order to carry out the Sultan’s project, Arifi was given the most talented calligraphers and painters of the time. For many of these projects, he headed groups of artists chosen from the court atelier and directed their work. The oldest wooden print and illustrated book in the world belongs to Uygurs and is in the above library. The subjects were taken from the antique age, whereas the style was influenced by oriental, Uygur painting.
Various styles and ways of expression were searched, the influences were are guide and syntheses were attained. The most refined lines forming the basis of the picture were the lines bordering spaces, the lines on coloured surfaces and the lines of facial expression. As their names indicate, some of the new scripts were based on tomar and written with pens which were specific fractions (half, one third, or two thirds) of the tomar pen. Once "the six hands" had taken their place in the art of calligraphy together with all their rules, many scripts apart from those mentioned above were abandoned, and no trace of them but their names remains today (for example, sicillat, dibac, zenbur, mufattah, harem, lului, muallak and mursel).Following the death of Yakut his conception of "the six hands" was carried by scribes who had trained under him from Baghdad to Anatolia, Egypt, Syria, Persia and Transoxania.
Just as the characters could be written singly in several different ways, so there was an astonishing diversity of different scripts or "hands". We are prone to forget that all ancient geographers were necessarily map-minded, and even when the map was not before their physical eye, it was before their mental eye. This proves, therefore, that Agrippaa€™s map was not a purely itinerary map, but that Agrippa reduced the itinerary measurements in the way described. During this period, portrait painting lost its importance and painters in the court atelier devoted their efforts mostly to the illustration of literary works.
In the period from 1558 until 1592, Osman and his team illustrated several of Lokman’s ?ahnames, which are written in Persian and in verse. The main characteristics of the Seljuk-Baghdad school were vigour, briskness, power of expression, caricature quality, over ornamentation, lack of scenery and accentuation of figures. In the process of scaling down, the scripts took on new characteristics of their own, while the word kalem, which referred to the writing instrument, also came to be used for the writing itself (for example, kalemu'n-nisf literally means "half pen").
New generations of calligraphers who trained in these lands dedicated themselves to the path taken by Yakut as far as their aptitude permitted. The Arabic characters were adopted — primarily motivated by religious fervour by virtually all the peoples who converted to Islam, so that just a few centuries after the Hegira they had become the shared property of the entire Muslim world. Augustus, as he was ill, handed his signet-ring to Agrippa, thus indicating him as acting emperor. The order of countries within a section would, I think, very much depend on the momentary motions or aberrations of that mental eye. It is unfortunate, however, that nearly all Agrippaa€™s figures come down to us in a non-reduced form that makes it impossible to reproduce his map. Nurtured by the influence of Western Christian art on traditional Islamic miniatures, a truly original style of painting prevailed. The first of these, which actually dates back to the final years of Suleyman’s reign, is called the Zafername (Book of Victories.
Another important aspect of this ind is that some manuscripts have been written in letters same with the ones on the Goktirk Orhun epitaphs.
Before starting to study the Ottoman miniature, I shall refer to two more schools of miniature related to Turks. Turkish miniature lived its golden age during that period, with its own characteristics and authentic qualities.
For scripts such as kisas and muamerat, which were invented for specific uses and did not involve the proportional scaling down of the pen, the term hat was used.Under the Abbasids, learning and the arts flourished, leading to a swelling demand for books in Baghdad and other major cities.
The term "Arabic calligraphy", which is appropriate with respect to the early period, broadened in scope over time to become what more accurately might be described as "Islamic calligraphy". The same year Agrippa was given charge of all the eastern parts of the Empire, with headquarters at Mitylene. The bulk of Turkish miniatures comprise works of documentary value deriving from the depiction of actual events.
This attitude has a main reason, and that is the inevitable necessity to know the contradictory schools in order to comprehend to one under study. The most renowned artists of the period were Kinci Mahmut, Kara Memi from Galata, Naksi (his real name Ahmet) from Ahirkapi, Mustafa Dede (called the Shah of Painters), Ibrahim ?elebi, Hasan Kefeli, Matrak_i Nasuh, Nigari (who portrayed Sultan Selim II and whose real name was Haydar.
To meet this demand the number of copyists known as verrak also rose, and the script which they employed in the copying of manuscripts was known as verraki, muhakkak or iraki. In the hands of the Ottoman Turks, these six scripts were poised to begin the ascent to their zenith.CALLIGRAPHY,calligraphy in istanbul,calligraphy in turkey,istanbul in calligraphy,Turkish - Ottoman Calligraphy Lessons in Istanbul.
This writing system, known as nabati because it was used by the Nabat tribe in pre-Islamic times, derives from the Phoenician. Lokman’s second “book of kings, the ?ahname-i Selim Han”, is concerned with Selim II’s sultanate (TSMK, A.3595).
The Chinese influence in the 14th century Mongolian miniatures, is felt in the landscapes made with Chinese ink. The borrowed look of the figures indicate that they were the ordinary individuals of protocol in every period. From the end of the eighth century, as a result of the search for aesthetic values by calligraphers, writing forms according to specific proportions and symmetries became known as asli hat and mevzun hat. In its early form, the script gave no clue of its future potential as such a powerfully aesthetic medium, the characters consisting of very simple shapes.
New York, Kraus Collection), describes and illustrates events from the period of Osman Gazi the founder of the dynasty, up to Yyldyrym Bayezid, the ‘Thunderbolt.’ The fifth, known as the Suleymanname (Book of Sultan Suleyman is in the library of Topkapy Palace Museum and deals with the period between 1520-58 during the reign of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent.
The third is the first volume of the ?ehin?ahname (Book of the King of Kings) and describes events that occurred between the years 1574-81 during Murad III’s reign (IUK, F.1404). The dominant characteristics of those pictures were Chinese style clouds, the curved lines and flower outlines.
One of the calligraphers who contributed to the development of writing, and the most outstanding among those of this period was Ibn Mukle (? With the emergence of Islam, however, and particularly after the Hegira, the Arabic script became the literary vehicle of the last Semitic religion. Illuminated with 69 miniatures, the book, highly innovative in layout, set the standard for later ?ahnames.
The last ?ahname to emerge from this collaboration between Lokman and Osman was the second volume of the ?ehin?ahname, covering the years 1581-88 of Murad’s reign (TSMK, B.200). The numbers of those literate in the Arabic script multiplied rapidly, and in time it was perfected into a vehicle equipped to record the Koran, and hence the language as a whole, with precision.
The elegance with which these court painters depict their subject marks a new stage in the development of the Ottoman miniature.
These ?ahnames, all with the same dimensions and layout, contain more than two hundred miniatures of a documentary nature, detailing important architectural works, military campaigns and major victories, important court ceremonies and celebrations, the sultans’ accession to the throne, and their deaths.URKISH MINIATURES,Turks had the tradition to illustrate manuscripts during the cultural periods before Islamic belief. Lettering complying with these rules was called mensuh hatti, a term meaning "proportional writing".While these developments were taking place, kufi script was enjoying its heyday, above all for copying korans. Vowel signs known as hareke were invented to express the short phonemes which accompanied the consonants.
Scenery and figures have been united in the Mongolian miniatures after the Chinese influence ended. The method of determining the sound of letters which resembled one another in form, by means of disparate positioning and diacritical marks was developed. They depict a number of victorious wars by which the Ottomans expanded their empire, such as the conquest of Rhodes, the siege of Belgrade, the Tabriz and Hungarian campaigns, the well known Mohacs episode and the seizing of Buda.Tarih-i SultanBayezid Nasuh al-Silahi al Matraki,A variety of other scenes are also portrayed, including royal hunts, the presentation of gifts to the sultan, and the receptions, of famous people like Admiral Barbarossa and Devlet Giray Han, who was the ruler of the Crimean Tatars. No written or illustrated document has yet been found from the time of the Chinese Han dynasty, of Huns and Goktirks.Nevertheless, the large quantities of stone engravings, textiles,ceramics, works of art made of metal, wood, leather which have survived to the present day, prove that the above mentioned cultural circles were quite developed in other fields of art. Realism, portrait Characteristics, light and shadow, perspective were dominant in large figures. Artists like Matrak_i Nasuh who depicted the Iraqian campaign of Sileyman the Magnificent with details of the resting places and the Mediterranean ports, were very few.
As time passed, the use of diacritics to distinguish the undotted from the dotted forms of the same letters was introduced.
Both the diacritics, the vowel signs and the unmarked letter symbols took on decorative forms which played a major role in the development of writing as an art.
The withering influence of natural conditions have prevented the survival of these first examples.
Meanwhile, the frequently used definite article, consisting of the letters alif and lam, became a balancing element in the aesthetics of calligraphy. Folk stories such as "Hisrev and Shirin", "Leyla and Mecnun" have been depicted in the poetic atmosphere of poet Sadi.
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