Some of these monographs may be thought of as an anthology of maps, which, like all anthologies, reflects the taste and predilection of the collector.
Cartography, like architecture, has attributes of both a scientific and an artistic pursuit, a dichotomy that is certainly not satisfactorily reconciled in all presentations. The significance of maps - and much of their meaning in the past - derives from the fact that people make them to tell other people about the places or space they have experienced. It is assumed that cartography, like art, pre-dates writing; like pictures, map symbols are apt to be more universally understood than verbal or written ones. As previously mentioned, many early maps, especially those prior to the advent of mass production printing techniques, are known only through descriptions or references in the literature (having either perished or disappeared). Many libraries and collections were not in the habit of preserving maps that they considered a€?obsoletea€? and simply discarded them. A series of maps of one region, arranged in chronological order, can show vividly how it was discovered, explored by travelers and described in detail; this may be seen in facsimile atlases like those of America (K. As mediators between an inner mental world and an outer physical world, maps are fundamental tools helping the human mind make sense of its universe at various scales. The history of cartography represents more than a technical and practical history of the artifacts.
The only evidence we have for the mapmaking inclinations and talents of the inhabitants of Europe and adjacent parts of the Middle East and North Africa during the prehistoric period is the markings and designs on relatively indestructible materials. Although some questions will always remain unanswered, there can be no doubt that prehistoric rock and mobiliary art as a whole constitutes a major testimony of early mana€™s expression of himself and his world view. Despite the richness of civilization in ancient Babylonia and the recovery of whole archives and libraries, a mere handful of Babylonian maps have so far been found.
Egypt, which exercised so strong an influence on the ancient civilizations of southeast Europe and the Near East, has left us no more numerous cartographic documents than her neighbor Babylonia. In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extant Egyptian achievement is represented by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (see monograph #102) .
In so far as cartography was concerned, perhaps the greatest extent that Egyptian achievement is represented is by the Turin Papyrus, collected by Bernardino Drovetti before 1824 (#102). It has often been remarked that the Greek contribution to cartography lay in the speculative and theoretical realms rather than in the practical realm, and nowhere is this truer than in the Archaic and Classical Period. To the Arab countries belongs chief credit for keeping alive an interest in astronomical studies during the so-called Christian middle ages, and we find them interested in globe construction, that is, in celestial globe construction; so far as we have knowledge, it seems doubtful that they undertook the construction of terrestrial globes. Among the Christian peoples of Europe in this same period there was not wanting an interest in both geography and astronomy.
Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana), itself divided into two regions - the highest heaven or firmament, which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the far North-East, some say North, and the lower heaven, where the planets - a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of beneficent nature - wandered forever on their appointed path. Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a latitude in close proximity to the equator.
Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external ocean - encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled those regions with the great earth - surrounding river Okeanos - the traditions relating to the existence of an island, of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity. In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description. Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. The side of the boat curves inwards, so that when reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken off the top, and then set on its flat side. Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could not be represented for want of space - belonging to the southern hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.
We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies that have been handed down. Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us back to a somewhat more remote period; they all bear most of the disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. We have seen that, according to the earliest geographical notions, the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.
The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the spectator. Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe or map with the north at the top, would lead us to conclude that the abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat, the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions.
The internal evidence of the Poems points to a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the infernal regions.
Another probable source of information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as pilots of King Solomona€™s fleets brought gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian islands. European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and Sephuros. These mariners and geographers adopted the plan - an arbitrary one - of considering the earth as having the north above and the south below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for granted that it had obtained universally and in all times. Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations, considered the south to be above and the north below. It is strange that some historians, in pointing out so cleverly that the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions. At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records.
It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemya€™s Geography bear witness.
These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous interpretation of information received; and the most likely period during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when Alexandria was the center of the Eastern and Western commerce of the world. But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period and to form an idea of the chances of information which the traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks and Romans, here is what Antonio Galvano, Governor of Ternate says in 1555, quoting Strabo and Pliny (Strabo, lib. Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia, were conveyed from one island to another, any information, when sought for, concerning the location of the islands from which the spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally came. From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the Mountain of the South, or Southwest, of Homer, and the Infernal Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was situated somewhere in the neighborhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. It is in the Classical Period of Greek cartography that we can start to trace a continuous tradition of theoretical concepts about the size and shape of the earth. Likewise, it should be emphasized that the vast majority of our knowledge about Greek cartography in this early period is known primarily only from second- or third-hand accounts.
There is no complete break between the development of cartography in Classical and in Hellenistic Greece. In spite of these speculations, however, Greek cartography might have remained largely the province of philosophy had it not been for a vigorous and parallel growth of empirical knowledge. That such a change should occur is due both to political and military factors and to cultural developments within Greek society as a whole. The librarians not only brought together existing texts, they corrected them for publication, listed them in descriptive catalogs, and tried to keep them up to date.
The other great factor underlying the increasing realism of maps of the inhabited world in the Hellenistic Period was the expansion of the Greek world through conquest and discovery, with a consequent acquisition of new geographical knowledge. Among the contemporaries of Alexander was Pytheas, a navigator and astronomer from Massalia [Marseilles], who as a private citizen embarked upon an exploration of the oceanic coasts of Western Europe. As exemplified by the journeys of Alexander and Pytheas, the combination of theoretical knowledge with direct observation and the fruits of extensive travel gradually provided new data for the compilation of world maps. The importance of the Hellenistic Period in the history of ancient world cartography, however, has been clearly established. In the history of geographical (or terrestrial) mapping, the great practical step forward during this period was to locate the inhabited world exactly on the terrestrial globe. Thus it was at various scales of mapping, from the purely local to the representation of the cosmos, that the Greeks of the Hellenistic Period enhanced and then disseminated a knowledge of maps. The Roman Republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strand in the history of classical cartography. The remarkable influence of Ptolemy on the development of European, Arabic, and ultimately world cartography can hardly be denied.
Notwithstanding his immense importance in the study of the history of cartography, Ptolemy remains in many respects a complicated figure to assess.
Still the culmination of Greek cartographic thought is seen in the work of Claudius Ptolemy, who worked within the framework of the early Roman Empire.
When we turn to Roman cartography, it has been shown that by the end of the Augustan era many of its essential characteristics were already in existence.
In the course of the early empire large-scale maps were harnessed to a number of clearly defined aspects of everyday life.
Maps in the period of the decline of the empire and its sequel in the Byzantine civilization were of course greatly influenced by Christianity.
Continuity between the classical period and succeeding ages was interrupted, and there was disruption of the old way of life with its technological achievements, which also involved mapmaking. The Byzantine Empire, though providing essential links in the chain, remains something of an enigma for the history of the long-term transmission of cartographic knowledge from the ancient to the modern world.
It may be necessary to emphasize that the ancient Greek maps shown in this volume are a€?reconstructionsa€? by modern scholars based upon the textual descriptions of the general outline of the geographical systems formed by each of the successive Greek writers so far as it is possible to extract these from their writings alone.
China is Asiaa€™s oldest civilization, and the center from which cultural disciplines spread to the rest of the continent. An ancient wooden map discovered by Chinese archaeologists in northwest China's Gansu Province has been confirmed as the country's oldest one at an age of more than 2,200.
The map of Guixian was unearthed from tombs of the Qin Kingdom at Fangmatan in Tianshui City of Gansu Province in 1986 and was listed as a national treasure in 1994. Unlike modern maps, place names on these maps were written within big or small square frames, while the names of rivers, roads, major mountains, water systems and forested areas were marked directly with Chinese characters.
Whoever sets out to write on the history of geography in China faces a quandary, however, for while it is indispensable to give the reader some appreciation of the immense mass of literature which Chinese scholars have produced on the subject, it is necessary to avoid the tedium of listing names of authors and books, some of which indeed have long been lost.
As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought, the prevailing belief was that the heavens were round and the earth square. The following attempts to compare rather carefully the parallel march of scientific geography in the West and in China.
DESCRIPTION:This seminal work was initially compiled in manuscript form on vellum, with drawings in red and black. The author, a seventh century Bishop of Seville (Spain), leaned heavily himself on classical writers, as well as the teachings of the Church Fathers.
In view of the extraordinary influence of this treatise, the following excepts (the translation is taken from G.
Concerning the earth we are told that it is named from its roundness (orbis) which is like a wheel; whence the small wheel is called a€?orbiculusa€?.
As to size, Isidore accepts Eratosthenesa€™ estimate (via Macrobius) of 252,000 stadia for the circumference of the earth. The Ancients did not divide these three parts of the world equally, for Asia stretches right from the south, through the east to the north, but Europe stretches from the north to the west and thence Africa from the west to the south. Interestingly, Isidore was the first writer to clearly define the Mediterranean by that proper name. It contains many provinces and districts whose names and geographical situations I will briefly describe, beginning from Paradise . This obvious Biblical note coming so early in the topographical section of the treatise might lead the reader to expect its continuance in subsequent chapters; but apart from one or two entirely understandable references to Biblical lore - Scythia and Gothia also are said to have been named by Magog, son of Japhet and the River Ganges which sacred scripture calls Phison, flows down from Paradise to the realms of India - only the most sparing use of this source is made. In the extreme east of Asia the country of Seres is rich in fine leaves, from which are cut fleeces which the natives who decline the merchandise of other peoples sell for use as garments . Europe, in the true classical fashion, is divided from Asia by the river Tanais [todaya€™s Don] and is bordered on the north by the Northern Ocean. Moreover beyond [these] three parts of the world, on the other side of the ocean, is a fourth inland part in the south, which is unknown to us because of the heat of the sun, within the bounds of which the Antipodes are fabulously said to dwell. This concession by Isidore as expressed in the brief quote above indicated that he more than half believed in the sphericity of the earth and quite fully in the doctrine of the Antipodes. As far as his own graphic expression of the worlda€™s geography, one of the map designs frequently associated with Isidore of Seville is actually a survival of the ancient Greek tripartite division of the world into Asia, Africa and Europe, surrounded by the Ocean Sea. The T within the O produced a world image divided into half (by the cross of the T) and two quarters.
Regardless of experience and all knowledge to the contrary, the most important city regionally was located in the center of the habitable world. In addition to the usual tripartite circular map of the world, some manuscripts of the Etymologiarum feature other map designs as well.
Caius Crispus Sallustius, generally known as Sallust (86-34 BCE) was a Roman senator and historian, who subsequent to his falling out with the Caesar, was sent to Africa as a governor of Numidia (In the north-west of Africa}. He produced his most important works on the conspiracy of Catiline and the war of Rome with Jugurtha. The Medes and Armenians connected them selves with the Libyans who dwelled near the African sea, while the Getulians lay more to the sun, not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns, as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. Some copies of Sallusts manuscripts, which have reached us, do also include a simple T-O map, which relates to his narrative of the Jugurthine War. As mentioned above, Sallusta€™s works were copied and re-copied and were in use until the late medieval period and many of the later copies of his manuscripts have reached us. Sallust mappamundi, ninth century, a€?University of Leipzig Library, Leipzig, Germany, MS 1607, f.
Since Sallust was the governor of Numidia, he has naturally paid more attention to the details of this continent. In the bodies of water dividing the world into the three continents, the Mediterranean bears no legend. Another variation of the basic Isidorean design was called the Byzantine-Oxford, or B-O T-O maps. More prominently than in any other example of the biblical school, the Holy Land dominates the center of the map.
The map was brought back to England or Ireland after the First Crusade, which conquered Jerusalem in 1099.
Christian scholars adopted the T-O map for its simplicity, as had the classical writers who first employed it. These T-O maps, whether actually contained in the Etymologiarum of Isidore, in later editions of the same, as modified derivatives thereof (Sallusts, B-O T-O), or as maps that were merely influenced by the basic design format (Hereford, Ebstorf, et.
At the Benedictine monastery of Thorney in East Anglia, a large and elegant computus book was finished in 1110, designed to be an ornament of the newly completed church. The continents are arranged with Asia at the top, Europe apparently in the center and Africa in the southwest corner. Like the map within the rota of sunrises and sunsets, this is a T-O map with Asia in the top half, and Europe and Africa in the lower half. In form, content and function, MS 17a€™s map represents a recent development in medieval cartography. On the other hand, this mappamundi is also closely connected in content and context to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram on fol. But there is also a particularly insular connection between computus and universal geography, one that is connected to the debates over the correct system of calculating Easter that marked the early years of Christianity in England. Schematic maps of the oikumene of the T-O type are often embedded in computus diagrams as a shorthand representation of the earth; zone maps illustrating the climates of the earth, derived from Macrobiusa€™ Commentum in Somnium Scipionis (#201), appear in anthologies of cosmographic materials as illustrations of passages from Isidore (cf. In about 1446-1451 Jean Mansel composed a universal history titled La fleur des histoires, and then in the 1460s wrote a longer version of the same work. The map is placed at the start of the prologue to Book IV, in which a description of the regions of the world is given in alphabetical order. The name gorgato recalls the medieval Latin gargata and Old French gargate, meaning a€?throat,a€? perhaps alluding to the creaturea€™s voracious nature, but these monsters seem to have been invented by the cartographer. The T-O map tradition did not die out as a cartographic form of expression until as late as the 17th century, as may be seen from a book such as the Variae Orbis Universi, by Petrus Bertius, 1628.
The Matenadaran archive collection in Yerevan, capital of Armenia, contains some 14,000 manuscripts from the golden age of Armenian literature, beginning in the 5th century, and from later periods. One exception to the general lack of maps in the Yerevan archives is MS 1242, a collection of eighteen unrelated essays on religious, moral, mathematical and astronomical subjects dating mainly from the 13th to the 15th centuries. The map on folio 132r can be described as of the T - O type, but its construction has been modified.
Also as in many maps of the T-O genre, the centre is occupied by the Holy City of Jerusalem, which is shown with its six gates, each inscribed with its name in Armenian.
In both shape and arrangement, the city sign is akin to that on the Hereford mapparnundi, c.1290 (#226), although it lacks the enclosing crenulated walls of the Hereford map sign.
As shown in the following Table, in addition to Jerusalem, twenty-seven place- names are found on the map. The inscription to the left of the stem of the T, below the triangle formed by three dots, reads, Ays koghms Eropa [This side is Europe]. The Red Sea [Karmir] dzov; only the word sea is legible on the map) is shown as a bold open circle on the borders of Africa and Asia. The division between Europe and Asia, normally marked with the horizontal crossbar of the T, here is demarcated with a single red line and is more complex. In keeping with T-O maps in general, the greater part of the Armenian map is allocated to Asia, inscribed Ays koghms Asia [This side is Asia]. In the east, in the upper part of the map close to the Ocean are the names Khaytai [China] and Zaytun [Zaytun], another Chinese trading port city. The presence of these toponyms in the area between Europe and China bears witness to the importance of these towns and provinces in trade and commerce between East and West and is perhaps indicative of the period of the mapa€™s creation. There is nothing, then, untoward in the inclusion on the Armenian map of Sara (Sarai), a city founded only in the 1240s by Batu Khan, the grandson of Mongol leader Gangiz Khan, who took over the territory of southern Russia and its Turkic speaking peoples during the early 13th century. Khachaturian also proposed that based on palaeographic evidence, the map was made in the Cilician Kingdom of Armenia during the Crusades, unfortunately not specifying which Crusade. Caffa, the first town listed in the row of toponyms along the northeastern periphery of the map, was only a small Crimean seaside town until the 13th century.
The presence of the name Caffa on the map is a strong indication that the map was made during the citya€™s heyday, namely in the 14th century.
Since, in my view, the map has to postdate both the establishment of Sarai-Batu and Sarai-Berke (New Sarai, established 1257-1266) and the time when Caffa became an important conurbation, it cannot be dated to earlier than the third quarter of the 13th century. While the majority of T-O maps produced in the Christian West depict Armenia, Mount Ararat and Noaha€™s Ark, this Armenian mapmaker has chosen not to mention any of these Armenian features.
In the end, the absence of reference on the Armenian map to Armenia itself or to any of its immediate neighbors, such as Persia and Assyria, is more puzzling. The existence of this Armenian language T-O map, though, may be owed simply to the curiosity of an individual whose interest in Western maps and literature would have been a sufficient reason for him to create a map of his own in line with those of the Western mapmakers of the time, leaving us an Armenian map as remarkable for its uniqueness as for the hints it gives of the interconnections underlying the T-O maps and the mappaemundi of the West. This is a very late example of a T-O world map, probably made in Bruges in 1482 for King Edward IV, the founder of the old Royal Library.
205CT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm dia, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut. 205CCDiagram map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 9th century, 24 cm square, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 210, f.
205DD Isidore mappamundi, unknown, 11th century, 26 cm dia, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 10058, f. 205ET-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, Santarem s Atlas compose de mappemondes . 205GG Circular Plan of Jerusalem, unknown, 13th century, 26 cm diameter, British Library, Additional MS. 205HT-O Sallust map from Bellum Jugurthinum, unknown, 14th century, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, Fond. 205HH Reverse T-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 12th century, 19 cm diameter, Cathedral Curch of Exeter, MS. 205JJT-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 9th century, 12.5 cm diameter, Burgerbibliothek, Bern, Codex 417, fol.
205LLSallust T-O map from De bello Jugurthino, West oriented, unknown, 6.8 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS.
205MT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 8th century, 22 X 29 cm, Vatican Library, MS Vat.
205MM Sallust T-O map with symmetrical rivers, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, MS.
205NSallust T-O map, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge MS. 205OT-O Sallust map, unknown, 13th century, 4.3 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS Lat.
205QT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm diameter, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut.
205TT-O and -V maps from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 12th century, 7.2 cm diameter, BnF, Manuscrits (Latin 10293 fol. 205TTT-O world map by Chatillon, Gautier de Chatillon, 13th century, 7 cm diameter, Bodleian Library, MS Bod. 205V1Gauthier de Chatillon mappimundi, Alexandreis, Gauthier de Chatillon, 13th century, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 11334, fol. 205WY-O map from Macrobiusa€™ Commentarium in somnium Scipionis, unknown, 12th century, 8.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS.
205YT-O map from MS of Commentary on the Apocalypse of Saint John (Beatus), unknown, 11th century, 4.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS.
205ZT-O map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 12th century, 8.1 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. Seems either no one is talking about louis daguerre at this moment on GOOGLE-PLUS or the GOOGLE-PLUS service is congested. It may also be likened to a book of reproductions of works of art, in the sense that the illustrations, even with the accompanying commentary, cannot really do justice to the originals. A knowledge of maps and their contents is not automatic - it has to be learned; and it is important for educated people to know about maps even though they may not be called upon to make them. Some maps are successful in their display of material but are scientifically barren, while in others an important message may be obscured because of the poverty of presentation. Maps constitute a specialized graphic language, an instrument of communication that has influenced behavioral characteristics and the social life of humanity throughout history. Maps produced by contemporary primitive peoples have been likened to so-called prehistoric maps. In earlier times these maps were considered to be ephemeral material, like newspapers and pamphlets, and large wall-maps received particularly careless treatment because they were difficult to store. When, in 1918, a mosaic floor was discovered in the ancient TransJordanian church of Madaba showing a map of Palestine, Syria and part of Egypt, a whole series of reproductions and treatises was published on the geography of Palestine at that time.
Kretschner, 1892), Japan (P.Teleki, 1909), Madagascar (Gravier, 1896), Albania (Nopcsa, 1916), Spitzbergen (Wieder, 1919), the northwest of America (Wagner, 1937), and others. Indeed, much of its universal appeal is that the simpler types of map can be read and interpreted with only a little training. Crone remarked that a€?a map can be considered from several aspects, as a scientific report, a historical document, a research tool, and an object of art. It may also be viewed as an aspect of the history of human thought, so that while the study of the techniques that influence the medium of that thought is important, it also considers the social significance of cartographic innovation and the way maps have impinged on the many other facets of human history they touch.
It is reasonable to expect some evidence in this art of the societya€™s spatial consciousness. There is, for example, clear evidence in the prehistoric art of Europe that maps - permanent graphic images epitomizing the spatial distribution of objects and events - were being made as early as the Upper Paleolithic. In Mesopotamia the invention by the Sumerians of cuneiform writing in the fourth millennium B.C.
In the former field, among other things, they attained a remarkably close approximation for a?s2, namely 1.414213. The courses of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers offered major routes to and from the north, and the northwest, and the Persian Gulf allowed contact by sea along the coasts of Arabia and east to India.
Within this span of some three thousand years, the main achievements in Greek cartography took place from about the sixth century B.C. Stevenson, it is not easy to fix, with anything like a satisfactory measure of certainty, the beginning of globe construction; very naturally it was not until a spherical theory concerning the heavens and the earth had been accepted, and for this we are led back quite to Aristotle and beyond, back indeed to the Pythagoreans if not yet farther. We are now learning that those centuries were not entirely barren of a certain interest in sciences other than theological. It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those of a subsequent period. Ragozin, says the Shumiro-Accads had formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an inverted round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many powers. The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian era. Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported. This Selenus was the sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. The Chaldean conception, thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with the vertical diameter the shorter one. A curious example of the difficulties that early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend with, and of the sans faA§on method of dealing with them, occurs in the celebrated Fra Mauro mappamundi (Book III, #249), which is one of the last in which the external ocean is still retained.
The influence of the Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and lasted for over thirteen hundred years.
There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we gather in the Poems, that these abyssal regions were supposed or believed to be situated around the North Pole. Homer, The Outward Geography Eastwards: a€?The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. The Phoenician reports referred to came most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these regions which, tradition tells us (Fra Mauroa€™s mappamundi #249), were situated propinqua ale tenebre.
These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south, the south to the west and the west to the north (see Beatusa€™ Turin map, Book II, #207). The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman regulated his navigation by the North Star, the Asiatic sailor turned to southern constellations for his guidance.
This is all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the north on terrestrial globes and maps.
The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or northeast; Homer placed his heaven in the south or southwest. In this ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on the SchA¶ner-Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing the date 1515 (Book IV, #328).
The divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the cardinal points of the compass. According to this division other continents south of the equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the heat of which was believed to be too intense. We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world, some of the results of this confusion. Thomas, after the dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus Christ. That he corroborates Homera€™s views as to the sphericity of the earth by describing Cratesa€™ terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
That he accentuates Homera€™s views concerning the black races that lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east (the Australian race).
That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1, c. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern continents.
The relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on some mediaeval maps.


To appreciate how this period laid the foundations for the developments of the ensuing Hellenistic Period, it is necessary to draw on a wide range of Greek writings containing references to maps. We have no original texts of Anaximander, Pythagoras, or Eratosthenes - all pillars of the development of Greek cartographic thought. In contrast to many periods in the ancient and medieval world and despite the fragmentary artifacts, we are able to reconstruct throughout the Greek period, and indeed into the Roman, a continuum in cartographic thought and practice.
Indeed, one of the salient trends in the history of the Hellenistic Period of cartography was the growing tendency to relate theories and mathematical models to newly acquired facts about the world - especially those gathered in the course of Greek exploration or embodied in direct observations such as those recorded by Eratosthenes in his scientific measurement of the circumference of the earth. With respect to the latter, we can see how Greek cartography started to be influenced by a new infrastructure for learning that had a profound effect on the growth of formalized knowledge in general. Thus Alexandria became a clearing-house for cartographic and geographical knowledge; it was a center where this could be codified and evaluated and where, we may assume, new maps as well as texts could be produced in parallel with the growth of empirical knowledge. In his treatise On the Ocean, Pytheas relates his journey and provides geographical and astronomical information about the countries that he observed. While we can assume a priori that such a linkage was crucial to the development of Hellenistic cartography, again there is no hard evidence, as in so many other aspects of its history, that allows us to reconstruct the technical processes and physical qualities of the maps themselves. Its outstanding characteristic was the fruitful marriage of theoretical and empirical knowledge. Eratosthenes was apparently the first to accomplish this, and his map was the earliest scientific attempt to give the different parts of the world represented on a plane surface approximately their true proportions.
By so improving the mimesis or imitation of the world, founded on sound theoretical premises, they made other intellectual advances possible and helped to extend the Greek vision far beyond the Aegean. While there was a considerable blending and interdependence of Greek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamental distinction between the often theoretical nature of the Greek contribution and the increasingly practical uses for maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar but satisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Through both the Mathematical Syntaxis (a treatise on mathematics and astronomy in thirteen books, also called the Almagest and the Geography (in eight books), it can be said that Ptolemy tended to dominate both astronomy and geography, and hence their cartographic manifestations, for over fourteen centuries.
A modern analysis of Ptolemaic scholarship offers nothing to revise the long-held consensus that he is a key figure in the long term development of scientific mapping. In its most obvious aspect, the exaggerated size of Jerusalem on the Madaba mosaic map (# 121) was no doubt an attempt to make the Holy City not only dominant but also more accurately depicted in this difficult medium. In both Western Europe and Byzantium relatively little that was new in cartography developed during the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages, although monks were assiduously copying out and preserving the written work of many past centuries available to them.
Researcher He said that the map, drawn in black on four pine wood plates of almost the same size, had clear and complete graphics depicting the administrative division, a general picture of local geography and the economic situation in Guixian County in the Warring States era. Only a few examples can be given, but it should be understood, even when it is not expressly said, that they must often stand simply as representative of a whole class of works. It may be said at the outset that both in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may call a€?scientific, or quantitative, cartographya€™, and one which we may call a€?religious, or symbolic, cosmographya€™.
From this it is quite evident that the two parts, Europe and Africa, occupy half of the world and that Asia alone occupies the other half.
Proceeding to a systematic description of the countries of the world, of Asia Isidore says that it is bounded in the east by Lake Maeotis [Sea of Azov] and the river Tanais [the river Don]. Other maps give definite localities for the Twelve Tribes of Israel and the abiding places of the Twelve Apostles.
The most closely related or influenced maps of the T-Oa€™s are those that accompany manuscripts of Sallusta€™s works and may have originally been drawn to illustrate a passage from Sallusta€™s De bello Jugurthino which, like Isidorea€™s treatise, also attempted to briefly describe the countries of the world. Both accounts appear bound in one manuscript that was copied and used as a textbook of history for almost a millennium. The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees.
The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted changing It in their barbarous tongue, into Moors.
Many copies of this map mention the name of Armenians in North Africa, along with the names of the Medes and the Persians These were probably the forbearers of the first T-O maps, as we know them today. Some of these include basic T-O maps, which show the continents, including the names of some countries and peoples. The copy dates from the ninth or tenth century and is drawn on vellum and taken from a Sallust manuscript now in the University of Leipzig in Germany. In the area of Europe there are no legends, only the city of Roma is represented with a vignette of a castle and its name, attesting to the importance of the power of Rome in the Empire. Affrica contains 24 legends, which include cities of Harran, Cartage [Cartage] plus four other cities. The left arm of the T is inscribed Tanais, but the right arm, which should have borne the name Nilus, is only connected to the Nile at the right extremity, where the Nilus is shown as a vertical line. There are 15 toponyms and the countries of Phoenicea, Carthago, Ethiopia, Numidia and mountains of Catabatmon are shown. This area is divided first into the lands of Judea, Galilee, and Palestine, and further by the names of seven of the Twelve Tribes.
One of the most interesting features of this map is its highly abstract form: it is mostly comprised of straight lines with only a few concessions to irregular geographical forms. Most puzzling is that the label for Europe crosses what would normally be the Mediterranean.
The division of the earth among the sons of Noah, Noaha€™s ark, seven of the twelve tribal territories of the land of Israel, Jericho and the city of refuge (Joshua 20) for those guilty of involuntary manslaughter under Hebrew law, all come from Jewish history. These divisions are treated rather casually, however, for the label EVROPA straddles the boundary between Europe and Africa; locations in the Holy Land are indifferently assigned to Asia and Africa, and Athens and Achaia are placed in Asia. Running horizontally across the middle of the map, and dividing Asia from Africa and Europe, is a band labeled HIERVSALEM. Europe in principle occupies the left hand side of the lower half of the map, but the label EVROPA actually straddles the vertical divider. Great Britain, Ireland and Thule are represented at or over the edge of the orbis and in the northern rather than western quadrant. The prominence given to Jerusalem, together with the double representation of the Cross (once on its own, and once on Mount Zion), is a case in point.
Evelyn Edson, on the other hand, argues that MS 17a€™s mappamundi is one of a small group of complex maps directly inspired by computus themes. A famous and often reproduced world map in a manuscript of the short version of Mansela€™s book, which was probably made by Simom Marmion in about 1460, illustrates the division of the world among the three sons of Noah. Mansela€™s description includes ancient places such as Carthage and Delos, biblical places such as Babylon and Judaea, and lands of contemporary importance such as Westphalia and Gascony. Of course that is the easy conclusion, but it is rendered very plausible if we look at the names of some of the islands in the circumfluent oceana€”golgavatas terra, lapides presiosa (for lapides pretiosi, a€?precious stonesa€?), habundans terra, illa deserta, tamaria, alphaua terra, and illa arcana, for examplea€”which are quite clearly invented. It immediately precedes the prologue to Book IV, which includes a regional description of the world in alphabetical order. Among these manuscripts are many illustrated works on astrology and astronomy as well as some on geography, but virtually nothing contains a map.
The circular legend around the city reads The city of Jerusalem populated in ancient and recent times by the Israelites [the Armenian phrase reads Bnakui hin yev nor avrinatz qaghaq I[sra] letzotz vor e Yerusaghem]. It also resembles the plan of Jerusalem in another Armenian manuscript in the Matenadaran, the much later MS 1770 which dates from 1589. This is shown by the pair of vertical red lines that descend from Jerusalem in the center to the outer Ocean and represent the Mediterranean, which is identified only by the word Sea. Between the inscription and the Mediterranean, that is in western Africa, is a small circle which, being inland, can only denote a lake. It is outlined in black, colored solidly in red and interrupted as if to indicate the traditional crossing of the Israelites as they fled from Egypt. Two black lines, drawn at right angles to each other and to the red lines of the continental division and the Mediterranean, indicate the Aegean and Black Seas.
In the north, following the curve of the encircling Ocean, and on the borders of Europe and Asia, is written Rusq [Russia].
Zaytun was the Arabic name given to the port of Quanzhou or Tseu-Tung in the province of Fujian, China. It may also be that this is the earliest Christian map on which the toponyms Caffa, Azov, Sarai, Zaytun and Khansai are found. The geographer Mkrdich Khachaturiana€™s suggestion that the map dates from 1206 is unlikely to be correct. The Flemish Franciscan William de Rubruck (1220-1293), who in 1253 travelled to the region, stated that [Sarah] Batu was one of the most important cities of the region. It is hardly possible to date a manuscript precisely based on palaeography alone, and, furthermore, the script used on the map is similar to that in a manuscript produced in Caffa in 1445 (Matenadaran, MS 8963), which is another collection of astrological and scientific subjects, with diagrams and calendars.
Only after Genoese merchants had leased it from the Mongols, was it transformed into a flourishing commercial centre, trading with the East and rivaling the Venetian- controlled city of Tanais on the Sea of Azov.
Such a date would fit the suggestion that the Armenian mapmaker, who was most likely to have been a monk, either saw or was told about contemporary Italian T-O maps in Caffa, a city not only administered by the Genoese, but also to all intents and purposes functioning as an Italian city, and one of the most suitably located Armenian communities for intellectual as well as commercial contact with the West. Hovhannes Hovhannisian, the other Armenian geographer who has studied the map, argues that the presence of the commercial centers of Khorazm [Oxiana] and Sarai are indicative of the period when the Mongols had close connections with Khorazm (that is, from the 1240s to the 1360s), and this explains the rationale behind his dating the map to as late as 1360.
Other biblical events and places are shown on the map, however: Jerusalem, the giving of the Tablets of the Law to Moses, Mount Sinai and the Red Sea. While the Hereford mappamundi, c.1290 (#226) and the Sawley map, 1180 (#215) each show a monastic establishment, the references to these have been placed on the banks of the Nile. It can plausibly be deduced, that the author was familiar with Central Asia since current trends in commercial and political relations are well represented by the depiction of the Silk Road cities and major trading centers such as Baghdad, Damascus, Constantinople and Venice. A sumptuous example of Flemish illumination illustrating an encyclopedic work, it embodies the spirit of medieval civilization.
They have often served as memory banks for spatial data and as mnemonics in societies without the printed word and can speak across the barriers of ordinary language, constituting a common language used by men of different races and tongues to express the relationship of their society to a geographic environment.
Certain carvings on bone and petroglyphs have been identified as prehistoric route maps, although according to a strict definition, they might not qualify as a€?mapsa€?.
In the present work, reconstruction of maps no longer extant are used in place of originals or assumed originals. Since the maps were missing, he drew them himself from indications in the ancient text, and when the work was finished, he commemorated this too in verse. The map answered many hitherto insoluble or disputed questions, for example the question as to where the Virgin Mary met the mother of John Baptist.
A series of maps of a coastal region (for example, that of Holland or Friesland) or of river estuaries (the Po, Mississippi, Volga, or lower Yellow River) gives information on the rate of changes in outline and their causes.
Maps represent an excellent mirror of culture and civilizationa€?, but they are also more than a mere reflection: maps in their own right enter the historical process by means of reciprocally structured relationships. But when it comes to drawing up the balance sheet of evidence for prehistoric maps, we must admit that the evidence is tenuous and certainly inconclusive. The same evidence shows, too, that the quintessentially cartographic concept of representation in plan was already in use in that period.
Our divisions into 60 and 360 for minutes, seconds and degrees are a direct inheritance from the Babylonians, who thought in these terms. The Pharaohs organized military campaigns, trade missions, and even purely geographical expeditions to explore various countries. From earliest times much of the area covered by the annual Nile floods had, upon their retreat, to be re-surveyed in order to establish the exact boundaries of properties.
We find allusions to celestial globes in the days of Eudoxus and Archimedes, to terrestrial globes in the days of Crates and Hipparchus. In Justiniana€™s day, or near it, one Leontius Mechanicus busied himself in Constantinople with globe construction, and we have left to us his brief descriptive reference to his work. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or, as often, simply ANA--Heaven. On this map of the world the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from Malacca to Japan. Even the Arabs, who, after the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of its errors. Volcanoes were supposed to be the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the southeast the whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa and the Sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to warrant the idea they may have originated.
Many cartographers of the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries visited by them.
Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our modern Sumatra. Geographical science was on the eve of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, were it was doomed to retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside Meliapur or Maliapor. In some cases the authors of these texts are not normally thought of in the context of geographic or cartographic science, but nevertheless they reflect a widespread and often critical interest in such questions. In particular, there are relatively few surviving artifacts in the form of graphic representations that may be considered maps. Despite a continuing lack of surviving maps and original texts throughout the period - which continues to limit our understanding of the changing form and content of cartography - it can be shown that, by the perioda€™s end, a markedly different cartographic image of the inhabited world had emerged. Of particular importance for the history of the map was the growth of Alexandria as a major center of learning, far surpassing in this respect the Macedonian court at Pella. Later geographers used the accounts of Alexandera€™s journeys extensively to make maps of Asia and to fill in the outline of the inhabited world. Not even the improved maps that resulted from these processes have survived, and the literary references to their existence (enabling a partial reconstruction of their content) can even in their entirety refer only to a tiny fraction of the number of maps once made and once in circulation. It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that the geometric study of the sphere, as expressed in theorems and physical models, had important practical applications and that its principles underlay the development both of mathematical geography and of scientific cartography as applied to celestial and terrestrial phenomena. On his map, moreover, one could have distinguished the geometric shapes of the countries, and one could have used the map as a tool to estimate the distances between places. To Rome, Hellenistic Greece left a seminal cartographic heritage - one that, in the first instance at least, was barely challenged in the intellectual centers of Roman society. Certainly the political expansion of Rome, whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence. Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestial mapping, had been transmitted through a succession of well-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had been aided by the growth of libraries.
The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. Yet Ptolemy, as much through the accidental survival and transmission of his texts when so many others perished as through his comprehensive approach to mapping, does nevertheless stride like a colossus over the cartographic knowledge of the later Greco-Roman world and the Renaissance. Pilgrims from distant lands obviously needed itineraries like that starting at Bordeaux, giving fairly simple instructions. When we come to consider the mapping of small areas in medieval western Europe, it will be shown that the Saint Gall monastery map is very reminiscent of the best Roman large-scale plans. Some maps, along with other illustrations, were transmitted by this process, but too few have survived to indicate the overall level of cartographic awareness in Byzantine society. Eighty-two places are marked with their respective names, locations of rivers, mountains and forested areas on the map.
Experts said that graphics, symbols, scales, locations, longitude and latitude are key elements of a map.
Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi, Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchu Li, admits that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four comers of the earth could be properly covered.
The former were made into two parts because the Great Sea (called the Mediterranean) enters from the Ocean between them and cuts them apart . His treatment of the habitable earth enables one to arrive fairly easily at the scope of his knowledge. During his mission there he was involved in various rebellions and conflicts with neighboring powers and has left accounts of his activities. In his Jugurthine War Sallust writes about Africa, describing its geographic location and climatic conditions, as well as its demography where he narrates how the Armenian mercenaries settled in North Africa and intermingling with the Libyan tribes, gave rise to the peoples that inhabit the region today.
Since they are about the history of northern Africa, this particular area is shown in more detail. In Europe only the name of the continent and two countries of Italia and Hyspania are shown. Near the Nile the land is described as Exusta [parched], a reference to the southern parched areas. Jerusalem was the focus of that Conquest for more than two centuries of Crusaders, and it would remain the center of attention on maps until the invention of printing and the publication of Ptolemy in the 1470s. The whole is illustrated by instructive diagrams, including five world maps: two T-O centers of rotae, two zonal maps, and one larger, more detailed map. Another oddity is that Achaia, where St Andrew [preached] is in Southeast Asia, far from Athens, the preaching site of Paul. These are the usual numbers for the descendants of Shem and Ham, but the source of the numbers for Armenia and why this country is singled out are not clear. There is no attempt at cartographic realism: this is a diagram containing a list of places. ASIA MAIOR: glossed QVOD SVNT SEPTVAGINTA DVE GENTES ORTE, and beneath this De Sem gentes XXVI.
In the Europe zone, reading from top to bottom and left to right are: Terra macedonum, Campania, Italia, ROMA, tiberis flumen, Tuscia, mons Ethna, sicilia, KARTAGO MAGNA.
These independent maps tend to occupy the full width of the page, or the page in its entirety.
Anna-Dorothea von den Brincken claims that this map is the first to position Jerusalem in the centre of the world, and not at its eastern extremity. A mappamundi with identical arrangement and legends appears in the Peterborough Computus (Harley 3667 fol. The British Isles and Ireland were little corners of the outer margins of the orbis terrarum, which further served to marginalize the deviant computus of the island churches. But the ADAM device, to say nothing of its proximity to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram both in MS 17 and in the Peterborough computus, argue forcefully for its derivation from Byrhtferth or his milieu. In this category she includes oikumene maps, often quite large, such as the one in Vatican City BAV 6018 fols. Another world map in a manuscript of the long version of the book, this one created c.1480, for this map contains large and prominent sea monsters in the circumfluent ocean. His aim was to show how Rome developed from a small town to a global empire, almost every corner of which had been penetrated by Christianity before the empire passed to the Franks. In fact none of the islands in the circumfluent ocean which are discussed by Mansela€”Grande-Bretagne, iles Fortunees, Gales, Irlande, Orcades, Escosse, Thanatos, Taprobane, Thule, and Islandea€”appears on this map.
The oldest geographical work originates from as early as the fifth century and is titled in Armenian Ashkharhatzuytz or Mirror of the World. The horizontal arms of the letter T (stretching north and south from Jerusalem at the centre) are not represented by the rivers Tanais (Don) and Nile, as in conventional T-O maps, but by single red lines ruled, it would seem, to demarcate Asia from Europe and from Africa.
The considerable prominence given to Jerusalem can be explained by the fact that the Armenian Church had, and still has, close ties with the Holy City and is one of the four custodians of the Holy Places, with a church, seminary and religious order active since the 5th century.
Outside the double-circle frame of the map are the names of the four cardinal directions Hyusis, Harav, Arevelq and Arevmutq, and the word Dzov [Sea] is written seven times. Further in from the Ocean two cities are named, Kostandnupolis [Constantinople] and Venejia [Venice].
Indeed, that is how it is identified, with the phrase Ays dzovis anunn Tuman [This Sea is named Tuman]. The legend that appears to refer to the Crossing of the Red Sea is worn and partly illegible.
A gap in the horizontal line for the Aegean, filled with the name Kostandnupolis [Constantinople], seems to imply that the line also represents the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmara and the Bosporus.
Zaytun and Khansai appear on the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#246) as Ciutat de Zaytun and Ciutat de Cansay, respectively; Fra Mauroa€™s map of 1459 (#249) contains these toponyms as Cayton and Chansay.
His conjecture was based on the assumption that all the toponyms on the map are contemporary with the time of its creation. This posed a problem for Khachaturian, however, and he therefore had to insist that the toponym Sara related not to Sarai-Batu but to some other location, perhaps a putative island in the Caspian Sea, even though the Caspian is neither mentioned on the map nor has it ever had an inhabited island named Sara. Looking at the toponyms shown on the map, the question arises why a Cilician-Armenian mapmaker would have included the names of cities along the distant northern Silk Road, instead of the toponyms in his locality. The earliest mention of Caffa in Armenian literature dates from the middle of the 13th century. In Rouben Galichiana€™s view, the most creditable hypothesis is that the map was created between the late-13th and mid-14th centuries, or even slightly later, which is in line with Hovhannisiana€™s proposal.
The legend to the southeast of Palestine, between Mount Sinai and the Nile reads Takhtak orinatz zor yet[ur] a[stua]tz Movs[es]i, which translates Tablets of law that God gave Moses.
The Armenian language has several different words that mean monastery, among them liana, menastan and ananpat. It may also be suggested that the mapmaker was a native of the region, very likely from 14th century Caffa, then one of the most important Armenian cultural centers and the source of a large number of manuscripts of that date.
This implies that throughout history maps have been more than just the sum of technical processes or the craftsmanship in their production and more than just a static image of their content frozen in time. The reconstructions of such maps appear in the correct chronology of the originals, irrespective of the date of the reconstruction. After the fall of Byzantium in 1453, its conqueror, the Turkish Sultan Mohammed II, found in the library that he inherited from the Byzantine rulers a manuscript of Ptolemya€™s Geographia, which lacked the world-map, and he commissioned Georgios Aminutzes, a philosopher in his entourage, to draw up a world map based on Ptolemya€™s text. Comparison of travelersa€™ maps from various periods show the development and change of routes or road-building and allows us to draw conclusions of every kind about the development or decay of farms, villages and towns. They were artistic treasure-houses, being often decorated with fine miniatures portraying life and customs in distant lands, various types of ships, coats-of-arms, portraits of rulers, and so on.
The development of the map, whether it occurred in one place or at a number of independent hearths, was clearly a conceptual advance - an important increment to the technology of the intellect - that in some respects may be compared to the emergence of literacy or numeracy. The historian of cartography, looking for maps in the art of prehistoric Europe and its adjacent regions, is in exactly the same position as any other scholar seeking to interpret the content, functions, and meanings of that art.
Moreover, there is sufficient evidence for the use of cartographic signs from at least the post-Paleolithic period.
They are impressed on small clay tablets like those generally used by the Babylonians for cuneiform inscriptions of documents, a medium which must have limited the cartographera€™s scope.
The survey was carried out, mostly in squares, by professional surveyors with knotted ropes. We find that the Greek geographer Strabo gives us quite a definite word concerning their value and their construction, and that Ptolemy is so definite in his references to them as to lead to a belief that globes were by no means uncommon instruments in his day, and that they were regarded of much value in the study of geography and astronomy, particularly of the latter science.
With stress laid, during the many centuries succeeding, upon matters pertaining to the religious life, there naturally was less concern than there had been in the humanistic days of classical antiquity as to whether the earth is spherical in form, or flat like a circular disc, nor was it thought to matter much as to the form of the heavens. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed out in The Legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society 1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote antiquity of the early history of civilization, at a time when the intercourse with America was still maintained. Between the lower heaven and the surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir of Ana, in the heavenly ocean. Then in a northeasterly direction Homera€™s great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Aristotlea€™s writings, for example, provide a summary of the theoretical knowledge that underlay the construction of world maps by the end of the Greek Classical Period.
Our cartographic knowledge must, therefore, be gleaned largely from literary descriptions, often couched in poetic language and difficult to interpret.
The ambition of Eratosthenes to draw a general map of the oikumene based on new discoveries was also partly inspired by Alexandera€™s exploration. In this case too, the generalizations drawn herein by various authorities (ancient and modern scholars, historians, geographers, and cartographers) are founded upon the chance survival of references made to maps by individual authors. Yet this evidence should not be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contribution to cartography in the early Roman world was merely a passive recital of the substance of earlier advances. If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps. This is perhaps more remarkable in that his work was primarily instructional and theoretical, and it remains debatable if he bequeathed a set of images that could be automatically copied by an uninterrupted succession of manuscript illuminators. While almost certainly fewer maps were made than in the Greco-Roman Period, nevertheless the key concepts of mapping that had been developed in the classical world were preserved in the Byzantine Empire. What is more surprising is that the map marks the location of Wei Shui, now known as the Weihe River, and many canyons in the area. The map of Guixian County has all these elements except longitude and latitude, according to historians. These maps are taken from various manuscript copies of Sallusts works some of them dating from as late as the 13th and the 14th centuries, when they were still in use as textbooks by historians and scholars. The fourth line from the center bottom, near mount Athlas reads Medi - Armeni, a reference to the Armenians and Medes having settled in the area. In Asia beside the name of the continent, river Nilus, Egypt and Mare Rubrum [Red Sea] are mentioned, while the tall rising tower bears the legend Jrslm [Jerusalem]. These are the people, that according to Sallust settled in North Africa, giving rise to the North African tribes of today. Its heavily biblical content is also unusual: note Hierusalem on the central axis with the cross and Mt. Of the sons of Noah, Shem is found in Asia and Ham in Africa, as usual, but Japheth stands next to Shem in Asia, instead of Europe. In the centre, at the juncture of the horizontal and vertical dividing bands, is an omega-shape with a cross in the centre, labeled beneath Mons syon. The only place names in the Africa zone are at the very top, and two of them, TERRA IVDA, and PALESTINA, may have been intended as part of the central band (B above).
They absorbed significant amounts of text into the schematic frame, such as lists of the provinces of the inhabited world.
She associates this with the piety of the First Crusade, and the attention given to the Cross would support this claim.
8v), a manuscript very closely related to MS 17 in space and time; and the Peterborough computus also contains the only other extant copy of Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram (#205Z13). Moreover, in Book 5 of the Historia ecclesiastica, Bede follows up his account of Adomnan of Ionaa€™s reception of the Roman Easter with a paraphrase of his De locis sanctis: now it is Jerusalem, not Rome, which is the center of the world, but the link between computistical orthodoxy and the universality of the Church in space is still the underlying message. The map (shown below) is in a chapter on the a€?Provinces du monde,a€? but there is almost no connection between the map and the list of provinces in the chapter. The legend hic sunt dragones, a€?Here there are dragonsa€?, sounds like a legend that would appear on many medieval mapsa€”such is our tendency to associate monsters with medieval mapsa€”but in fact it appears on only one other cartographic object, namely the Hunt-Lenox globe of c.1510 (Book IV, #314), where on the southeastern coast of Asia there is a legend that reads HC SVNT DRACONES. The prominent sea monsters on the map are thus invented dangers, rather than being based on the descriptions of sea monsters in a bestiary or encyclopedia, and the labels, like those on the islands, are attempts to convey an authority and accuracy which in fact are absent. Under the letter a€?Aa€™, for example, we read first about Asia and Assyria, then Arabia, Armenia and Albania.
One full and almost sixty abridged manuscript copies of this work have survived, thirty-three of which are in the Matenadaran.
Only the northern end of the single red line might be considered to represent the river Tanais, the traditional divide between Europe and Asia. It may be worth bearing in mind that for the first four centuries of Christianity it was predominantly an Asiatic and North African religion, and that the Christian world was not divided into a Latin West and a predominantly Byzantine East until after the Council of Ephesus in 431. In Section 11, containing a text related to the Old Testament, there is circular plan of the city of Jerusalem (fol. Because the encircling Ocean touches two sides of paper, the words Hyusis [North] and Harav [South] have had to be split. West of this water body, an unnamed river is shown by a pair of parallel red lines bearing the simple inscription Sea.
North of Constantinople, the vertical black line, inscribed only as Sea, represents the Black Sea. According to Ibn-Battuta, this was the largest port [he] had ever seen, which could easily accommodate more than 100 large Chinese junks. Furthermore he claimed that since Mardin appears prominently on the map, it must have been made before the conquest of that city by the Arabs, in the early 13th century.


By the middle of the 14th century, when numerous monastic scriptoria were in operation, the majority of Caffaa€™s population of 70,000 were Armenian. Arguably, the lack of any references to Armenia itself could be attributed to the fact that he lived far from his homeland and felt no particular affinity with it. The Mediterranean Sea is not shown and only the black African faces convey a hint of reality.
Indeed, any history of maps is compounded by a complex series of interactions, involving their intent, their use and their purpose, as well as the process of their making. All reconstructions are, to a greater or lesser degree, the product of the compiler and the technology of his times. He knew it would be out of date, but that is precisely what he wanted - an ancient map; to perpetuate it, he also had a carpet woven from the drawing.
Inferences have to be made about states of mind separated from the present not only by millennia but also - where ethnography is called into service to help illuminate the prehistoric evidence - by the geographical distance and different cultural contexts of other continents. Two of the basic map styles of the historical period, the picture map (perspective view) and the plan (ichnographic view), also have their prehistoric counterparts. However, the measurement of circular and triangular plots was envisaged: advice on this, and plans, are given in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of ca. From Ptolemaic Egypt there is a rough rectangular plan of surveyed land accompanying the text of the Lille Papyrus I, now in Paris; also two from the estate of Apollonius, minister of Ptolemy II. There is, however, but one example known, which has come down to us from that ancient day, this a celestial globe, briefly described as the Farnese globe. Yet there was no century, not even in those ages we happily are learning to call no longer a€?darka€?, that geography and astronomy were not studied and taught, and globes celestial as well as armillary spheres, if not terrestrial globes, were constructed. Here however he makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period, and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became obscured as time rolled on. The bones of the holy apostle were found, with some relics that were placed in a rich vase. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbusa€™ ships to the north of Japan--i.e. At the time when Alexander the Great set off to conquer and explore Asia and when Pytheas of Massalia was exploring northern Europe, therefore, the sum of geographic and cartographic knowledge in the Greek world was already considerable and was demonstrated in a variety of graphic and three-dimensional representations of the heavens and the earth. In addition, many other ancient texts alluding to maps are further distorted by being written centuries after the period they record; they too must be viewed with caution because they are similarly interpretative as well as descriptive. Eudoxus had already formulated the geocentric hypothesis in mathematical models; and he had also translated his concepts into celestial globes that may be regarded as anticipating the sphairopoiia [mechanical spheres].
And it was at Alexandria that this Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy I Soter, a companion of Alexander, had founded the library, soon to become famous through the Mediterranean world.
It seems, though, that having left Massalia, Pytheas put into Gades [Cadiz], then followed the coasts of Iberia [Spain] and France to Brittany, crossing to Cornwall and sailing north along the west coast of England and Scotland to the Orkney Islands. On the contrary, a principal characteristic of the new age was the extent to which it was openly critical of earlier attempts at mapping. Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes. This shape was also one which suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade. 90-168), Greek and Roman influences in cartography had been fused to a considerable extent into one tradition.
The Almagest, although translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, appears to have had little direct influence on the development of cartography.
Ptolemya€™s principal legacy was thus to cartographic method, and both the Almagest and the Geography may be regarded as among the most influential works in cartographic history. However, the maps of Marinus and Ptolemy, one of the latter containing thousands of place-names, were at least partly known to Arabic geographers of the ninth to the 10th century. The most accomplished Byzantine map to survive, the mosaic at Madaba (#121), is clearly closer to the classical tradition than to maps of any subsequent period. He Shuangquan, a research fellow with the Gansu Provincial Archaeological Research Institute, has made an in-depth study of the map and confirmed its drawing time to be 239 B.C.
Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey, for disease finds but few victims. The page is composed with the map above and a week-day table arranged under the arches below. Athens, Ephesus, Achaia, and Caesarea are mentioned specifically as sites where the apostles preached. The only significant difference between the Peterborough version of the map and the one found in MS 17 is that MS 17 alone contains the marginal note on Asia maior. A map of the Macrobian type also appears in the Abbonian computus manuscript Berlin 138 fol. Adam, Eve, and the serpent are in Eden at the top (east) of the map, with the rivers of Paradise flowing downward from it to the west (the river Jordan is labeled).
Heads symbolizing the four principal winds surround the habitable world, on which a number of historical or encyclopedic features are portrayed, such as the Tower of Babel, the Trees of the Sun and the Moon, the river Jordan, Jerusalem with Mount Calvary, the Red Sea, Rome, and some of the monstrous races.
These monsters, though invented, nonetheless have their effect, and render the circumfluent ocean a place of terrors, in contrast to the apparently peaceful buildings of the inhabited world. The original Ashkharhatzuytz is attributed by some to the 5th century Armenian historian Movses Khorenatzi, while others believe that it is the work of the 7th century scientist and astronomer Anania Shirakatzi.
Two vertical parallel red lines (running from Jerusalem to the western edge of the map) represent the unnamed Mediterranean Sea that separates Africa and Europe. Christianity had reached Armenia through the preaching of the Apostles Bartholomew and Thaddeus. 392r), which is similar to the plan of the same city drawn in the centre of the world map of MS 1242. The significance of the two circles is made clear by the note, also on the outside, The all encompassing ocean, which is in this shape. Venice was an important entrepot for Armenian merchants, and Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, was the most important religious and political centre outside Jerusalem.
These lines, drawn almost at right angles to the Mediterranean, connect with the outer Ocean. Misr is the Arabic name of Egypt, used also in old Armenian, which the mapmaker has chosen to employ in conjunction with the later-day Armenian name of the country.
The northern extremity of the red line dividing Europe and Asia, beyond the eastern end of the Black Sea, must also stand for the Sea of Azov (for which there is no place-name) and the river Tanais. Sarai refers to the capital of the Mongols; it is either Sarai-Batu (Old Sarai), built in 1240s, or Sarai-Berke [New Sarai], dating from around 1260. These are doubtful lines of argument; information took time to be disseminated, and maps were only slowly updated.
In addition, two legends in Palestine read Yekin anapatn [Came to the monastery] and Yekin Ye[rusaghe]m sakavq [A few came to Je[rusale]m]. The monastery on the Armenian map is not named but is defined as ananpat, which suggests a conscious choice, since on the Hereford map the whole legend reads Monasteria Sancti Antonii in deserto. Therefore, reconstructions are used here only to illustrate the general geographic concepts of the period in which the lost original map was made. It was said that as the Archangel Gabriel appeared to Zacharias in the holy of holies, Zacharias must have been High Priest and have lived in Jerusalem; John the Baptist would then have been born in Jerusalem. I have not been able to find any such evidence or artifacts of map making that originated in the South America or Australia. This is described in an inscription in the Temple of Der-el-Bahri where the ship used for this journey is delineated, but there is no map. It is of marble, and is thought by some to date from the time of Eudoxus, that is, three hundred years before the Christian era.
The Venerable Bede, Pope Sylvester I, the Emperor Frederick II, and King Alfonso of Castile, not to name many others of perhaps lesser significance, displayed an interest in globes and making. See the sketch below of an inverted Chaldean boat transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the possible appearance of early globes. Indeed, wherever we look round the margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan, Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands. Terrestrial maps and celestial globes were widely used as instruments of teaching and research.
Despite what may appear to be reasonable continuity of some aspects of cartographic thought and practice, in this particular era scholars must extrapolate over large gaps to arrive at their conclusions.
By the beginning of the Hellenistic Period there had been developed not only the various celestial globes, but also systems of concentric spheres, together with maps of the inhabited world that fostered a scientific curiosity about fundamental cartographic questions.
The library not only accumulated the greatest collection of books available anywhere in the Hellenistic Period but, together with the museum, likewise founded by Ptolemy II, also constituted a meeting place for the scholars of three continents. From there, some authors believe, he made an Arctic voyage to Thule [probably Iceland] after which he penetrated the Baltic.
Intellectual life moved to more energetic centers such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome, but this promoted the diffusion and development of Greek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction.
The main texts, whether surviving or whether lost and known only through later writers, were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, so that the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently their reformulation of new maps. There is a case, accordingly, for treating them as a history of one already unified stream of thought and practice. With translation of the text of the Geography into Latin in the early 15th century, however, the influence of Ptolemy was to structure European cartography directly for over a century. It would be wrong to over emphasize, as so much of the topographical literature has tended to do, a catalog of Ptolemya€™s a€?errorsa€?: what is vital for the cartographic historian is that his texts were the carriers of the idea of celestial and terrestrial mapping long after the factual content of the coordinates had been made obsolete through new discoveries and exploration.
Similarly, in the towns, although only the Forma Urbis Romae is known to us in detail, large-scale maps were recognized as practical tools recording the lines of public utilities such as aqueducts, displaying the size and shape of imperial and religious buildings, and indicating the layout of streets and private property. But the transmission of Ptolemya€™s Geography to the West came about first through reconstruction by Byzantine scholars and only second through its translation into Latin (1406) and its diffusion in Florence and elsewhere. But as the dichotomy increased between the use of Greek in the East and Latin in the West, the particular role of Byzantine scholars in perpetuating Greek texts of cartographic interest becomes clearer. Forested areas marked on the map also tallies with the distribution of various plants and the natural environment in the area today.
Uniting these two gives us Garden of Delight; for it is planted with every kind of wood and fruit-bearing tree, having also the tree of life.
Several of the districts are rich in gold and precious stones but are rarely approached by man owing to the ferocity of the Griffens . Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers, Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or like cattle, on the herbage of the soil.
Place names are almost entirely omitted from Africa and Asia Major, and a note in the upper right adds a€?[Asia] Major has in the east Alexandria and Pamphiliaa€?. The only places without a biblical link of some kind are in Italy (Sicily, Mount Etna, Tuscany, Campania), Constantinople and Britain, Ireland and Thule.
However, the Peterborough map does not represent Mount Sion as a round a€?hilla€? with a cross, but as a triangle, and spells IERUSALEM without MS 17a€™s initial H. When these Greek names for the cardinal directions are read as if making the sign of the cross, that is, east-west-north-south, their initial letters spell ADAM.
Jerusalem stands out at the center of the world and is labeled, as are Calvary, Babylon, the Red Sea, and Rome; the Trees of the Sun and Moon visited by Alexander the Great are also easy to identify.
As this manuscript is the only one of the long version of the work that contains a world map, it seems likely that the map was the result of a specific request by the patron commissioning the manuscript, namely Philippe II Sans Terre (1438-1497). The text also retains Isidorea€™s distinction between the Fortunate Islands and the earthly paradise and repeats the belief that Enoch and Elijah dwelt in the Garden and that the noise of the waters of Paradise falling to earth from a such a great height caused the local population to be born deaf. The text is based on the work of Pappus of Alexandria (late third or early 4th century AD), but the chapters relating to Armenia and neighboring countries have been expanded. In accordance with the Western Christian T-O maps, the Armenian map is oriented with East at the top. It became the state religion in 301, after the conversion of King Tigran III, which makes the Armenian Church one of the oldest Christian entities.
Although made in geographically widely separate locations, a common source or tradition may be suspected, especially were the Armenian map to prove to have been made before the end of the 13th century, which would place all these maps to within one hundred to one hundred fifty years of each other. The term Sea, it should be noted, as used on the Armenian T-O map, refers any substantial body of water, whether it be an ocean, sea, lake or river.
One of these is located at the eastern extremity of the Mediterranean Sea, within the parallel lines, whereas the other two lie just to the north of the lines. On the other (eastern) side of the legend indicating Africa a large red circle contains the legend Paravon yev zorqn Yegiptosi [Pharaoh and the army of Egypt]. Directly south of the Red Sea, near the shores of the surrounding Ocean, lies Ethiopia, named Hapash. The 13th century traveler Marco Polo mentions Zai-tun and Kin-sai as being important cities, trading with Japan (Zipangu), as well as with the Arabs and Persians. Moreover, in the case of the Western mappaemundi the very essence of the map was the inclusion of old (historical as well as biblical) information together with contemporary places and events. Since the two Western maps and the Armenian map seem to have been made within one hundred and one hundred fifty years of each other, we can see the reference on the respective maps as further confirmation of the possibility of a common source. No one person or area of study is capable of embracing the whole field; and cartographers, like workers in other activities, have become more and more specialized with the advantages and disadvantages which this inevitably brings. Nevertheless, reconstructions of maps which are known to have existed, and which have been made a long time after the missing originals, can be of great interest and utility to scholars. It has been shown how these could have appealed to the imagination not only of an educated minority, for whom they sometimes became the subject of careful scholarly commentary, but also of a wider Greek public that was already learning to think about the world in a physical and social sense through the medium of maps.
The relative smallness of the inhabited world, for example, later to be proved by Eratosthenes, had already been dimly envisaged.
The confirmation of the sources of tin (in the ancient Cassiterides or Tin Islands) and amber (in the Baltic) was of primary interest to him, together with new trade routes for these commodities.
Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applications of cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South.
Here, however, though such a unity existed, the discussion is focused primarily on the cartographic contributions of Ptolemy, writing in Greek within the institutions of Roman society. In the history of the transmission of cartographic ideas it is indeed his work, straddling the European Middle Ages, that provides the strongest link in the chain between the knowledge of mapping in the ancient and early modem worlds. Finally, the interpretation of modem scholars has progressively come down on the side of the opinion that Ptolemy or a contemporary probably did make at least some of the maps so clearly specified in his texts. Some types of Roman maps had come to possess standard formats as well as regular scales and established conventions for depicting ground detail.
In the case of the sea charts of the Mediterranean, it is still unresolved whether the earliest portolan [nautical] charts of the 13th century had a classical antecedent. Byzantine institutions, particularly as they developed in Constantinople, facilitated the flow of cartographic knowledge both to and from Western Europe and to the Arab world and beyond.
They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler, they wandered about, without fixed habitations and slept in the abodes to which night drove them.
These islands, the only ones represented, break the frame of the map, perhaps as a burst of patriotism on the part of the scribes. The popularity of this ancient conceit was primarily due to St Augustine, who compared Adama€™s progeny filling the earth and the sons of Noah re-populating the globe. A list map using the T-O form as a symbolic frame for displaying the names of provinces in Asia, Africa and Europe appears in Cotton Vitellius A.XII, fol. But otherwise the mapa€™s geography is vague; it presents much of the earth as a a€?jumblea€? of land and water.
Adam and Eve, the tree and the serpent are shown within an ornate architectural frame, as if to emphasize the uniqueness and splendor of the Garden.
But once he had been assigned this task, the artist seems to have given his fancy free rein. A later version of the Ashkharhatzuytz by the 13th century historian and geographer Vartan Areveltzi is also extant in multiple copies (MS 3119, 4184 and others). Armenian Christianity's ties with the Latin churches were severed in 554 over irreconcilable doctrinal differences.
The city plan in the 16th century MS 1770 also would seem to have been derived from the same common source or tradition.
Similarly the term Land does not denote a territory as such, but is placed wherever there is a significant gap between neighboring toponyms.
The Nile is placed well inside Asia, where a vertical (easta€”west) red line running from close to the eastern Ocean towards the Red Sea bears the legend Ays dzovis anun Nil asen [This Sea is named Nile]. Although the whole representation may be highly schematic, the way that the Aegean Sea is depicted as branching off from the Mediterranean to the west of Jerusalem and the easta€”west alignment of Black Sea, shown at right angles to the northern end of the Aegean near Constantinople, presents a more faithful picture of reality than many other T-O maps.
Then comes Ashkharq Hndkatz [Lands of the Indians], followed well to the southeast by Hndkastan [Hindustan or India].
It was usual for medieval maps, in short, to depict conditions in existence some time before their creation.
The possibilities include those for which specific information is available to the compiler and those that are described or merely referred to in the literature. Some saw in the a€?hill countrya€™ Hebron, a place that had for a long time been a leading Levitical city, while others held that Juda was the Levitical city concerned. The fact that King Sargon of Akkad was making military expeditions westwards from about 2,330 B.C. The whole northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was known to him only by Phoenician reports. If a literal interpretation was followed, the cartographic image of the inhabited world, like that of the universe as a whole, was often misleading; it could create confusion or it could help establish and perpetuate false ideas.
It had been the subject of comment by Plato, while Aristotle had quoted a figure for the circumference of the earth from a€?the mathematiciansa€? at 400,000 stades; he does not explain how he arrived at this figure, which may have been Eudoxusa€™ estimate. It would appear from what is known about Pytheasa€™ journeys and interests that he may have undertaken his voyage to the northern seas partly in order to verify what geometry (or experiments with three dimensional models) have taught him. Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests - so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theories and maps - but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codified by the Greeks. Ptolemy owed much to Roman sources of information and to the extension of geographical knowledge under this growing empire: yet he represents a culmination as well as a final synthesis of the scientific tradition in Greek cartography that has been highlighted in this introduction.
Yet it is perhaps in the importance accorded the map as a permanent record of ownership or rights over property, whether held by the state or by individuals, that Roman large-scale mapping most clearly anticipated the modern world. If they had, one would suppose it to be a map connected with the periploi [sea itineraries].
Our sources point to only a few late glimpses of these transfers, as when Planudes took the lead in Ptolemaic research, for example.
From the middle of the Garden a spring gushes forth to water the whole grove and, dividing up, it provides the source of four rivers [see #205C and Q].
The northern (left) half of the cross bar represented the river Tanais [Don], and the southern (right) half of the cross bar represented the river Nile. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, having lost its leader, and many candidates severalty claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Around the circle of the map the cardinal directions are ostentatiously given in Greek and glossed in Latin: for example, Anathole vel oriens vel eoi, in the east. Like MS 17a€™s image, it gives considerable prominence to the circumambient ocean, as well as to the islands of Britain, Ireland and Thule: its creator seems to have been especially concerned to situate his own region with respect to the extremes of the world, both to the east and to the west. It should also be noted that a second, incomplete copy of this map is found in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 265, p.
It appears in Bedea€™s commentary on Genesis, and is prominently featured in Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram. 29r) in which only the northern temperate zone -- the oikumene or inhabited world -- is treated like a map, while the remainder of the disk is occupied solely by text. From Paradise the four rivers flow out to give life to the earth and to establish a mysterious yet material connection between paradise and the human realm.
Both the earlier and the later versions display the influence of Ptolemy, and as in the case of Ptolemy, no maps accompany these manuscripts. By adding the word Land between the toponyms, the mapmaker has tried to show that although these towns are widely separated and distant from each other, they constitute a chain of cities along a route that can only be the Silk Road.
In the Middle Ages, the designation India was used loosely to refer to the lands east of Persia, Media and the Middle East.
Viewed in its development through time, the map is a sensitive indicator of the changing thought of man, and few of these works seem to reflect such an excellent mirror of culture and civilization. Of a different order, but also of interest, are those maps made in comparatively recent times that are designed to illustrate the geographical ideas of a particular person or group in the past but are suggested by no known maps. Many solutions to this problem were put forward, but it was solved once and for all by the Madaba map, which showed, between Jerusalem and Hebron, a place called Beth Zachari: the house of Zacharias. The paucity of evidence of clearly defined representations of constellations in rock art, which should be easily recognized, seems strange in view of the association of celestial features with religious or cosmological beliefs, though it is understandable if stars were used only for practical matters such as navigation or as the agricultural calendar. The celestial globe had reinforced the belief in a spherical and finite universe such as Aristotle had described; the drawing of a circular horizon, however, from a point of observation, might have perpetuated the idea that the inhabited world was circular, as might also the drawing of a sphere on a flat surface.
Aristotle also believed that only the ocean prevented a passage around the world westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to India. The result was that his observations served not merely to extend geographical knowledge about the places he had visited, but also to lay the foundation for the scientific use of parallels of latitude in the compilation of maps. Many influential Romans both in the Republic and in the early Empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patrons of Greek philosophers and scholars. In this respect, Rome had provided a model for the use of maps that was not to be fully exploited in many parts of the world until the 18th and 19th centuries. But in order to reach an understanding of the historical processes involved in the period, we must examine the broader channels for Christian, humanistic, and scientific ideas rather than a single map, or even the whole corpus of Byzantine cartography. Approach to this place was barred to man after his sin, for now it is hedged about on all sides by a sword-like flame [romphaea flamma], that is to say that it is surrounded by a wall of fire that reaches almost to the sky. Of its constituent troops the Medes, Persians and Armenians having sailed over Into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea. A note to one side says, Maior habet in oriente alexandriam pamphiliam, a reference to Asia Major at the top of the map. Kartago Magna, which could be Cartagena in Spain as Cartago appears elsewhere on the map, is another non-biblical site. It is very close to such contemporary elaborations of the Sallust map as Vatican City, BAV Reg. Insular writers were particularly attracted to this theme, because they associated the conversion of their lands, at the very edge of the known world, with the fulfillment of Christa€™s command to take to Gospel to the ends of the earth. 64, underscores the magnetic attraction of these two ways of listing the inhabitants of the world, and how innovative MS 17 was in fusing them.
In his book, Mansel described Paradise as a wonderful region surpassing all other earthly lands, fit for mana€™s initial perfection, surrounded by a wall of fire and situated on an exceptionally high mountain that reached the sphere of the moon. So here Lands of the Indians most probably refer to the northern and western neighbors of India, such as Persia and its neighboring countries, while Hndkastan denotes India proper. The maps of early man, which pre-date other forms of written communication, were attempts to depict earth distributions graphically in order to better visualize them; like those of primitive peoples, the earliest maps served specific functional or practical needs.
Excavations on this site revealed the foundations of a little church, with a fragment of a mosaic that contained the name a€?Zachariasa€?. What is certainly different is the place and prominence of maps in prehistoric times as compared with historical times, an aspect associated with much wider issues of the social organization, values, and philosophies of two very different types of cultures, the oral and the literate. Later we encounter itineraries, referring either to military or to trading expeditions and provide an indication of the extent of Babylonian geographical knowledge at an early date.
Another of a land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep, might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. There was, however, evidently no consensus between cartographic theorists, and there seems in particular to have been a gap between the acceptance of the most advanced scientific theories and their translation into map form. Viewed in this context, some of the essential cartographic impulses of the 15th century Renaissance in Italy are seen to have been already active in late Byzantine society. Englanda€™s geographic position may have made it especially sensitive to this apocalyptic dimension: the second of two notes on chronology in Oxford Bodleian Library Auct.
The manuscript is dated to the last quarter of the 11th century, and this addition to the second half of the 12th century but the hand of the map bears an extraordinarily close resemblance to that of Scribe A of MS 17, and the palaeographical indicators point to a date closer to 1100.
This fulfillment would be the climax of history, and would usher in the last days; hence the world-maps included in the Apocalypse commentary of Beatus of Liebana were essentially maps illustrating the preaching of the apostles to the gentes descended from Noaha€™s three sons, but expanded to encompass the whole world and the entirety of the world-age (#207).
Its presence in the manuscript raises questions about how such an essentially non-Armenian-style map came to be made by an Armenian, and when, considering that this is the only T-O type map bearing Armenian inscriptions known to exist. Maps were also frequently used purely for decoration; they furnished designs for Gobelins tapestries, were engraved on goblets of gold and silver, tables, and jewel-caskets, and used in frescoes, mosaics, etc. They do not go so far as to record distances, but they do mention the number of nights spent at each place, and sometimes include notes or drawings of localities passed through. He probably had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in winter. The influence of these views on Chinese cartography, however, remained slight, for it revolved around the basic plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the eartha€™s surface. In every part of their body they are lions, and in wings and head are like eagles, and they are fierce enemies of horses. The frame of the map, a double circle, was drawn in drypoint, and at the right and left upper corners of the page are two smaller drypoint circles.
Indeed, mappaemundi have a pronounced historical dimension: they are found in association with chronicles more frequently than in scientific works, and as illustrations of sacred history, they were infused with an allegorical vision of time. It was not until the 18th century, however, that maps were gradually stripped of their artistic decoration and transformed into plain, specialist sources of information based upon measurement. As in Greek and Roman inscriptions, some documents record the boundaries of countries or cities. At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as witness the passage about rivers and mountains from the LA? Shih Chhun Chhiu. 82v, a manuscript contemporary with MS 17, adopts a four-ages scheme somewhat like that found in the dating clause on fol. Hence this world map is a logical addition to a manuscript devoted to the reckoning of time.
Edson tentatively suggests a comparison to the maps of the Holy Land created by the Talmudic scholar Rashi to expound the sacred text; however, MS 17a€™s map does not illustrate a text. 3v, but the fourth age, instead of ending in the annus praesens, runs from the Incarnation ad iter ierusalem, as if this event closed the series of years and ushered in the end times. In fact, the only bodies of water to be named on this map are the rivers Jordan, Euphrates and Tiber. In this respect, MS 17a€™s map is an integral part of a monastic encyclopedia, in which the study of the world and time is itself a serious discipline. The land of Hyrcania, bordering Scythia to the west, has many tribes wandering far afield on account of the unfruitfulness of their lands. XII): the latter is of exceptional interest in that the map shares the page with a schema of the divisions of philosophy not dissimilar to the one on fol. The interpolated Biblical references include the ark of Noah in Armenia, and cities such as Athens and Caesarea that are explicitly connected with the missionary activity of the apostles.



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